LIBRARY  OF  PRlMCETOi^ 


THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 


THE 


ECCLESIASTICAL  AND  POLITICAL 

HISTORY 

OP 

THE     POPES    OF     ROME 

DURING  THE   SIXTEENTH  AND  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURIES. 

BY    LEOPOLD    RANKE, 

PROFESSOR  IN  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  BERLIN. 
TRANSLATED  FROM  THE  GERMAN 

BY    SARAH    AUSTIN. 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES. 
VOL  IL 


PHILADELPHIA: 
LEA     &    BLANC  HARD 

1841. 


T    IC.  &  1'.  G.  Collins,  PaiNXERS. 


CONl'ENTS. 

VOL.  II. 


BOOK  VII.     1590—1630. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Progress  of  the  restoration  of  Catholicism.     1590 — 1617. 

*  Page 

Introduction.        --_-----..  7 

§  1.  Measures  undertaken  for  the  spread  of  Catholicism  in  Poland  and 

the  neighboring  countries.          ......  g 

2.  Attempt  upon  Sweden.          -..----.  ]2 

3.  Designs  on  Russia.      -.-..-..-  21 

4.  Troubles  in  Poland. 22 

5.  Progress  of  the  Counter-Reformation  in  Germany.        -        -        -  26 

6.  Nuntiatura  in  Switzerland.           ----.-.  39 

7.  Regeneration  of  Catholicism  in  France.         -----  41 

CHAPTER  II. 

General  war — Triumphs  of  Catholicism.     1617 — 1623. 

§  1.  Breaking  out  of  the  war.       ........  49 

2.  Gregory  XV. 57 

3.  Bohemia  and  the  herebitary  dominions  of  Austria.          ...  gQ 

4.  The  empire. — Transfer  of  the  electorate.       .....  54 

5.  France. 68 

6.  United  Netherlands.             --.--...  7Q 

7.  State  of  Catholicism  in  England.           ......  71 

8.  Missions.    ---.-----_.  75 

CHAPTER  III. 

Conflicting  political  relations — New  triumphs  of  Catholicism. 

1623—1628. 84 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Mantuan  war. — Thirty-years'  war. 

Revolution  in  the  state  of  things.           -.-..-  99 

§  1.  Mantuan  succession.             -----...  99 

2.  Urban  VIII. -  103 

3.  The  power  of  Ferdinand  II,  in  the  year  1629.       -         -         -         .  109 

4.  Negotiations  with  Sweden.— Electoral  diet  of  Ratisbon.       -         -  112 

5.  Swedish  war. — Situation  and  policy  of  the  Pope.           ...  hq 

6.  Rostoration  of  the  balance  of  the  two  confessions.          ...  120 


IV  CONTENTS. 

BOOK  VIII.     1590—1630. 

Pag» 

Introduction.         .-_.._-.--  129 

§  1.  The  escheat  of  Urbino. ib. 

2.  Increase  of  the  public  debt  of  the  ecclesiastial  states.             -         -  133 

3.  Foundation  of  new  families.         -------  136 

4.  War  of  Castro. 141 

5. Innocent  X.          -----.---.  148 

6.  Alexander  VII  and  Clement  IX. 154 

7.  Elements  of  the  Roman  population.      -         -         -         -         -         -  160 

8.  Public  buildings  erected  by  the  Popes. 165 

9.  Digression  concerning  Queen  Christina  of  Sweden.       -         -         -  170 

10.  Administration  of  church  and  state.      ------  185 

11.  The  Jesuits  in  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century.    -        -        -  196 

12.  TheJansenists, 202 

13.  The  position  of  the  Court  of  Rome  with  relation  to  the  two  parties.  209 

14.  Relation  of  the  Holy  See  to  the  temporal  power.            -         -         -  212 

15.  Transition  to  the  later  epochs  of  the  Papacy.         -         -         -         -  215 

16.  Louis  XIV,  and  Innocent  XI.       -------  217 

17.  The  Spanish  succession.      --------  224 

18.  Altered  state  of  Europe;  internal  agitations;  suppression  of  the  order 

ef  the  Jesuits.          ---------  230 

19.  Joseph  II. 241 

20.  French  revolution.       --.---.-.  242 

21.  The  times  of  Napoleon. 245 

22.  The  restoration. 250 

APPENDIX. 

Section  I. — Period  to  the  Council  of  Trent.     -----  259 

Section  II. — Criticism  of  Sarpi  and  Pallavicini.      -        -        -        -  290 
Section  III — Period  of  the  restoration  of  Catholicism  down  to  the 

reign  of  Sixtus  V.     ---- 305 

Section  IV.— Sixtus  V. -        -  324 

I.  Criticism  of  Leti  and  Tempesti,  the  biographers  of  this  Pope.  ib. 

II.  Manuscripts. --         -         -  329 

Section  V. — Second  epoch  of  the  ecclesiastical  restoration.     -         -  345 

I. — Protestants  in  Naples.             -------  346 

II.— Gregory  XIII,  and  Sixtus  V. 347 

III.  Affairs  of  Ferrara. 348 

IV. — Conclaves  after  the  death  of  Innocent  IX.     -        -        -        -  ib. 

Insertion.     -----------  350 

Section  VI.— Later  Epochs. 414 

Index.             ----- -  467 


BOOK     VII. 

1590—1630. 


VOL.  II. — 2 


4  THI^Q^^^i- 


CHAPTER  I. 

PROGRESS  OF  THE  RESTORATION  OF  CATHOLICISM. 

1590—1617. 


INTRODUCTION. 

It  appears  to  me  that  I  do  not  deceive  myself,  nor  overstep  the 
province  of  the  historian,  if  I  here  pause  a  moment  to  indicate  an 
universal  law  of  social  life,  which  the  period  under  consideration 
naturally  suggests. 

It  is  indisputable  that  the  great  movements  which  stir  society 
from  its  very  foundations,  are  invariably  produced  by  the  workings 
of  the  living  spirit  of  m.an.  The  sense  of  moral  and  intellectual 
want,  which  disposes  men  to  seize  on  new  opinions,  often  lies  for 
centuries  fermenting  in  the  fathomless  depths  of  the  heart  of  society. 
At  length,  in  the  fulness  of  time,  arises  one  of  those  master-spirits, 
endowed  with  the  genius,  energy  and  confidence  which  fit  a  man 
to  wield  these  moral  forces;  to  reveal  to  his  age  the  wants  of  which 
it  had  but  a  dim  and  perplexed  consciousness;  to  interpret  to  it  its 
own  confused  and  half-formed  opinions,  and  to  give  them  shape, 
compactness  and  strength. 

It  is  of  the  very  nature  of  these  moral  forces  to  be  eager  to  carry 
the  world  with  them — to  strive  to  bear  down  all  resistance.  The 
greater  however  their  success,  and  the  wider  the  circle  which  they 
embrace,  the  more  inevitably  do  they  come  in  contact  with  pecu- 
liar and  independent  elements  of  social  existence  which  they  can- 
not completely  subdue  or  absorb.  Hence  it  happens,  that  as  they 
are  of  necessity  in  a  state  of  continual  progress,  they  must  continu- 
ally undergo  change  and  modification.  Th.e  foreign  elements 
which  they  gather  up  in  their  course  and  incorporate  with  them- 
selves, tinge  them  with  their  own  color;  tendencies  are  developed, 
events  take  place,  which  are  not  unfrequently  at  variance  with  the 
predominant  character  of  the  movement.  These  heterogeneous 
elements  necessarily  share  in  the  general  growth  of  the  body  of 
which  they  form  a  part;  the  important  matter  is,  that  they  should 
not  acquire  a  predominance  which  would  completely  destroy  the 


8  PROGRESS  OP  CATHOLICISM  [BOOK  VII. 

unity,  and  change  the  principle,  to  which  it  owes  its  compactness 
and  its  character. 

We  have  seen  how  powerfully  internal  discrepancies  and  pro- 
found contrasts  were  at  work  within  the  bosom  of  reviving  and 
restoring  papacy.  But  the  master-idea  retained  its  victory;  the 
highest  unity  of  Catholicism,  though  not  perhaps  with  its  former 
all-embracing  power,  remained  predominant,  and  advanced  with 
steady  course,  unimpeded  by  moments  of  internal  strife,  from 
which  indeed  it  often  borrowed  fresh  energy  for  new  conquests. 

Its  projects  now  bespeak  our  attention.  What  was  their  success, 
what  the  social  revolutions  they  occasioned,  and  what  the  resistance 
they  encountered  from  within  or  from  without,  are  questions  of  the 
highest  importance  to  the  human  race. 


§    1.    MEASURES    UNDERTAKEN    FOR    THE     SPREAD    OP    CATHOLICISM 
IN  POLAND    AND    THE    NEIGHBORING    COUNTRIES. 

We  have  already  expressed  our  opinion,  that  the  protestants,  who 
for  some  time  had  decidedly  the  ascendency  in  Poland,  would  have 
been  strong  enough  to  raise  a  king  of  their  own  religion  to  the 
throne;  but  that  even  they  ultimately  thought  it  more  advantage- 
ous to  their  interests  to  have  a  catholic  sovereign;  since  in  the  pope 
he  would  be  forced  to  recognise  a  superior  power,  and  a  supreme 
judge.  If  such  were  the  motives  by  which  they  were  guided,  they 
drew  down  upon  themselves  a  severe  punishment  for  this  departure 
from  protestant  principles. 

For  it  was  precisely  by  means  of  a  catholic  king  that  the  pope 
was  enabled  to  wage  war  against  them. 

Besides,  of  all  the  foreign  ministers  in  Poland,  the  papal  nuncio 
alone  had  the  privilege  of  an  audience  of  the  king  without  the 
presence  of  a  senator: — we  know  well  what  sort  of  men  filled  that 
office;  they  were  dexterous  and  prudent  enough  to  foster  and  turn 
to  account  the  confidential  intercourse  which  was  thus  open  to 
them. 

Cardinal  Bolognctto  was  the  nuncio  in  Poland  at  the  beginning 
of  the  year  15S0.  He  complains  of  the  inconveniences  of  the  cli- 
mate, the  cold,  (to  which  an  Italian  was  doubly  susceptible,)  the 
suffocation  of  the  small  heated  rooms,  and  the  mode  of  life,  so 
thoroughly  strange  to  him;  nevertheless  he  accompanied  king 
Stephen  from  Warsaw  to  Cracow,  from  Wilna  to  Lublin — through- 
out the  kingdom ;  sometimes  indeed  in  rather  a  melancholy  mood,  but 
not  the  less  indefatigable:  during  the  campaigns  he  kept  up  a  con- 
stant correspondence  with  Stephen,  and  maintained  an  unbroken 
connection  between  the  interests  of  Rome  and  the  person  of  the 
king. 

We  have  a  detailed  account  of  the  manner  in  which  he  performed 


CH.  I.  §  I.]  IN  POLAND.  9 

his  office,  and  by  this  we  are  made  acquainted  with  the  nature  of 
his  undertakings  and  the  measure  of  his  success.* 

Above  all  things  he  impressed  upon  the  king  the  necessity  of  fill- 
ing the  government  offices  exclusively  with  catholics:  of  tolerating 
the  catholic  mode  of  worship  alone  in  the  royal  towns,  and  of  re- 
establishing tithes;  measures  which,  about  this  same  time,  were 
taken  in  other  countries,  and  which  were  either  the  causes  or  the 
signs  of  the  revival  of  Catholicism. 

He  did  not  now  succeed  in  his  attempt;  king  Stephen  did  not 
think  he  could  venture  so  far,  and  declared  that  he  was  not  yet 
sufficiently  powerful. 

Nevertheless,  this  prince  had  not  only  catholic  convictions,  but 
an  innate  zoal  for  the  interests  of  the  church;  on  many  other  points 
he  gave  in  to  the  representations  of  the  nuncio.  The  Jesuit  colleges 
in  Cracow,  Grodno,  and  Pultusk  were  established  by  the  immediate 
bounty  of  the  king;  the  new  calendar  was  introduced  without  diffi- 
culty, and  the  greater  portion  of  the  decrees  of  the  council  of  Trent 
put  in  execution.  But  the  most  important  point  was  the  king's 
determination  to  confer  the  bishoprics  in  future  only  on  catholics,  t 
Protestants  had  possessed  themselves  of  the  highest  as  well  as  the 
subordinate  ecclesiastical  dignities;  the  nuncio  was  now  empowered 
to  summon  them  before  his  tribunal,  and  to  depose  them;  a  matter 
of  the  greatest  importance,  since  a  seat  and  voice  in  the  senate 
were  attached  to  the  episcopal  office.  It  was  this  very  political 
character  of  the  ecclesiastical  institutions  of  Poland  which  the 
nuncio  chiefly  sought  to  turn  to  account.  He  most  earnestly  en- 
joined the  bishops  to  unanimity  in  their  measures  at  the  diet,  and 
these  measures  he  prescribed  to  them;  with  the  most  powerful, 
namely,  the  archbishop  of  Gnesen  and  the  bishop  of  Cracow,  he 
had  personally  formed  a  strict  friendship  which  was  extremely  ad- 
vantageous to  him;  and  he  thus  succeeded  not  only  in  inspiring  the 
clergy  with  renovated  zeal,  but  acquired  a  great  influence  in  tem- 
poral matters.  The  English  had  proposed  a  commercial  treaty 
with  the  Poles,  which  promised  to  be  very  advantageous,  especially 
to  Dantzic;  the  nuncio  alone  prevented  its  conclusion,  chiefly  be- 
cause the  English  required  the  most  distinct  promise  that  they 
should  be  allowed  to  trade  in  peace,  without  molestation  on  ac- 
count of  their  religion.^ 

*  Spannocchi,  Relatione  all'  111"''  Rev™°  Cardinal  Rusticucci,  segretario  di 
N.  S.  Papa  Sisto  V,  delle  cose  di  Polonia  intorno  alia  religione  e  delle  azioni 
del  cardinal  Bolognetto  in  quattro  anni  ch'egli  e  stato  nunzio  in  quella  provincia. 

f  "  Sendosi  (il  re)  determinate  che  nessuno  possa  tenere  chiese  die  non  sia 
della  vera  fede  romana."     (Spannocchi.) 

X  Spannocchi,  "11  che  non  prima  venne  agli  orecchj  del  Bolognetto,  che  ando 
a  trovare  S.  M'%  e  con  efficacissime  ragioni  mostro  quanto  esorbitante  cosa  sar- 
ebbe  stata  che  avesse  concesso  per  publico  decreto  vma  tanto  obbrobriosa  setta, 
e  come  non  senza  nascosto  inganno  e  speranza  d'importantissime  conseguenze 
quella  scellerata  donna  voleva  che  si  dichiarasse  cosi  per  decreto  potersi  esercitar 
la  setta  Anglicana  in  quel  regno,  dove  tutto  il  mondo  pur  troppo  sa  che  si  per- 

2* 


10  PROGRESS  OP  CATHOLICISM  [BOOK  VII. 

In  short,  whatever  might  be  the  moderation  of  king  Stephen's 
proceedings,  it  is  certain  that  cathoUcism  first  materially  regained 
its  ascendency  under  him. 

But  this  change  acquired  a  higher  degree  of  importance  from  the 
fact  that  the  most  powerful  party  in  Poland,  that  of  the  Zamoskies, 
to  whom,  chiefly  by  the  favor  of  the  king,  the  highest  offices  of  the 
state  were  entrusted,  now  also  assumed  a  catholic  complexion;* 
and  it  was  this  faction  which,  after  the  death  of  Stephen,  decided 
the  election  of  his  successor.  The  Zamoskies  placed  upon  the 
throne  that  Swedish  prince  whom  Catherina  Jagellonica  bore  in 
prison;  and  who  from  his  earliest  years,  either  from  original  incli- 
nation, or  from  the  influence  of  his  mother,  or  perhaps  from  a  hope 
of  succeeding  to  the  Polish  crown,  or  from  a  combination  of  all  these 
motives,  had  remained  immovably  firm  in  the  catholic  faith,  in  the 
midst  of  a  protestant  country.  The  character  of  mind  and  opinions 
of  Sigismund  III  were  entirely  moulded  by  those  catholic  impulses 
which  at  that  period  agitated  all  Europe. 

Pope  Clement  VIII  says,  in  one  of  his  instructions,  that  he  had, 
while  he  was  yet  cardinal  and  legate  in  Poland,  advised  that  prince 
to  distribute  all  public  appointments  in  future  exclusively  to  catho- 
lics. This  advice  had  already  been  often  given,  by  Paul  IV,  by 
cardinal  Hosius,t  and  also  by  Bolognetto;  but  now  for  the  first  time 
it  found  a  soil  fitted  to  receive  it.  A  measure,  which  neither  Sigis- 
mund Augustus,  nor  Stephen  could  be  prevailed  upon  to  adopt, 
Sigismund  III  showed  a  ready  determination  to  carry  through. 
He  established  it  as  a  principle  to  promote  only  catholics,  and  pope 
Clement  had  perfect  reason  to  ascribe  the  progress  of  cathoUcism  in 
Poland  to  this  measure  above  all  others. 

The  highest  attribute  of  the  kingly  power  in  Poland  consisted  in 
the  distribution  of  the  great  public  offices  and  dignities.  All  ap- 
pointments, whether  temporal  or  spiritual,  great  or  small,  (and  they 
were  said  to  amount  to  nearly  twenty  thousand,)  were  in  the  gift 
of  the  king.  It  is  obvious  what  an  effect  must  have  been  produ- 
ced by  Sigismund's  resolution  to  fill  not  only  ecclesiastical  but  all 
offices  whatsoever  with  catholics;  to  extend  the  "beneficence  of 
the  state,"  as  the  Italians  once  expressed  it,  the  full  rights  of  citizen- 
ship in  the  highest  sense  of  the  word,  to  his  co-religionists  alone. 
A  man's  success  in  life  depended  mainly  on  his  skill  in  ingratiating 

metta  il  credere  in  materia  di  religione  quel  che  piace  a  chi  si  sia:  con  queste  ed 
altre  efRcacissime  ragioni  il  re  Stefano  rimase  talmente  persuaso  che  promesse 
non  voler  mai  far  menzione  alcuna  di  religione,  in  qualunque  accordo  avesse  fatto 
con  quella  regina  o  suoi  mercanti." 

*  Spannocchi:  "Alle  dignita  senatorie  et  all' entrate  del  regno  diconi  hoggi 
non  ammetlersi  se  non  i  depeiidenti  da  esso  cancelliero,  accio  che  da  nissuno 
venga  impedito  di  far  quello  che  ad  esso  ed  al  re  piii  tornea  di  piacere  di  fare." 

I  In  a  letter  dated  14th  of  March,  1568,  he  begs  the  king  to  declare  "  nullis  se 
deincepsvel  honores  vel  prsefecturas  vel  quajcunque  tandem  alia  munera  publice 
mandaturuni  nisi  qui  Christum  aperte  confessus  fuerit  et  omni  perfidiae  sive  Luthe- 
risticas  sive  Calvinisticaj  sive  anabaptistarum  nuntium  remiserit." 


CH.  I.  §  I.]  IN  POLAND.  11 

himself  with  the  bishops  and  the  Jesuits.  The  Starost  Liidwig  of 
Mortangen  was  created  Woivode  of  Pomerellia,  chiefly  because  he 
presented  his  house  in  Thorn  to  the  company  of  Jesus.  In  conse- 
quence of  this  a  feud  arose  between  the  cities  and  the  nobles  in  the 
Polish-prussian  provinces,  which  assumed  a  religious  complexion. 
Both  parties  had  originally  embraced  protestantism,  but  the  nobles 
now  returned  to  their  ancient  faith.  The  example  of  the  houses  of 
Kostka,  Dzialinsky  and  Konopat,  which  rose  to  power  by  abjuring 
protestantism,  exercised  the  strongest  influence  upon  others.  The 
Jesuits'  schools  were  chiefly  attended  by  the  young  nobility;  and  we 
soon  find  that  quarrels  arose  between  the  scholars  of  the  Jesuits  and 
the  citizens'  sons  in  those  towns  which  still  remained  prolestant. 
The  revived  spirit  of  Catholicism  was  chiefly  displayed  amongst  the 
nobility.  The  college  at  Pultusk  contained  four  hundred  pupils,  all 
noble.*  The  general  impulse  originating  in  the  spirit  of  the  times, 
the  instruction  given  by  the  Jesuits,  the  newly  awakened  zeal  which 
animated  the  whole  body  of  the  clergy,  and  the  favor  of  the  court, 
all  conspired  to  dispose  the  Polish  nobility  towards  a  return  to 
Catholicism. 

It  naturally  followed  tliat,  encouraged  by  success,  the  govern- 
ment soon  took  stronger  measures,  and  that  those  who  did  not 
recant,  were  made  to  feel  its  displeasure. 

The  Catholic  clergy  of  Poland  m'gently  renewed  a  claim  for- 
merly set  up;  viz:  that  all  ecclesiastical  buildings  which  had  been 
founded  by  the  faithful,  at  the  suggestion  or  with  the  co-operation 
of  bishops  and  frequently  of  popes,  were  the  unalienable  property 
of  their  church.  In  all  places  where  the  Catholic  service  had  been 
excluded  from  the  parish  churches,  the  bishops  resorted  to  legal 
proceedings  founded  upon  that  claim.  The  courts  of  law  were 
now  filled  with  zealous  catholics;  and,  as  might  be  anticipated,  the 
same  suits  were  instituted  and  the  same  judgments  obtained,  in 
one  town  after  another.  It  was  of  no  avail  that  the  sufferers  ap- 
pealed to  the  king  and  reminded  liim  of  that  confederation,  by  the 
terms  of  which  equal  protection  had  been  promised  to  both  confes- 
sions; he  replied,  that  the  very  meaning  of  equal  protection  was, 
that  each  party  should  be  assisted  to  regain  its  own  rights,  and  that 
the  confederation  contained  no  clause  securing  the  ecclesiastical 
buildings  to  the  protestants.t  In  a  few  years  the  catholics  regained 
possession  of  all  the  parish  churches  in  the  towns:  "  In  the  parish 
churches,"  exclaims  a  Polish  writer,  "  the  ancient  God  is  worship- 
ped;" in  the  smaller  towns  of  Russian-Poland  the  Lutheran  service 
was  performed  in  a  room  of  the  town-hall;  among  the  larger, 
Dantzig  alone  retained  its  parish  church.  J 

*  MafFei,  ii,  140. 

f  The  circumstantial  letter  of  tlie  Waiwode  of  Culm,  translated  by  Leng- 
nich,  Polnisch-preussische  Gescliichte,  vol.  iv,  p.  291,  particularly  details 
these  motives. 

X  Lengnich,  Nachricht  von  der  Religions  oinderung  in  Preussen,  §  27. 


12  ATTEMPT  UPON  SWEDEN.  [bOOZ  VII. 

Elated  by  the  success  which  had  crowned  their  efforts,  the 
catholics  were  no  longer  contented  with  their  triumphs  over  the 
protestants,  but  turned  their  eyes  to  the  Greek  schismatics. 

On  this  point  too,  the  king  and  the  pope  united  their  influence; 
and  it  appears  thai  the  threat  of  exclusion  from  a  seat  and  a  vote 
in  the  senate  had  great  effect  on  the  Greek  bishops,  some  of  whom, 
including  Wladika  of  Wladimir,  accordingly  determined,  in  the 
year  1595,  to  join  the  Romish  church  according  to  the  standard 
fixed  by  the  council  of  Florence.  Their  delegates  proceeded  to 
Rome;  papal  and  royal  commissioners  appeared  in  the  province; 
the  ceremony  of  reconciliation  with  the  church,  at  which  a  Jesuit, 
the  Idng's  confessor,  preached  a  sermon  full  of  zeal  and  enthu- 
siasm, was  performed;  and  in  this  part  of  the  Polish  dominions  also, 
churches  were  restored  to  the  catholics. 

This  was  an  immense  advance  in  so  few  years.  "  But  shortly 
before,"  says  a  papal  nuncio  in  the"  year  1598,  "it  appeared  as  if 
heresy  would  completely  supersede  Catholicism  in  Poland;  now, 
Catholicism  bears  heresy  to  its  tomb."  Our  inquiries  into  the 
causes  of  this  revolution  lead  us  to  attribute  it  principally  to  the 
personal  character  and  disposition  of  the  king;  and  these,  from  his 
peculiar  position,  rapidly  led  him  to  far  more  extensive  projects. 


§  2.    ATTEMPT  UPON  SWEDEN. 

By  the  death  of  his  father  John,  in  the  year  1592,  Sigismund 
became  king  of  Sweden. 

This  monarchy  was  not  indeed  an  absolute  one,  nor  was  Sigis- 
mund unfettered  by  personal  pledges — for  in  the  year  1587  he  had 
signed  a  solemn  engagement  not  only  to  alter  nothing  in  the  cere- 
monies of  the  church,  but  even  to  promote  none  but  protestants. 
He  now  pledged  himself  anew,  to  maintain  the  privileges  of  the 
clergy  as  well  as  of  the  laity;  neither  to  love  nor  hate  any  one  on 
account  of  his  religion,  nor  in  any  manner  to  endeavor  to  prejudice 
the  church  of  the  country.  Yet  in  spite  of  these  securities,  all  the 
hopes  of  the  catholics  and  all  the  fears  of  the  protestants  were  in- 
stantly excited. 

The  earnest  wish  of  the  catholics  to  have  a  king  of  their  own 
faith  in  Sweden  was  now  granted  them.  Surrounded  by  a  catho- 
lic retinue  which  even  included  a  papal  nuncio,  Malaspina,  Sigis- 
mund made  his  entry  into  his  hereditary  dominions  in  July,  1593. 
Already  had  his  progress  through  the  Prussian  provinces  been 
marked  by  the  advancement  of  Catholicism:  Bartholomeus  Pow- 
smsky,  a  papal  envoy,  hastened  to  meet  him  at  Dantzig,  with  a 
present  of  20,000  scudi,  "a  small  contribution,"  as  it  was  called  in 
his  instructions,  "  towards  the  expenses  which  would  attend  the 
re-establishment  of  Catholicism." 


CH.  r.  §  II.]  ATTEMPT  UPON  SWEDEN.  13 

These  instructions  are  very  remarkable,  as  showing  with  what 
confidence  this  re-estabUshment  was  hoped  for  and  recommended 
in  Rome.* 

"  Powsinsky,"  they  state,  "  a  confidential  servant  of  his  holiness 
and  vassal  of  your  majesty,  has  been  commissioned  to  eijyjress  to 
your  majesty  the  interest  taken  by  the  pope  in  the  joyful  events 
which  have  lately  occurred  to  you;  the  safe  delivery  of  your  wife, 
the  happy  issue  of  the  last  diet,  but  above  all,  the  greatest  felicity 
which  could  have  befallen  you,namely,the  opportunity  now  afforded 
you  to  re-establish  Catholicism  in  your  hereditary  dominions."  The 
pope  failed  not  to  indicate  some  new  pohits  of  view  under  which 
this  v/ork  might  be  regarded. 

"Without  doubt  it  was  through  God's  special  providence,"  he 
adds;  "  that  several  sees  were  at  that  moment  vacant — among 
others  the  archbishopric  of  Upsal.t  Should  the  king  delay  for  a 
moment  to  remove  the  protestant  bishops  still  remaining  in  the 
country,  he  would  assuredly  at  any  rate  fill  the  vacant  benefices 
with  orthodox  believers."  The  envoy  was  furnished  with  a  list 
of  Swedish  catholics  who  appeared  qualified  for  those  offices.  The 
pope  expressed  his  conviction  that  these  bishops  would  immediately 
endeavor  to  secure  the  services  of  catholic  priests  and  schoolmas- 
ters.    It  must  be  the  king's  care  to  put  it  in  their  power  to  do  so. 

"It  mght  perhaps  be  possible,"  he  adds,  "immediately  to  found 
a  Jesuits'  college  in  Stockholm;  but  if  this  could  not  be  effected,  the 
king  might  certainly  take  with  him  into  Poland  as  many  young 
Swedes  of  good  capacity  as  he  could  find,  and  have  them  educated 
at  his  court  in  the  catholic  faith  by  some  of  the  most  zealous  bishops, 
or  in  the  Polish  Jesuits'  colleges." 

The  pope's  first  object  here,  as  elsewhere,  was  to  reduce  the  clergy 
once  more  to  obedience;  but  the  nuncio  had  another  project  in  view, 
viz.  to  instigate  the  catholics  who  still  remained  in  Sweden,  to  in- 
stitute legal  proceedings  against  the  protestants;  for  the  king  would 
then  occupy  the  position  of  judge  over  both  parties,  and  every  ar- 
bitrary change  would  assume  the  appearance  of  a  legal  decision. f 
He  was  only  sorry  that  Sigismund  had  not  brought  with  him  a 
stronger  armed  force  to  give  eflfect  to  his  edicts. 

There  is  however  no  proof  that  the  king  had  fully  adopted  the 
views  of  the  Roman  court;  judging  from  his  own  declarations,  it 

*  Instruttione  al  Sr.  Bartolommeo  Powsinsky  alia  M"  del  re  di  Polonia  e 
Suetia.     (MS.  Rom.) 

"I"  "  Intendendosi  restar  vacante  I'arcivescovato  di  Upsalia,  che  la  divina  pro- 
videnza  per  piu  faciiitare  le  cose  del  suo  servitio  non  ha  permesso  che  in  due 
anni  sia  stato  proveduto  dal  re  morto,  havera  S.  M'*  particulare  pensiere  a  pig- 
liare  iin  arcivescovo  caUolico." 

t-  Ragguaglio  dell'  aiidata  del  Re  di  Polonia  in  Suetia.  (MS.  Rom.)  "  Erano 
tuttavia  nel  regno  alcune  reliquie  de'  cattolici:  et  il  nuntio  seguendo  la  forma  gia 
tenuta  da  CI.  Madruzzo,  per  fortificar  1'  autorita  dell'  imperatore,  cercava  di 
costituire  il  re  giudice  tra  li  cattolici  e  gli  heretici  di  Suetia,  inducendo  quelli  a 
querelarsi  appresso  il  re  dell'  insolenza  e  delle  ingiurie  di  questi." 


14  ATTEMPT  UPON  SWEDEN.  [BOOK  VII. 

would  appear  that  his  intentions  at  first  were  only  to  procure  for 
the  catholics  some  few  immunities,  and  that  he  did  not  contemplate 
the  overthrow  of  the  protestant  constitution.  But  would  it  be  in 
his  power  to  restraui  the  fanatical  impulses  which  actuated  his 
court,  and  the  representatives  of  which  were  in  his  train?  Was  it 
to  be  believed  that  he  could  stop  at  that  precise  point,  when  he 
should  have  reached  it? 

The  protestants  were  not  disposed  to  abide  the  trial.  The  views 
which  were  cherished  by  the  one  party  called  forth  from  the  other 
an  instant  and  almost  unconscious  opposition. 

Immediately  after  the  death  of  John,  the  Swedish  councillors  of 
state — names  illustrious  both  in  the  earlier  and  later  history  of 
Sweden:  Gyllenstiern,  Bielke,  Baner,  Sparre,  Oxenstiern — united 
themselves  to  the  brother  of  the  late  and  uncle  of  the  present  king, 
another  of  the  sons  of  Gustavus  Vasa,  the  zealously  protestant  Duke 
Charles;  "agreed  to  recognise  him,  in  the  absence  of  his  nephew, 
as  governor  of  the  kingdom,  and  promised  him  obedience  in  all 
things  that  he  should  do  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Augsburg  con- 
fession in  Sweden."  In  furtherance  of  this  object  a  council  was 
held  at  Upsal  in  March,  1593.  The  Augsburg  confession  of  faith 
was  here  proclaimed  afresh,  the  liturgy  of  king  John  condemned, 
and  everything  in  the  existing  ritual  which  retained  a  trace  of 
catholic  ceremonies,  altered;  the  rite  of  exorcism  was  retained,  but 
in  a  milder  form,  and  for  the  sake  of  its  moral  significance;*  and  a 
declaration  was  drawn  up,  that  no  heresy,  whether  popish  or  Cal- 
vinistic  would  be  tolerated  in  the  country,!  In  the  same  spirit  ap- 
pointments were  made  to  public  offices.  Many  former  defenders 
of  the  liturgy  now  renounced  it;  but  this  abjuration  did  not  in  all 
cases  avail  to  protect  those  who  made  it  from  dismissal.  The  va- 
cant dioceses,  upon  the  filling  up  of  which  such  magnificent  schemes 
had  been  founded  in  Rome,  were  bestowed  upon  Lutherans;  the 
archbishopric  of  Upsal  upon  M.  Abraham  Angermannus,  the  most 
vehement  opponent  of  the  liturgy.  The  clergy,  by  an  immense 
majority,  placed  at  their  head  the  most  strenuous  Lutheran  they 
could  find;  he  had  two  hundred  and  forty-three,  and  his  next  com- 
petitor only  thirty-eight  votes. 

Up  to  the  latter  years  of  king  John's  reign  a  moderate  party,  not 
so  directly  opposed  to  papacy  as  the  protestants  in  other  countries, 


*  For  we  are  not  to  be  believe  with  Messenius,  that  it  was  done  away  with. 
The  words  "  Faar  bar  uth"  were  merely  changed  for  the  words  "  Wick  har  ifra;" 
and  the  reply  made  to  Duke  Charles,  who  required  that  the  forms  of  exor- 
cism should  be  entirely  abolished,  was,  "retinendum  esse  exorcismum  tanquam 
liberam  ceremoniam  propter  utilem  commonefactionem  ad  auditorium  et  baptism! 
spectatores  permanantem;"  a  view  of  the  case  to  which  the  duke  assented.  Baaz, 
Inventarium,  iv,  x,  525.  In  Baaz  may  be  found  the  documents,  in  general 
tolerably  complete. 

f  "  Concilium  dofinit,"  it  further  says,  "  ne  heereticis  advenientibusdetur  locus 
publico  conveniendi." 


CH.  I.  §  II.]  ATTEMPT  UPON  SWEDEN.  15 

had  existed,  and  by  their  aid  Sigismund  might  easily  have  brought 
about  a  change  such  as  the  cathoUcs  wished;  but  now  the  extreme 
party  had  been  beforehand  with  them,  and  protestantism  had 
estabhshed  itself  more  firmly  than  ever. 

Even  the  royal  prerogatives  of  Sigismund  were  not  spared.  He 
was  no  longer  considered  as  the  true  and  legitimate  king,  but  rather 
as  a  foreigner  possessing  a  claim  to  the  throne;  an  apostate,  who 
must  be  jealously  watched  as  dangerous  to  religion.  The  grc'et 
majority  of  the  nation,  unanimous  in  their  protestant  convictions, 
joined  duke  Charles. 

The  king  was  well  aware  of  his  isolated  position  on  his  arrival. 
He  could  do  nothing,  and  only  endeavored  to  evade  the  demands 
made  upon  him. 

But  while  he  awaited  in  silence  what  time  would  produce,  the 
hostile  creeds,  which  had  never  yet  stood  in  such  direct  opposition 
in  Sweden,  came  into  open  collision.  The  Lutheran  preachers 
broke  out  into  invectives  against  the  papists,  and  the  Jesuits  who 
preached  in  the  court  chapel  were  not  slow  in  answering  them. 
The  catholics  in  the  king's  suit  took  possession  of  a  Lutheran 
church  on  occasion  of  a  burial,  after  which  the  protestants  held  it 
necessary  for  some  time  to  abstain  'from  using  their  desecrated 
sanctuary.  These  hostile  demonstrations  soon  led  to  acts  of  vio- 
lence; the  heiduks  had  recourse  to  force  to  obtain  possession  of  a 
pulpit  which  was  shut,  and  the  nuncio  was  accused  of  having 
ordered  stones  to  be  thrown  from  the  windows  of  his  house  upon 
some  young  protestant  choristers;  in  short,  the  mutual  exasperation 
increased  every  moment. 

At  length  the  court  proceeded  to  Upsal  to  celebrate  the  corona- 
tion. The  Swedes  demanded  above  all  things  the  confirmation  of 
the  decrees  of  their  council.  The  king  resisted,  declaring  that  he 
desired  only  toleration  for  the  catholics;  indeed  he  would  have  been 
contented,  had  he  been  permitted  to  entertain  a  hope  of  having 
power  to  grant  this  at  some  future  time.  But  the  Swedish  pro- 
testants were  inflexible.  It  is  said,  that  the  king's  own  sister*  told 
them,  that  it  was  his  nature  to  make  a  long  and  obstinate  resistance, 
but  at  length  to  yield;  and  that  she  impressed  on  them  the  necessity 
of  reiterating  their  attacks  upon  him.  They  demanded  absolutely 
that  in  all  parts  of  the  kingdom  the  doctrines  of  the  Augsburg  confes- 
sion should  be  taught  purely  and  exclusively  in  the  churches  and 
schools.!  At  their  head  stood  Duke  Charles.  The  position  which 
he  occupied  gave  him  an  independence  and  a  power  such  as  he 
could  never  have  hoped  to  attain;  and,  by  inevitable  consequence, 
his  personal  intercourse  with  the  king  daily  became  more  disagree- 

*  The  Ragguaglio  calls  her  "  ostinatissima  eretica." 

I  Messenius,  vii,  19:  "Absolute  urgebant  ut  confessio  Augustana  qualis  sub 
ultimo  Gustavi  regimine  et  primi  Johannis  in  patria  viguisset,  talis  in  posterum 
unica  sola  et  ubic[ue  tam  in  ecclesiis  quam  in  scholis  perpetuo  floreret." 


16  ATTEMPT  UPON  SWEDEN.  [BOOK  VII. 

able  and  bitter.  The  king  was,  as  we  have  seen,  almost  without 
an  armed  force,  while  the  duke  assembled  several  thousand  men  on 
his  own  domains  around  the  town.  At  last  the  Estates  plainly- 
declared  to  the  king,  that  they  would  not  do  homage  to  him  if  he 
refused  to  comply  with  their  demands.* 

The  unfortunate  prince  felt  all  the  painful  embarrassment  of  his 
situation.  He  could  not  yield  without  violence  to  his  conscience; 
he  could  not  refuse  without  the  loss  of  a  throne. 

In  this  perplexity  he  first  asked  the  nuncio  whether  he  might  not 
give  way;  but  no  arguments  could  induce  Malaspina  to  sanction 
such  a  course. 

The  king  next  addressed  himself  to  the  Jesuits  in  his  suite;  they 
took  upon  themselves  a  responsibility  which  the  nuncio  had  not 
dared  to  accept.  They  declared  that,  in  consideration  of  the  neces- 
sity of  the  case,  and  of  the  undeniable  and  imminent  danger  in 
which  the  king  was  placed,  he  might  comply  with  the  demands  of 
the  heretics,  without  offending  God.  The  king  was  not  satisfied 
until  he  held  in  liis  hands  their  decision  in  writing.  Under  the 
shelter  of  this  authority  he  proceeded  to  grant  the  demands  of  his 
subjects;  he  confirmed  the  decrees  of  Upsal,  the  exclusive  exercise 
of  religion  as  prescribed  by  the  genuine  unaltered  Augsburg  con- 
fession, without  the  smallest  admixture  of  foreign  doctrine,  in 
church  or  school;  and  promised  that  none  should  be  employed  in 
the  public  service  who  were  not  prepared  to  defend  that  confession.t 
He  recognised  the  appointments  of  the  prelates  who  had  been 
nominated  to  their  sees  in  opposition  to  his  will. 

But  could  his  catholic  heart  find  peace  in  such  a  state  of  things? 
Could  his  Romanist  court  content  itself  with  a  result  which  it  must 
so  thoroughly  condemn?  It  would  have  been  most  unreasonable 
to  expect  it. 

They  had  recourse  to  the  expedient  so  often  employed  in  similar 
cases;  they  protested.  "The  nuncio,"  says  the  report  of  the  trans- 
action sent  to  Rome,  in  the  words  of  which  I  can  best  relate  this 
occurrence,  "  was  most  zealously  employed  in  devising  some  mode 
of  escape  from  the  irregularity  which  had  taken  place.  He  suc- 
ceeded in  inducing  the  king,  for  the  safety  of  his  conscience,  to 
make  a  written  protest,  in  which  he  declared  that  what  he  had 
conceded  had  been  wrung  from  him  by  force  and  against  his  will. 
The  nuncio  further  prevailed  on  the  king  to  make  corresponding 
concessions  to  the  catholics,  that  so  he  might  be  pledged  to  both 

*  Supplicatio  ordinum:  "  Quodsi  cl.  rex  denegaverit  snbditis  regiam  approba- 
tionem  horum  postulalorum,  inhibent  nostri  fralres  domi  reraanentes  publicum 
homagium  esse  S.  R.  M.  praestandum." 

t  The  words  however  run  so,  that  they  leave  open  a  chance  of  evasion.  "Ad 
officia  publica  nulli  promovebuntur  in  patria  qui  religionem  evangelicam  nolunt 
salvam,  quin  polius  qui  earn  serio  defendere  volunt  publicis  officiis  prieficiantur." 
(Generalis  confirmatio  postulatorum  regis  Sigismundi,  in  Baaz,  537.) 


CH.  I.  §  II.]  Attempt  upon  svveden.  17 

parties  in  Sweden  as  well  as  in  Poland,  in  like  manner  as  the  em- 
peror of  Germany.     With  this  the  king  was  satisfied."* 

This  is  a  most  curious  device;  one  protest  was  not  enough;  so 
in  order  in  some  degree  to  get  rid  of  an  obligation  formally  incurred 
by  oath  to  the  one  party,  the  king  took  an  oath  of  directly  contrary 
tendency  to  the  other.  Thus,  being  equally  pledged  to  both  par- 
ties, he  would  be  compelled  to  bestow  equal  justice. 

The  Swedes  were  astonished  that  the  king,  after  such  solemn 
promises,  should  yet  grant  the  catholics  a  protection  which  he  took 
little  trouble  to  conceal.  His  conduct  doubtless  arose  from  this 
secret  pledge.  "  Even  before  his  departure,"  continues  our  infor- 
mant with  complacency,  "  the  king  conferred  offices  and  dignities 
upon  true  catholics.  He  made  four  governors,  though  heretics, 
swear  to  protect  the  catholics  and  their  religion,  and  re-established 
in  four  places  the  exercise  of  the  catholic  service." 

These  were  measures  which  might  appease  the  unquiet  con- 
science of  a  bigoted  prince,  but  which  could  have  no  other  than  a 
mischievous  influence  upon  the  aff'airs  of  the  country;  for  the  con- 
stant irritation  in  which  they  kept  the  Estates  of  Sweden,  strength- 
ened and  exasperated  tlieir  hostility  to  the  court. 

The  clergy  reformed  their  schools  in  the  strictest  Lutheran  spirit, 
and  directed  a  special  thanksgiving  for  the  maintenance  of  the  true 
religion  "against  the  devices  and  stratagems  of  the  Jesuits;"  in  the 
year  1595  a  resolution  was  passed  at  the  diet  of  Sudercoping,  that 
all  exercise  of  the  catholic  rites,  wheresoever  the  king  might  have 
established  them,  was  again  to  be  prohibited.  "  We  unanimously 
resolve,"  is  the  expression  of  the  estates,  "  that  all  sectaries  hostile 
to  the  Lutheran  religion,  who  have  established  themselves  in  this 
country,  shall  quit  the  kingdom  within  six  weeks;"!  and  these  re- 
solutions were  carried  into  eflect  with  the  utmost  rigor.  The  con- 
vent of  Wadstena,  which  had  existed  for  two  hundred  and  eleven 

*  Relatione  dello  stato  spirituals  e  politico  del  Regno  di  Suezia  1598. 
"  Mando  alcuni  senatori  Polacchi  a  darle  parte  dello  stato  delle  cose  in  le  sue 
circostanze  e  conseguenze,  e  detti  patri  dicliiararono  che  presupposto  la  neces- 
sita  e  pericolo  net  quale  era  costituita  la  M'^"  S.  la  potesse  senza  offender  Dio 
concedere  alii  heretici  cio  che  ricercavano,  e  la  M'*  S.  per  sua  giustificazione  ne 

voile  uno  scritto  da  detti  patri Hora  fatta  la  coronatione  e  concessione 

pose  ogni  studio  il  nunzio  per  appllcare  qualche  rimedio  al  disordine  seguito, 
ends  opero  per  sicurezza  delta  coscienza  di  S.  M'  cii'  ella  facesse  una  protesta 
in  scritto,  come  ella  non  con  la  volonta  sua  ma  per  pura  forza  si  era  iiidotto  a 
concedere  cio  che  haveva  concesso;  e  persuase  al  s"""  re  che  concedesse  da  parte 
agli  cattolici  altrettanto  quanto  haveva  conceduto  alii  heretici,  di  modo  che  a 
guisa  dell'  imperatore  e  del  re  di  Polonio  restasse  la  M'  S.  giurata  utrique  parti. 
S.  M.  si  contento  di  farlo,  et  immediatamente  mise  in  esecuzione  le  dette  conces- 
sioni:  perche  avanti  la  sua  partenza  diede  ufficij  e  dignita  a  cattolici,  e  lascio  in 
quattro  luoghi  V  esercitio  delta  religione  e  fece  giurare  a  quattro  governatori,  se 
ben  erano  heretici,  quali  lascio  net  regno,  che  haverebbero  protetto  la  religione  e 
li  cattolici." 

f  Acta  ecclesia;  in  conventu  Sudercop.  in  Baaz,  567. 
VOL.  II. — 3 


18  ATTEMPT  UPON  SWEDEN.  [BOOK  VII. 

years,  and  had  remained  uninjured  through  so  many  convulsions, 
was  now  dissolved  and  destroyed. 

Angermannus  held  an  ecclesiastical  visitation,  which  had  never 
been  equalled  for  searching  rigor;  those  who  neglected  the  Lutheran 
churches  were  punished  with  stripes,  the  archbishop  having  with 
him  several  robust  young  students,  who  carried  the  punishment  into 
execution  under  his  own  eyes.  The  altars  of  the  saints  were  destroy- 
ed, their  reHcs  scattered,  and  ceremonies,  which  in  the  year  1593  had 
been  declared  matters  of  inditference,  were  now  in  1597  abolished. 

The  relation  subsisting  between  Sigismuud  and  Charles  gave  a 
personal  character  to  this  conflict.  All  that  was  done,  was  in  op- 
position to  the  well  known  will  and  command  of  the  king;  in  all, 
the  influence  of  Duke  Charles  was  felt  to  be  predominant.  It  was 
contrary  to  the  express  command  of  Sigismund  that  the  duke  held 
the  assembly  of  the  diet;  he  endeavored  to  prevent  any  interfe- 
rence of  the  king  in  the  affairs  of  the  country;  and  caused  a  reso- 
hUion  to  be  passed,  in  virtue  of  which  the  rescripts  of  the  king  were 
not  valid  till  they  were  confirmed  by  the  Swedish  government.* 

Charles  was  already  in  substance  sovereign  and  ruler  of  the  king- 
dom; and  the  thought  soon  suggested  itself  to  become  so  in  title 
also.  A  dream  which  he  had  in  1595,  is  one  of  the  indications  of 
what  was  passing  in  his  mind.  He  thought  he  was  at  a  feast  in 
Finland,  and  a  covered  double  dish  was  placed  before  him;  on  re- 
moving the  cover,  he  saw  in  the  one  part  the  insignia  of  the  crown; 
in  the  other,  a  death's  head.  Similar  thoughts  seem  to  have  been 
afloat  m  the  nation;  there  was  a  story  current  in  the  country,  that 
in  Lijikoping  a  crowned  eagle  had  been  seen  contending  with  an 
uncrowned  one,  and  that  the  latter  had  been  victorious. 

But  when  things  had  reached  this  pass — when  the  ascendency 
of  protestant  opinions  had  been  maintained  by  such  harsh  and 
violent  means,  and  so  successfully  as  to  give  their  champion  a  sort 
of  claim  to  the  highest  power  in  the  state,  a  party  arose  in  favor  of 
the  king.  Some  few  nobles  who  had  appealed  to  his  authority 
against  the  duke,  were  banished,  but  their  adherents  remained;  the 
common  people  were  discontented  at  tlie  abolition  of  all  ceremo- 
nies, and  attributed  to  that  cause  whatever  disasters  happened  in 
the  country;  in  Finland,  Flemming  the  governor  openly  held  the 
field  in  the  Idng's  name. 

This  was  a  state  of  affairs  which  rendered  it  a  matter  of  neces- 
sity as  well  as  of  expediency  to  king  Sigismund,  to  make  an  appeal 
to  arms.  It  was  probably  the  latest  moment  at  which  it  would  be 
possible  for  him  to  re-establish  his  power.  In  the  summer  of  1598 
he  set  out  for  the  second  time  to  take  possession  of  his  hereditary 
dominions. 

*  Ansa  illustrissimi  principis  |,domini  Caroli  Sudermanniaj  ducis  adversus 
serenissimuin  et  potenlissiinum  domimim  Sigismundum  III,  reg-ein  Siiecise  et 
Poloniae  suscepta,  scripta  el  publicata  ex  mandato  S.  R.  Majestalis  proprio. — 
Dant.  1598. 


CH.  I.  §  II.]  ATTEMPT  UPON  SWEDEN.  19 

He  was  now  more  strictly  catholic,  if  possible,  than  before.  In 
the  simplicity  of  his  bigotry,  he  believed  that  the  various  misfor- 
tnnes  which  had  befallen  him  since  his  first  journey  (among  others 
the  death  of  his  wife),  had  been  sent  him  as  punishments  for  the 
concessions  he  had  then  made  to  the  heretics,  and  he  disclosed 
these  painful  thoughts  to  the  nuncio  with  deep  contrition  of  heart; 
declaring  that  he  would  rather  die  than  again  sanction  anything 
which  would  stain  the  purity  of  his  conscience. 

But  the  cause  espoused  by  Sigismund  was  in  some  sense  an 
European  one.  Catholicism  had  made  such  progress,  that  an 
enterprise  in  its  favor,  even  in  so  remote  a  corner  of  Europe,  was 
principally  regarded  as  a  branch  of  a  general  combination. 

During  their  war  with  England,  the  Spaniards  had  already  cast 
their  eyes  occasionally  towards  the  Swedish  coasts;  they  perceived 
that  the  possession  of  a  Swedish  port  would  be  of  the  greatest 
advantage  to  them,  and  had  entered  into  negotiations  with  a  view 
to  obtain  one.  It  was  now  regarded  as  certain  that  Sigismund, 
the  moment  he  should  be  master  in  his  own  country,  would  give  up 
to  them  Elfsborg  in  West  Gothland.  Here  it  would  be  easy  to  build 
a  fleet,  to  keep  it  ready  for  service,  and  to  man  it  with  Poles  and 
Swedes;  from  hence  they  could  wage  war  on  England  with  far 
greater  advantage  than  from  the  shores  of  Spain,  and  soon  force 
her  to  desist  from  lier  aggressions  on  their  Indian  dominions.  On 
the  other  hand,  an  alliance  with  the  catholic  monarch  could  not 
prove  otherwise  than  advantageous  to  the  authority  of  the  king  in 
Sweden.* 

But  the  catholics  looked  further.  They  thought  that  they  might 
thus  acquire  power  in  Finland  and  on  the  shores  of  the  Baltic. 
From  Finland  they  hoped  to  be  able  to  make  a  successful  attack 
upon  Russia,  and  when  once  in  possession  of  the  Baltic,  to  bring 
the  duchy  of  Prussia  into  subjection.  As  yet,  the  electoral  house 
of  Branclenburg  had  failed  in  its  endeavors  to  procure  the  investi- 
ture of  this  fief;  the  nuncio  asserted  that  the  king  had  determined 
not  to  grant  it,  but  on  the  contrary  to  attach  the  duchy  to  the 
crown;  he  endeavored  by  every  argument  to  confirm  him  in  this 
intention;  chiefly  of  course  from  religious  considerations,  for  it 
was  certain  that  the  house  of  Brandenburg  would  never  consent 
to  the  restoration  of  Catholicism  in  Prussia.! 

When  we  consider  on  the  one  hand,  the  extent  of  the  schemes 

*  Relatione  dello  stato  spirituale  e  politico.  The  proposal  is,  "  Che  a  spese 
del  cattolico  si  manteng-a  un  presidio  nella  fortezza  che  guardi  il  porto,  sopra  lo 
quale  niuna  superioritd  habbia  il  cattolico,  ma  consegni  lo  stipendio  per  esso 
presidio  al  re  di  Polonia." 

f  Relatione  di  Polonia,  1598:  "Atteso  che  se  rimara  il  ducato  nelli  Brande- 
burgesi  non  si  puo  aspettare  d'introdurre  la  religione  cattolica,  si  mostra  S.  M'*. 
risoluto  di  voler  ricuperare  il  dette  ducalo."  King  Stephen  ought  already  to 
have  done  this.  "  Ma  ritrovandosi  con  penuria  di  danari  mentre  era  occupato 
Belle  guerre,  ne  fu  sovvenuto  delli  Brandeburgesi." 


20  ATTEMPT  UPON  SWEBEN.  [BOOK  VII. 

which  were  built  on  the  king's  success  (a  result  by  no  means  im- 
probable), and  on  tbe  other,  the  weight  which  Sweden  would  ac- 
quire in  the  scale  of  nations  if  the  protestants  were  victorious,  we 
must  admit  that  the  issue  of  this  struggle  was  one  of  those  events 
which  decided  the  destinies  of  Europe. 

Zamoysky  had  advised  the  king  to  enter  Sweden  at  the  head  of 
a  strong  army,  and  to  conquer  it  by  force  of  arms.  Kmg  Sigismund, 
thought  that  this  was  not  necessary;  he  could  not  bring  himself  to 
believe  that  he  should  be  forcibly  resisted  in  his  own  hereditary 
dominions.  He  had  about  5000  men  with  him,  and  having  landed 
with  them  at  Calniar  without  opposition,  moved  on  upon  Stock- 
holm, where  another  division  of  his  troops  had  already  arrived  and 
been  admitted  into  the  city.  Meanwhile  a  body  of  Finlanders  ad- 
vanced upon  Upland. 

Nor  had  Duke  Charles  been  idle.  If  the  king  succeeded,  it  was 
evident  that  his  power  and  the  ascendency  of  protestantism  were  at 
an  end.  Whilst  his  peasants  of  Upland  held  the  Fins  in  check,  he 
posted  himself  at  the  head  of  a  regular  military  force  in  the  way  of 
the  king,  who  was  marching  upon  Stegeborg.  He  demanded  that 
the  royal  army  should  be  withdrawn,  and  the  matters  in  dispute 
referred  to  the  decision  of  the  diet;  on  these  conditions  he  promised 
to  disband  his  own  troops. 

The  king  would  not  consent  to  them,  and  the  hostile  armies  ad- 
vanced against  each  other. 

Their  number  was  inconsiderable,  a  few  thousand  men  on  either 
side;  but  the  result  of  the  conflict  was  not  less  momentous,  the  con- 
sequences not  less  lasting,  than  if  vast  armies  had  been  sacrificed 
to  obtain  them. 

Everything  depended  upon  the  personal  character  of  the  princes. 
Charles  was  his  own  counsellor; — daring,  determined — a  man  in 
the  fullest  sense  of  the  word,  and  what  was  more  important,  in 
actual  possession:  Sigismund,  dependent  upon  others;  yielding, 
good-natured,  no  soldier;  and  now  under  the  unfortunate  necessity 
of  conquering  a  country  which  belonged  to  him,  the  legitimate  king 
indeed,  but  compelled  to  do  battle  for  his  kingdom  with  the  actual 
ruler. 

Twice  the  troops  were  engaged  near  Stangebro,  the  first  time 
more  through  accident  than  design;  on  this  occasion  the  king  had 
the  advantage,  and  is  said  to  have  put  a  stop  to  the  massacre  of  the 
Swedes.  But  the  second  time,  when,  in  consequence  of  the  rising 
of  the  Dalcarlians  in  his  favor  and  the  arrival  of  his  fleet,  the  Duke 
was  victorious,  no  one  checked  the  slaughter  of  the  Poles;  Sigis- 
mund suffered  a  total  defeat,  and  was  forced  to  accede  to  all  that 
was  required  of  him.* 

He  even  consented  to  give  up  the  few  faithful  subjects  he  had 

*  Piacesii  Chronicon  gestorum  inEuropa  sing-iilarium,  p.  159.  Extracts  from 
the  letters  of  the  princes  in  Geijer;  Schwedische  Geschichte,  ii,  p.  305. 


CH.  I.  §  III.]  DESIGNS  ON  RUSSIA.  21 

found,  to  be  tried  by  a  Swedish  tribunal;  and,  in  his  own  cause, he 
promised  to  abide  by  the  decision  of  the  diet. 

But  this  was  only  a  mode  of  escaping  from  the  embarrassment 
of  the  moment;  instead  of  attending  the  diet,  where  he  must  have 
acted  the  melancholy  part  of  the  conquered,  he  sailed  for  Dantzig 
with  the  first  favorable  wind. 

He  flattered  himself  indeed  with  the  hope  of  becoming  at  some 
future  time — some  more  favorable  moment — lord  of  his  hereditary 
dominions;  but  in  fact  he  abandoned  them,  by  his  departure,  to  the 
overwhelming  influence  of  his  uncle,  who  did  not  scruple  shortly 
afterwards  to  assume  the  title  of  king,  and  instead  of  awaiting  the 
war  in  Sweden,  transferred  it  to  the  frontiers  of  Poland,  where  it 
was  carried  on  with  various  success. 


§    3.    DESIGNS    ON    RUSSIA. 

In  a  short  time,  however,  it  appeared  as  if  this  failure  was  to  be 
atoned  for  by  success  in  another  quarter. 

It  is  well  known  how  many  times  the  popes  had  entertained  the 
hope  of  gainuig  over  Russia;  Adrian  VI  and  Clement  VII  had  suc- 
cessively attempted  it;  the  Jesuit  Possevin  had  next  tried  his  influ- 
ence with  Iwan  Wasiljowitsch;  and  in  the  year  1594,  Clement  VIII 
sent  a  certain  Comuleo  to  Moscow,  with  more  than  usual  confidence 
of  success,  in  consequence  of  his  acquaintance  with  the  language: 
but  all  these  endeavors  were  vain;  Boris  Godunow  declared, 
"  that  Moscow  was  now  the  true  and  orthodox  Rome,"  and  directed 
that  prayers  should  be  offered  up  for  him,  "  as  the  only  Christian 
ruler  upon  earth." 

Under  these  discouraging  circumstances,  the  prospect  which  the 
appearance  of  the  false  Demetrius  most  unexpectedly  opened  was 
doubly  welcome. 

Demetrius  identified  himself  perhaps  even  more  with  the  reli- 
gious than  with  the  political  interests  of  Poland.  A  catholic  con- 
fessor was  the  first  person  to  whom  he  discovered  himself,  and  it 
was  not  till  after  the  Jesuit  fathers  had  been  sent  to  examine  him, 
that  the  papal  nuncio  Rangone  espoused  his  cause;  at  the  same 
time  declaring  to  him  at  their  first  interview,  that  he  had  nothing 
to  hope  if  he  did  not  renounce  the  schismatical  and  embrace  the 
catholic  religion.  To  this  Demetrius  made  but  little  demur;  indeed 
he  had  already  promised  to  quit  the  Greek  church,  and  on  the  fol- 
lowing Sunday  he  openly  avowed  his  conversion.*     He  was  de- 

*  Alessandro  Cilii,  Historia  di  Moscovia,  p.  11.  Cilli  was  present  at  the 
act.  In  Karamsin,  x,  p.  109  of  the  translation,  there  is  a  passage,  which  is  not 
quite  so  much  in  accordance  with  Cilli  as  it  may  seem.  Karamsin  did  not 
understand  Cilli.  We  do  not  find  in  Cilli  any  thing  like  the  words  which 
Karamsin  has  put  into  the  mouth  of  Demetrius. 

3* 


22  TROUBLES  IN  POLAND.  [BOOK  VIl. 

lighted  that  Sigismnnd  immediately  recognised  his  claims,  (which 
he  justly  ascribed  to  the  influence  of  the  nuncio,)  and  promised  to 
do  all  that  lay  in  his  power  for  the  spread  and  defence  of  the  Roman 
catholic  faith;*  a  promise  of  vast  import.  At  that  time  his  story 
was  not  generally  believed  in  Poland;  what  then  was  the  general 
astonishment  when  the  miserable  fugitive  soon  afterwards  took 
possession  of  the  palace  of  the  Czars!  The  sudden  death  of  his 
predecessor,  in  which  the  common  people  beheld  a  judgment  of 
God,  perhaps  mainly  contributed  to  his  success. 

Demetrius  now  renewed  his  promises;  received  the  nephew  of 
the  nuncio  with  every  mark  of  honor  and  reverence;  and,  as  he 
was  soon  after  joined  by  his  Polish  consort,  attended  by  a  numerous 
court,  consisting  not  only  of  knights  and  ladies,  but  of  a  still  larger 
retinue  of  monks — Dominicans,  Franciscans,  and  Jesuitst — it  ap- 
peared that  he  intended  promptly  to  perform  them.  But  it  was 
this  zeal  for  Catholicism  which  mainly  caused  his  ruin;  for  while  it 
secured  him  the  support  of  the  Poles,  it  deprived  him  of  the  favor 
of  the  Russians.  They  remarked  that  he  did  not  bathe  nor  eat  like 
them;  that  he  did  not  reverence  the  saints;  he  was  a  heathen,  and 
had  placed  an  unbaptised  heathen  wife  upon  the  throne  of  Moscow; 
it  was  impossible  that  he  should  be  the  son  of  a  czar.J 

They  had  recognised  him  in  consequence  of  a  groundless  and 
inexplicable  belief;  this  rapidly  gave  place  to  another  and  a  stronger, 
under  the  influence  of  which  they  dethroned  him. 

Here,  too,  religion  was  the  real  and  eff'ective  agent:  a  power 
arose  in  Russia,  as  well  as  in  Sweden,  which,  from  its  very  origin 
and  nature,  was  directly  opposed  to  Catholicism. 


§  4     TROUBLES  IN  POLAND. 

Abortive  enterprises  against  a  foreign  enemy  have  generally  the 
efi'ect  of  exciting  internal  commotions.  An  agitation  now  showed 
itself  in  Poland  which  made  it  doubtful  whether  the  king  would  be 
able  to  carry  on  the  government  in  the  spirit  in  which  he  had 
commenced  it.  This  movement  had  its  origin  in  the  following 
causes. 

King  Sigismund  was  not  careful  to  maintain  a  good  understand- 
ing with  those  through  whose  exertions  he  had  ascended  the  throne. 
This  party  had  elected  him  in  opposition  to  the  wishes  of  Austria; 
he,  on  the  contrary,  allied  himself  closely  with  that  power.     He 

*  Cilli:  "Con  rinnovare  insieme  la  promessa  dell'  augumento  e  difesa  per 
quanto  havessero  potuto  le  sue  forze  e  nel  suo  imperio  e  fuori  di  quello  delta 
santa  fede  cattolica." 

t  Cilli,  p.  66. 

X  Muller,  Sammlnnff  Russischer  Gesch.,  v,  373,  remarks  that  letters  from  the 
pope  were  found  upon  him. 


CH.  I.  §  IV.]  TROUBLES  IN  POLAND.  23 

twice  took  a  wife  from  the  line  of  Griitz,  and  at  one  time  incurred 
the  suspicion  of  wishing  to  place  that  family  on  the  throne. 

The  king's  conduct  had  already  disgusted  his  chancellor  Zamoy- 
sky;  but  when  Sigismund,  in  order  to  render  himself  indejiendent  of 
his  adherents  and  defenders,  promoted  their  enemies  to  the  highest 
offices  and  received  them  into  the  senate,*  his  disgust  was  changed 
into  the  deepest  resentment.  For  it  was  chiefly  by  means  of  the 
senate  that  Sigismund  sought  to  govern.  He  filled  it  with  men  per- 
sonally devoted  to  him,  and  at  the  same  time  thoroughly  cathohc. 
The  bishops,  who  were  nominated  by  the  king  under  the  influence 
of  the  nuncio,  formed  a  strong  and  by  degrees,  an  omnipotent  party. 

Hence  arose  a  formidable  two-fold  opposition,  directed  both  against 
the  constitution  and  the  religion  of  tlie  Polish  government. 

The  provincial  deputies  formed  a  political  body  opposed  to  the 
senate;  and  as  the  latter  took  part  with  the  king,  the  former  joined 
Zamoysky,t  for  whom  they  entertained  boundless  veneration,  and 
who  owed  to  their  willing  submission  an  authority  little  less  than 
royal.  This  was  a  position  which  must  have  had  peculiar  charms 
for  an  ambitious  magnate;  and  no  sooner  was  it  vacant  by  the  death 
of  the  high  chancellor,  than  it  was  occupied  by  the  palatine  of  Cra- 
cow, Zebrzydowsky. 

The  protestants  now  joined  this  party.  The  bishops  were,  in  re- 
ality, the  objects  of  their  common  hatred;  the  former  detested  them 
on  account  of  their  spiritual,  the  latter  on  account  of  their  temporal 
influence.  The  protestants  declared  it  was  monstrous,  that  in  a 
commonwealth  like  that  of  Poland,  which  rested  upon  free  agree- 
ment, well-earned  rights  should  be  incessantly  infringed;  that  men 
of  low  birth  should  be  raised  to  the  highest  dignities,  and  men  of 
noble  blood  compelled  to  obey  them.  This  grievance  was  also 
alleged  by  many  catholics. J 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  religious  animosities  gave  a  vehement 
impulse  to  the  disturbances  of  Poland. 

After  the  grievances  had  been  frequently  brought  forward,  the 
supplies  refused,  and  the  diet  dissolved — all  without  avail — the  mal- 
contents adopted  the  last  resource;  they  summoned  the  whole  body 
of  nobility  to  the  Rocotz.  The  Rocotz  was  a  legitimate  form  of  in- 
surrection ,  according  to  which  the  assembled  nobility  claimed  a  right 
of  siunmoning  king  and  senate  before  their  tribunal.     In  this  assem- 

*  Cilli,  Historia  delle  Sollevationi  di  Polonia,  1606—1608,  Pistoia  1627,— 
an  aultior  the  more  worthy  of  credit,  as  he  was  a  long  time  in  the  service  of  the 
kinor, — enlarges  in  the  very  beginning  upon  the  power  possessed  by  Zamoysky: 
"  Zamoschi  si  voleva  alquanto  delta  regia  autorita  usurpare;"  but  relates  how  the 
king  began  to  resist  him,  "  essendo  patrone  S.  M'*  non  solo  di  conferire  le  dignita 
del  regno,  ma  anco  le  stesse  entrate." 

f  Piasecius:  "  Zamoyscius  cujus  autoritate  potissimum  nitebatur  ordo  nunci- 
orum."  From  this  time  the  country  deputies  began  to  have  greater  influence: 
one  party  supported  the  other. 

j;.  Cilli:  "•  Gli  eretici,  spalleggiati  da  cattivi  cattolici,  facevano  gran  forza  per 
ottenere  la  confederatione." 


24  TROUBLES  IN  POLAND.  [BOOK  VII. 

bly  the  Lutherans  were  greatly  strengthened  by  their  union  with  the 
professors  of  the  Greek  faith. 

Meantime  the  Icing  had  also  his  partisans.  The  nuncio  held  the 
bishops  together;*  the  bishops  directed  the  proceedings  of  the 
senate,  and  a  league  was  formed  between  these  bodies  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  throne  and  the  altar.  This  favorable  moment  was 
adroitly  seized  to  obliterate  the  old  divisions  between  the  laity  and 
the  clergy.  The  king  showed  inflexible  firmness  in  the  moment  of 
danger;  trusting,  as  he  said,  in  his  righteous  cause,  and  in  God. 

And  in  fact  he  maintained  his  ascendency;  in  October  1606,  he 
dissolved  the  Rocotz,  at  the  time  when  a  great  number  of  the  mem- 
bers were  absent:  in  July  1607,  the  parties  came  to  a  regular  en- 
gagement; uttering  the  cry  of  Jesu  Maria,  the  king's  troops  attacked 
the  enemy  and  completely  routed  them.  Zebrzydowsky  kept  the 
field  for  a  while,  but  in  the  year  1608,  he  was  obliged  to  submit, 
and  a  general  amnesty  was  then  proclaimed. 

By  these  successes  the  government  was  enabled  to  follow  out  the 
catholic  course  in  which  it  had  embarked.  Those  who  were  not 
catholics  remained  excluded  from  office;  and  we  may  judge  of  the 
effects  of  this  measure  by  the  applause  it  constantly  drew  from 
Rome.t  "  A  protestant  prince — a  prince  who  would  have  distri- 
buted high  and  honorable  places  among  both  parties  equally — 
would  have  filled  the  whole  country  with  heresy;  for  in  an  age  so 
selfish  as  this,  private  interests  are  too  strong  for  religious  attach- 
ments; but  since  the  king  had  displayed  so  much  constancy,  the 
nobles  liad  learned  to  obey  his  will." 

The  protestant  service  was  also  restricted  in  the  royal  towns; 
"the  inhabitants  were  compelled,"  says  a  papal  instruction,  "  to 
change  their  religion,  although  not  by  open  violence.^ 

The  nuncio  took  care  that  the  highest  tribunals  should  be  filled 
with  judges  attached  to  the  catholic  church,  and  that  justice  should 
be  administered  in  them  in  strict  accordance  with  the  precepts  of 
the  holy  canons.  The  question  of  mixed  marriages  now  acquired 
the  highest  importance.  The  supreme  court  of  justice  would  re- 
cognise the  validity  of  none  which  were  not  performed  in  the  pre- 
sence of  a  priest  and  several  witnesses;  but  the  priests  refused  to 

*  Cilli:  "II  nuntio  Rangone  con  sua  destrezza  e  diligenza  tenne  e  conservoin 
fede  molti  dei  principali." 

f  Instruttione  a  V.  S"»  M''^  di  Torres:  "  11  re,  benche  nato  di  patre  e  fra  popoli 
eretici,  e  tanto  pio  e  tanto  divoto  e  di  santi  costumi  guernito,  che  dentro  a  Roma 
non  avrebbe  potuto  nascere  o  allevarsene  un  migliore,  imperocche  haveudo  esso 
con  la  longhezza  del  regnare  mutati  i  senator!  eretici,  che  se  tre  ne  togli  erano 
tutti,  gli  ha  fatto  divenire,  levatine  due  o  tre,  tutti  quanti  cattolici."  Their  prin- 
ciple was,  "  le  cose  spiriluali  seguono  il  corso  delle  ternporali. 

X  Instruttione  a  M''  Lancelotti:  "  La  conforti  [the  king]  grandemente  a  vie- 
tare  che  nelle  citta  regie  che  da  lei  dipendono  altro  esercitio  di  religione  che  il 
cattolico  si  comporti,  ne  pennetta  che  v'  abbiano  tempj  ne  sinagoge  loro:  poiche 
si  vengono  per  tal  dolce  raodo  senza  violenza  espressa  a  far  convertire  oa  mutar 
paese." 


CH.  I.  §  IV.]  TKOUBLKS  IN  POLAND.  25 

bestow  the  benediction  upon  mixed  marringes;  it  was  no  wonder, 
therefore,  that  many  conformed  to  the  catholic  rehgion  rather  than 
subject  their  children  to  all  the  disadvantages  consequent  upon  mar- 
riages of  disputable  validity.  Others  were  forced  into  conibrmity 
by  finding  that  churcli  patronage  in  the  hands  of  protestants  was 
subjected  to  legal  dispute.  A  government  possesses  a  thousand 
means  of  promoting  the  religion  which  it  favors;  and  here  all  were 
applied,  short  of  direct  compulsion:  the  work  of  conversion  pro- 
ceeded, with  little  noise  or  ostentation  indeed,  but  with  unstayed 
progress. 

Doubtless  the  zeal  and  ability  with  which  the  nuncios  administered 
the  ecclesiastical  affairs,  had  a  considerable  share  in  producing  this 
result.  They  took  care  that  the  sees  should  be  filled  with  men  well 
fitted  for  their  high  office;  they  visited  the  convents,  and  put  an  end 
to  a  practice  which  had  been  introduced,  of  sending  disobedient  and 
refractory  monks,  whom  their  superiors  or  convents  wanted  to  be 
rid  of,  into  Poland;  they  also  directed  their  attention  to  the  secular 
clergy,  and  endeavored  to  introduce  psalmody  and  schools  into  the 
parishes.  They  insisted  upon  the  establishment  of  episcopal  semi- 
naries. 

Their  most  efficient  agents  were  the  Jesuits,  whom  we  find  active- 
ly employed  in  all  the  provinces;  among  the  docile  Livonians — in 
Lithuania,  where  they  had  to  contend  with  traces  of  the  old  wor- 
ship of  the  serpent — and  among  the  Greeks,  where  the  Jesuits  were 
frequently  the  only  catholic  priests:  sometimes  they  had  to  adminis- 
ter baptism  to  youths  of  eighteen;  sometimes  they  met  with  aged 
men  who  had  never  received  the  Lord's  Supper;  but  it  was  chiefly 
in  Poland  proper  "that,"  as  one  of  the  members  exultingly  says, 
"hundreds  of  learned,  orthodox,  and  devout  men  of  the  order  are 
employed  in  rooting  out  errors,  and  implanting  catholic  piety  by 
schools  and  associations,  by  preaching  and  writing."* 

In  this,  as  in  every  other  country,  they  awakened  enthusiasm  in 
their  followers;  but  here  it  was  most  unfortunately  united  to  the 
insolence  of  an  overbearing  young  nobility.  Though  the  king  ab- 
stained from  acts  of  violence,  the  pupils  of  the  Jesuits  thouglit  them- 
selves authorised  to  comn)it  them.  It  was  no  unusual  thing  for  them 
to  celebrate  Ascension-day  by  a  general  attack  upon  the  protestants, 
whose  houses  they  broke  into,  plundering  and  destroying,  and  whose 
persons  were  not  secure  from  outrage  and  danger  if  they  were  found 
at  home  or  met  in  the  streets. 

In  1606  the  church,  and  in  1607  the  churchyard,  of  the  Luther- 
ans in  Cracow  was  attacked,  and  the  dead  bodies  dragged  out  of 
their  graves:  in  1611  the  church  of  the  protestants  in  Wilna  was 
destroyed,  and  their  ministers  ill-treated  or  murdered:  in  1615  a 
book  was  published  in  Posen,  setting  forth  that  the  Lutherans  had 

*  Argentus  de  rebus  Societatis  Jesu  in  Tegno  Poloniae,  1615.  A  work  which 
might,  however,  have  been  rendered  far  more  instructive. 


26  COTTNTER-RKFORMATION  [BOOK  VII. 

no  right  to  live  in  that  town;  and  the  following  year  the  Jesuits' 
scholars  utterly  destroyed  the  Bohemian  church,  leaving  not  one 
stone  upon  another,  and  burned  the  Lutheran  church.  Similiar 
outrages  were  perpetrated  in  various  other  places,  and  in  some  the 
protestants  were  driven  by  incessant  acts  of  violence,  to  sell  their 
churches.  The  Jesuits  soon  ceased  to  confine  their  outrages  to  the 
towns;  the  Cracow  students  burned  the  protestant  churches  in  the 
neighboring  villages.  In  Podlachia  an  aged  Lutheran  minister,  of 
the  name  of  Barkow,  was  walking  before  his  carriage  leaning  upon 
his  staff,  when  a  Polish  nobleman  who  met  him,  ordered  his  coach- 
man to  drive  directly  over  him;  before  the  old  man  could  get  out  of 
the  road,  the  horses  were  upon  him,  and  he  received  injuries  of 
which  he  died.* 

Nevertheless,  protestantism  could  not  be  wholly  suppressed.  The 
king  was  bound  by  a  promise  which  he  had  not  power  to  retract. 
The  nobles  were  subject  to  no  constraint,  and  did  not  all  immediately 
abjure  their  religion.  Occasionally  too,  amidst  many  adverse  judg- 
ments, a  favorable  one  was  obtained,  and  here  and  there  a  church 
"was  restored  to  the  protestants.  In  the  cities  of  Polish  Prussia  the 
protestants  always  formed  the  majority;  the  Greek  schismatics 
were  still  less  to  be  gotten  rid  of,  and  the  union  of  1595  excited 
hatred  rather  than  imitation.  Thus  the  combined  body  of  dissi- 
dents, consisting  of  protestants  and  Greeks,  still  formed  a  powerful 
party.  Their  demands  came  with  peculiar  weight,  backed  by  the 
most  industrious  and  thriving  cities,  and  by  the  most  warlike  tribes, 
such  as  the  Cossacks;  and  their  opposition  became  more  formida- 
ble from  the  growing  efficiency  of  tlie  support  afforded  by  their 
neighbors,  the  Russians  and  Swedes,  who  had  successfully  resisted 
every  attempt  to  subdue  them  to  Catholicism. 


§  5.    PROGRESS  OP  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION    IN  GERMANY. 

Principles  of  a  totally  different  nature  and  tendency  prevailed  in 
Germany,  where  every  prince  held  it  to  be  his  unquestionable  right 
to  establish  in  his  dominions  the  religion  to  which  he  was  himself 
attached;  and  in  consequence,  the  movement  in  favor  of  Catholi- 
cism, the  beginnings  of  which  we  have  already  traced, continued  its 
course  without  n'uch  interference  from  imperial  authority,  and 
without  exciting  much  attention. 

The  ecclesiastical  princes  especially  held  it  to  be  their  duty  to 
lead  back  their  subjects  to  the  catholic  faith.  Here  again  we  find 
the  pupils  of  the  Jesuits  early  and  active  in  the  field  of  proselytism. 
John  Adam  von  Bicken,  elector  of  Mayence  from  1601  to  1604, 
was  a  student  of  the  Collegium  Germanicum  in  Rome.     It  is  re- 

*  Wengerscii  Slavonia  Reformata,  p.  224,  232, 236,  244,  347. 


CH.  I.  §  v.]  IN  GERMANY.  27 

ported  that  on  hearing  the  Lutheran  congregation,  in  the  castle  of 
Konigstein,  singing  hymns  at  the  funeral  service  of  their  minister, 
he  exclaimed,  "Let  them  give  their  synagogue  decent  burial!" 
On  the  following  Sunday  a  Jesuit  ascended  the  pulpit,  iti  which  a 
Lutheran  preacher  was  never  again  beheld.  The  same  occurred 
elsewhere.*  What  JBicken  left  undone  was  zealously  completed 
by  his  successor,  John  Schweikard.  He  was  a  man  attached  in  a 
remarkable  degree  to  the  pleasures  of  the  table,  but  endowed  with 
the  character  and  the  talents  requisi  e  for  the  business  of  govern- 
ment. He  succeeded  in  carrying  through  the  counter-reformation 
in  every  part  of  his  diocese,  even  in  Eichsfeld.  He  sent  a  com- 
mission to  Heiligenstadt,  wfiich  within  two  years  converted  two 
hundred  citizens,  many  of  whom  had  grown  gray  in  the  protestant 
faith.  Some  few  yet  remained  unshaken;  these  he  exhorted  in 
person,  "as  their  father  and  their  shepherd,  from  his  inmost  heart," 
to  use  his  own  words,  and  his  exhortations  were  successful.  He 
saw  with  extraordinary  pleasure  a  city  which  had  been  thoroughly 
protestant  for  forty  years,  restored  to  the  catholic  church. t 

The  same  course  was  followed  by  Ernest  and  Ferdinand  of  Co- 
logne, both  of  them  Bavarian  princes,  and  by  the  elector  Lothaire, 
of  the  house  of  Metternich  of  Treves — a  prince  distinguished  by 
the  acuteness  of  his  understanding,  and  by  the  talent  of  overcom- 
ing whatever  difficulties  presented  themselves;  prompt  in  the  exe- 
cution of  justice,  vigilant  in  pushing  the  interests  of  his  country,  as 
well  as  those  of  his  family;  and,  where  religion  was  not  concerned, 
affable  and  indulgent.  On  that  point  he  was  inexorable;  he  would 
not  tolerate  a  protestant  in  his  court.  J  To  these  great  men  Neiihard 
von  ThUngen,  bishop  of  Bamberg,  associated  himself  When  he 
took  possession  of  his  capital,  he  found  the  whole  council  protest- 
tant,  with  the  exception  of  two  of  its  members.  He  had  already- 
assisted  in  the  reforms  of  bishop  Julius  in  Wurzburg,  and  he  now 
determined  to  apply  the  measures  of  that  prelate  to  Bamberg.  He 
immediately  (at  Christmas,  1595,)  promulgated  his  reformation- 
edict,  which  ordained  the  celebration  of  the  Lord's  Supper  accord- 
ing to  the  catholic  rite,  on  pain  of  exile;  and  although  the  chapter, 
the  nobility,  and  the  gentry  opposed  him,  although  tlie  most  urgent 
representations  were  made  by  the  neighboring  princes,  we  find 
that  in  every  successive  year  the  reformation-edicts  were  renewed 
and  substantially  executed. §  If  we  look  to  northern  Germany,  we 
find  that  Theodore  von  Furslenberg  rivalled  in  Paderborn  the  acts 

*  Serarius,  Res  Moguntinae,  p.  973. 

f  Wolf,  Geschichte  von  Heiligenstadt,  p.  63.  In  the  interval  between  1581 
and  IGOl,  the  number  of  converts  was  reckoned  at  497,  the  greatest  number  in 
the  year  1598,  in  which  they  amounted  to  73. 

X  Masenius,  Continuatio  Broweri,  p.  474. 

§  .Jack,  Geschichte  Von  Bamberg,  e.  g.  iii,  212,  199.  Or  rather  I  refer  gene- 
rally to  this  book,  which  is  principally  occupied  with  the  subject  of  the  anti- 
reformation. 


28  COUNTER-REFORMATION  [BOOK  VII. 

of  bishop  Neithard  in  Bamberg.  In  the  year  1596,  he  imprisoned 
all  the  priests  of  his  diocese  who  administered  the  sacrament  in 
both  kinds;  tliis  naturally  produced  dissensions  between  himself 
and  his  nobility,  and  we  accordingly  find  the  bishop  and  the  nobles 
engaged  in  driving  each  others  cattle  and  horses.  He  also  event- 
ually came  to  an  open  rupture  with  the  city;  where,  unfortunately, 
a  violent  demagogue  arose,  who  had  not  the  character  or  talents 
fitted  for  the  high  part  which  he  had  undertaken.  In  the  year  1604, 
Paderborn  was  compelled  to  do  homage  anew.  Immediately  after, 
the  Jesuits'  college  was  magnificently  established  and  endowed, 
and  an  edict  appeared  which,  like  that  of  Bamberg,  left  no  alterna- 
tive but  attendance  at  mass,  or  exile.  Catholicism  thus  gradually 
regained  absolute  possession  of  Bamberg  and  Paderborn.* 

The  rapid  and  yet  lasting  change  which  was  wrought  in  all  these 
provinces,  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  phenomena  in  history. 
Are  we  to  infer  from  it  that  protestantism  had  not  struck  deep  root 
among  the  people?  or  are  we  to  ascribe  it  to  the  method  pursued  by 
the  Jesuits?  It  is  at  any  rate  certain  that  the  members  of  that  order 
were  deficient  neither  in  zeal  nor  in  prudence.  From  every  point 
where  tht^y  had  obtained  a  firm  footing,  we  see  the  circles  of  their 
influence  spreading  wider  and  wider.  We  see  them  skilled  to 
captivate  tiie  multitude,  and  drawing  crowds  to  their  churches. 
We  observe  them  always  attacking  the  most  prominent  and  for- 
midable difficulties;  wherever  there  is  a  Lutheran  confident  in  his 
biblical  knowledge,  to  whose  judgment  the  neighbors  defer,  we  find 
them  leaving  no  means  untried  to  win  hitn  over  to  their  side,  and 
from  their  practised  skill  in  controversy,  seldom  failing  of  success. 
We  see  them  employed  in  works  of  active  beneficence,  healing  the 
sick  and  reconciling  enemies.  Those  whom  they  subdued  by  their 
address  or  their  services,  they  bound  to  them  by  solemn  oaths.  We 
see  bands  of  the  faithful  marching  under  their  banner  to  every  place 
of  pilgrimage,  and  even  men  who  had  been  the  most  zealous  pro- 
testants  now  joining  in  the  processions. 

The  Jesuits  had  educated  not  only  spiritual  but  temporal  princes; 
among  whom,  at  the  close  of  tlie  16ih  century,  their  two  most  illus- 
trious pupils,  Ferdinand  II  and  Maximilian  I,  appeared  on  the  stage 
of  Europe. 

It  is  said  that  when  the  young  archduke  Ferdinand  celebrated 
the  festival  of  Easter  in  the  year  1596,  in  his  capital  of  Gratz,  he 
was  the  only  individual  who  received  the  sacrament  according  to 
the  catholic  ritual;  that  there  were  indeed  but  three  catholics  in 
the  whole  city.t 

In  fact,  after  the  death  of  the  archduke  Charles,  and  during  the 

*  Strunk,  Annales  Paderborn,  lib.  xxii,  p.  720. 

+  Hansitz,  Germaiiia  Sacra,  ii,  p.  712:  "  Numerus  Lutheri  sectatorum  tantus 
ut  ex  inquilinis  Grscensibus  peene  cunctis  invenirentur  avitae  fidoi  cultores  tres 
non  amplius."     The  words  "  peene  cunctis"  render  tlie  matter  again  doubtful. 


CH.  I.  §  v.]  IN  GERMANY. — AUSTRIA.  29 

feeble  minority  of  his  successor,  the  cathoUc  cause  had  rather  retro- 
graded. The  protestants  had  regained  possession  of  the  churches 
from  which  they  had  been  ejected,  and  their  schools  at  Giaiz  had 
been  reinforced  by  new  and  eminent  professors.  The  nobihty  had 
elected  a  committee  from  their  own  body,  with  the  view  of  resist- 
ing every  attempt  prejudicial  to  protestantism. 

Nevertheless,  Ferdinand,  impelled  by  mixed  motives,  political 
and  religious,  immediately  determined  to  proceed  in  the  accom- 
plishment of  the  counter-reformation.  He  declared  that  he  would 
be  master  in  his  own  country,  as  well  as  the  elector  of  Saxony  or 
the  Elector  Palatine.  When  the  dangers  which  might  arise  from 
an  inroad  of  the  Turks  during  civil  discord  were  suggested  to  him, 
he  replied,  "that  he  could  not  reckon  upon  God's  assistance  till  the 
conversion  of  the  country  was  effected.''  In  the  year  1597,  Ferdi- 
nand proceeded  by  way  of  Loreto  to  Home,  to  throw  himself  at 
the  feet  of  Pope  Clement  VIII.  Having  made  a  vow  to  re-establish 
the  catholic  religion  in  iiis  hereditary  dominions,  even  at  the  peril 
of  his  life — a  resolution  in  which  the  pope  confirmed  him — he  re- 
turned, and  began  the  work  of  proselytism.  In  September,  1598, 
he  issued  a  decree  commanding  that  all  Lutheran  preachers  should 
leave  Gratz  within  a  fortnight.* 

Gratz  was  the  central  point  of  the  protestant  doctrine  and  inte- 
rest. Nothing  was  left  untried  to  shake  the  determination  of  the 
archduke — neither  entreaties,  nor  warnings,  nor  even  threats;  but 
this  young  prince  was,  to  use  the  expression  of  an  historian  of 
Carniola,  "as  firm  as  marble."!  A  similar  edict  was  promulgated 
in  Carniola  in  October,  and  in  Carinthia  in  December. 

The  states  now  manifested  extreme  discontent  in  their  several 
provincial  meetings — the  general  assembly  having  been  prohibited 
by  Ferdinand.  They  refused  to  grant  subsidies,  and  the  soldiers 
on  the  frontiers  already  began  to  show  a  spirit  of  insubordination. 
But  the  archduke  declared  that  he  would  rather  lose  all  that  he 
possessed  by  the  grace  of  God,  than  recede  one  step.  The  danger 
to  be  apprehended  from  the  Turks,  who,  during  these  proceeding?, 
had  already  taken  Canischa  and  daily  advanced  in  a  more  threat- 
ening attitude,  at  length  compelled  the  states  to  grant  supplies  with- 
out having  obtained  any  concessions. 

Accordingly  there  was  now  nothing  to  restrain  the  archduke.  In 
October,  1599,  the  protestant  church  in  Gratz  was  shut  up,  and' the 
Lutheran  service  forbidden  under  pain  of  corporal  punishment  or 
death.  There  was  a  commission  appointed  which  visited  every  part 
of  the  country  with  an  armed  force.  Styria  was  first  refornjed,  then 
Carinthia,  and  lastly  Carniola.     From  place  to  place  resounded  the 

*  Khevenhiller,  Annales  Ferdinandei,  iv,  1718. 

•)-  Valvassor,  Ehre  des  Herzogthums  Krain,  part  ii,  book  7,  p.  474,  beyond 
all  doubt  the  most  important  account   of  this  occurrence:  "  Such  a  petition, 
interspersed  with  warning,  found  but  a  block  of  marble,  which  their  pens  were 
not  skilled  to  penetrate  or  soften." 
VOL.  II. 4 


30  COUNTER-REFORMATION  [BOOK  VII. 

cry  of,  "The  reformation  is  coming!"  The  churches  were  torn 
down,  the  preachers  banished  or  thrown  into  prison,  and  the  in- 
habitants compelled  either  to  embrace  the  cathoUc  faith  or  to  quit 
the  country.  Many  were  still  found,  for  example  fifty  burghers  in 
the  small  town  of  St.  Veit,  who  preferred  exile  to  apostacy.*  The 
exiles  were  compelled  to  pay  the  tax  of  the  tenth  penny,  which  for 
them  was  a  heavy  burthen. 

Such  were  the  cruelties  perpetrated  in  the  name  of  religion. 
Such  were  the  means  by  which  Ferdinand  earned  the  satisfaction 
of  knowing,  that  in  the  year  1603  there  were  above  forty  thousand 
catholic  communicants  more  than  before. 

This  immediately  produced  an  extensive  effect  on  all  the  Austrian 
provinces. 

At  first  the  emperor  Rudolf  had  dissuaded  his  young  cousin  from 
the  schemes  he  contemplated;  but  their  success  induced  him  to  imi- 
tate them.  We  find  a  reformation  commission  actively  at  work 
from  1599  to  1601  in  upper,  and  from  1602  to  1603  in  lower  Aus- 
tria.! The  preachers  and  schoolmasters  in  Linz  and  Steier,  who 
had  grown  gray  in  the  Lutheran  service,  were  compelled  to  leave 
the  country.  Their  lamentations  were  bitter.  "  Now,"  exclaims 
the  rector  of  Steier,  "  when  bowed  down  by  age,  I  am  driven  out 
to  exile  and  want."t  One  of  those  who  still  remained  behind 
writes,  "destruction  threatens  us  daily;  our  enemies  lie  in  wait  for 
us,  and  mock  us,  and  thirst  after  our  blood. "§ 

The  protestants  of  Bohemia  thought  themselves  more  efiectually 
protected  by  the  ancient  privileges  of  the  Utraquists,  and  those  of 
Hungary  by  the  independence  and  power  of  the  states.  But  Ru- 
dolf now  seemed  little  disposed  to  respect  either  tlie  one  or  the 
other.  He  had  been  persuaded  that  the  old  Utraquists  had  ceased 
to  exist,  and  that  the  Lutherans  had  no  legal  claim  to  the  privi- 
leges granted  to  that  sect.  In  the  year  1602,  he  published  an  edict, 
commanding  the  churches  of  the  Moravian  brethren  immediately 
to  be  closed,  and  forbidding  their  meetings. ||  All  the  other  sects 
felt  that  the  same  fate  awaited  them;  nor  were  they  long  left  in 
doubt  as  to  what  they  had  to  expect.  Open  force  was  a.lready  re- 
sorted to  in  Hungary.  Basta  and  Belgiojoso,  who  commanded  the 
imperial  troops  in  that  country,  took  possession  of  the  churches  of 
Caschau  and  Clausenburg;  with  their  assistance  the  archbishop  of 
Colocsa  endeavored  to  bring  back  to  Catholicism  the  thirteen  towns 
of  Zips.     In  answer  to  the  complaints  of  the  Hungarians,  the  em- 

*  Hermann,  St.  Veit;  in  the  Karinthian  Chronicle,  v.  3,  p.  1G3. 

I  Raupach,  Evangel.  Oestreich,  i,  215. 

:|:  "  Jam  senio  squalens  trudor  in  exilium."  Valentine  Pruenhueber,  Annales 
Styrenses,  p.  326. 

§  Hofmarius  ad  Lyserum,  Raupach,  iv,  151. 

II  Schmidt,  Neuere  Gcschichte  der  Deutschen,  iii,  263.  An  extract  from  the 
appendices  attached  to  the  Apology  for  the  Bohemians,  published  in  1618,  which 
are  frequently  wanting  in  the  later  editions. 


CH.  I.  §  v.]  IN  GERMANY. — AUSTRIA.  3l 

peror  published  a  resolution  in  these  terms:  "His  majesty, who 
sincerely  believes  in  the  holy  Roman  faith,  wishes  to  propagate  it 
in  all  his  kingdoms, and  especially  in  Hungary;  he  therefore  hereby 
confirms  and  ratifies  all  the  decrees  which  have  been  issued  in 
favor  of  that  faith  since  the  times  of  Saint  Stephen,  the  apostle  of 
Hungary.* 

For  in  spite  of  his  advanced  age  and  his  cautious  temper,  the 
emperor  had  thrown  aside  his  moderation.  The  catholic  princes, 
in  a  body,  followed  the  same  policy;  as  far  as  their  power  extended 
the  stream  of  Catholicism  overspread  the  land,  driven  onwards  by 
the  combined  operation  of  argument  and  of  force;  nor  did  the  con- 
stitution of  the  empire  afford  any  means  of  arresting  its  course. 
On  the  contrary  the  efforts  of  Catholicism  were  so  strong  and  so 
successful,  that  they  began  at  this  crisis  to  interfere  with  the  affairs 
of  the  empire,  and  to  endanger  the  still  existing  rights  of  the  pro- 
testant  part  of  its  subjects.t 

Already,  aided  by  the  influence  of  the  papal  nuncio,  particularly 
of  cardinal  Madruzzi,  who  first  drew  attention  to  this  point,  changes 
were  made  in  the  constitution  of  the  courts  of  the  empire,  which 
afforded  both  opportunity  and  means  for  attacks  on  the  protestants. 

The  Kammergericht  had  also  assumed,  towards  the  commence- 
ment of  the  seventeenth  century,  a  more  catholic  complexion,  and 
had  given  judgments  in  conformity  with  the  catholic  interpretation 
of  the  terms  of  the  peace  of  Augsburg.  Those  who  thought  them- 
selves aggrieved,  on  the  other  hand,  had  adopted  the  legal  remedy 
of  applying  for  a  revision  of  judgment;  but  even  these  revisions 
had  come  to  a  stand,  in  consequence  of  the  cessation  of  the  visita- 
tions; business  accumulated,  and  things  remained  as  they  were.f 

It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  the  Aulic  Council  was 


*  Art.  XXII,  anno  1604.  In  Ribiny,  Memorabilia  Augustanae  Confessionis, 
i,  p.  321. 

f  Relatione  del  Nuntio  Ferrero,  1606,  contains  a  summary  of  the  consequent 
events:  "  Da  alcuni  anni  in  qua  si  e  convertito  alia  nostra  santa  religione  una 
grandissima  quantita  d'  anime,  restorate  le  chiese,  rivocate  molte  religioni  di 
regolari  alii  loro  antichi  monaster!,  restituite  in  bona  parte  lecerimonie  ecclesia- 
stiche,  moderata  alquanto  la  licenza  degli  ecclesiastici,  e  domesticato  il  nome 
del  pontefice  Romano  riconnsciuto  per  capo  della  chiesa  universale." 

:j:  Missive  and  Memorial  from  the  Reichskammergericht  to  the  Imperial  Diet 
of  1608,  from  the  collection  of  the  Acts  of  the  Diet  at  Frankfort  on  the  Main,  of 
which  I  was  kindly  permitted  to  make  a  previous  examination.  The  Kammer- 
gericht affirms  it  to  be  "  land  und  reichskundig  in  wass  grosser  und  merklicher 
Anzall  seit  Ao,  86  di  Revisionen  deren  von  gedachtem  Kammergericht  ergange- 
nen  und  aussgesprochenen  Urthell  sich  gehauft,  dergestalt  dass  derselben  nun- 
mehr  in  die  Einhundert  allbereit  beim  kaiserlichen  Collegio  denunciirt  und  de- 
ren vielleicht  taglich  mehr  zu  gewarten." — "  Known  to  the  country  and  empire, 
to  how  much  greater  and  more  remarkable  a  number  the  revisions  of  the  sen- 
tences passed  and  declared  by  the  before-mentioned  Kammergericht  had  accumu- 
lated since  the  year  86;  to  such  a  degree,  that  at  the  present  moment  notice  was 
given  of  a  hundred  of  the  same  at  the  Imperial  College,  and  more  were  probably 
to  be  expected  every  day." 


32  COUNTER-REFORMATION  [BOOK  VII. 

established.  This  at  any  rate  appeared  to  give  some  promise  of  an 
end  to  litigation;  since  the  weaker  party  conld  not  have  recourse  to 
a  legal  process  which  could  never  be  executed.  But  the  Aulic 
council  was  not  only  more  decidedly  catholic  than  the  Kammerge- 
richt,  it  was  absolutely  dependent  upon  the  court.  "The  Aulic 
council,"  says  the  Florentine  minister  Alidosi,  "  gives  no  final 
judgments,  without  previously  communicating  tiiem  to  the  emperor 
and  the  privy  council,  who  seldom  return  them  without  some  alter- 
ations."* 

But  indeed  what  effective  institutions  were  there  in  the  empire 
except  the  judicial  ones?  It  was  to  them  that  the  unity  of  the 
German  people  as  a  nation  was  attached.  And  these  too  were 
now  under  the  influence  of  catholic  opinions,and  of  court  expediency. 
Complaints  had  already  been  heard  of  partial  judgments  and  arbitra- 
ry executions,  when  the  danger  which  threatened  tlie  country  from 
this  source  came  prominently  to  view  in  the  affair  of  Donawerth. 

It  happened  that  a  catholic  abbot  in  a  protestant  town,  who 
wished  to  celebrate  his  processions  with  greater  publicity  and  so- 
lemnity than  usual,!  was  interrupted  and  insulted  by  the  mob;  this 
incident  afforded  a  sufficient  pretext  for  the  Aulic  council  to  inflict 
on  the  whole  city  tedious  and  vexatious  processes,  mandates,  cita- 
tions and  commissions,  and  finally  to  place  it  under  the  ban  of  the 
empire,  which  a  neighboring  prince  of  the  most  rigid  catholic  opin- 
ions, Maximilian  of  Bavaria,  was  commissioned  to  carry  into  effect. 
He  was  not  satisfied  with  taking  immediate  possession  of  Dona- 
werth, but  invited  the  Jesuits  thither,  prohibited  protestant  wor- 
ship, and  took  the  usual  measures  for  effecting  a  counter-reforma- 
tion. 

Maximilian  himself  regarded  this  incident  as  an  affair  of  general 
interest.  He  wrote  to  the  pope  that  it  might  be  received  as  a  test 
of  the  general  decline  of  heresy. 

But  he  deceived  himself,  when  he  imagined  that  the  protestants 

*  Relatione  del  S"'  Rod.  Alidosi,  1607 — 1609:  "  E  vero  che  il  consiglio  aulico 
a  questo  di  meno  che  tutte  le  definitioni  die  anno  virtu  di  definitiva  non  le  pro- 
nuntia  se  prima  non  dia  parte  a  S.  M'%  o  in  suo  luogro  al  consiglio  di  stato,  il 
quale  alle  volte  o  augumenta  o  toglie  o  modera  1'  opinione  di.  questo  consiglio,  e 
cosi  fatto  si  rimanda  a  detto  consiglio  tal  deliberatione  e  cosi  si  publica." 

j"  It  is  said  in  the  report  "on  the  Execution  at  Donawerth,"  which  is  to  be 
found  amongst  the  Acts  of  the  Diet  of  the  4th  of  February,  1608,  and  with 
which  the  other  accounts  and  notices  agree,  tliat  the  abbot  had  only  "  allein 
so  viel  herbracht  dass  er  mit  niedergelegten  und  zusammengewickelten  Fahnen 
ohne  Gesang  und  Klang  und  zwar  allein  durch  ein  sonderes  Gasslein  beim 
Kloster  hinab  bis  ausser  der  Stadt  und  ihrem  Bezirk  gangen,  und  die  Fahnen 
nit  eher  aufrichtcn  und  fliegen  oder  singen  und  klingen  lassen,  er  sey  denn 
ausser  deren  von  Donawerth  Grund." — "The  right  to  issue  from  the  city  and 
its  domain,  with  banners  turled  and  lowered,  witfiout  song  or  music,  and  more- 
over by  passing  through  a  particular  alley  near  the  monastery;  neither  was  he 
to  allow  his  banners  to  be  raised  and  unlurled,  nor  song  or  music  to  be  heard, 
till  he  was  out  of  Donawerth  ground."  These  restrictions  he  had  now  broken 
through. 


CH.  I.  §  v.]  IN  GERMANY. AUSTRIA,  33 

would  suffer  patiently.  They  clearly  saw  what  they  had  to  ex- 
pect if  things  were  allowed  to  go  on  in  that  course. 

The  Jesuits  had  already  had  the  audacity  to  deny  the  validity  of 
the  treaty  of  Augsburg;  they  affirmed  that  its  ratification  could 
not  be  v\'ilid  without  the  consent  of  the  pope;  at  all  events  it  could 
have  been  binding  only  down  to  the  time  of  the  council  of  Trent, 
and  was  to  be  considered  as  a  kind  of  interim. 

Even  those  who  recognised  the  validity  of  this  treaty,  held,  that 
at  least  all  the  property  confiscated  by  the  protestants  since  its  rati- 
fication, ought  to  be  restored;  they  paid  no  attention  to  the  con- 
struction put  upon  it  by  the  protestants.  What  then  was  to  be 
expected  when  these  views  were  adopted  by  the  highest  courts  of 
judicature,  when  judgments  had  actually  been  given,  and  carried 
into  execution  in  accordance  with  them? 

At  the  meeting  of  the  diet  at  Ratisbon  in  the  year  160S,  the  pro- 
testants would  proceed  to  no  conference,  until  the  validity  of  the 
treaty  of  Augsburg  should  be  absolutely  recognised  and  confirmed.* 
Even  Saxony,  which  had  hitherto  always  inclined  to  the  emperor's 
side,  now  required  the  abolition  of  the  suits  instituted  by  the  Aulic 
council,  in  so  far  as  they  were  contrary  to  precedent;  reforms  in  the 
administration  of  the  law;  and  not  only  the  renewal  of  the  reli- 
gious peace,  as  concluded  at  the  diet  of  Ausburg  in  the  year  1555, 
but  also  a  pragmatic  sanction  prohibiting  the  Jesuits  from  writing 
against  it. 

On  the  other  side,  however,  the  catholics  were  zealous  and  united; 
the  bishop  of  Ratisbon  had  previously  issued  a  circular,  in  which 
he  exhorted  his  brethren  in  the  faith  to  enjoin  upon  their  delegates 
an  unanimous  defence  of  the  catholic  religion;  "to  stand  together 
firm  and  fast  as  a  wall;"  by  no  means  to  temporize;  there  was  no- 
thing now  to  fear,  since  they  had  inflexible  and  zealous  defenders 
in  the  most  august  and  illustrious  princely  houses.  Though  the 
catholics  showed  a  disposition  to  confirm  the  treaty  of  Augsburg,  it 
was  only  under  condition  that  a  clause  should  be  inserted,  "that 
whatever  contravened,  that  treaty  should  be  abolished,  and  things 
restored  to  the  status  quo;^'  a  clause  which  contained  precisely 
what  the  protestants  feared,  and  wished  to  avoid. 

While  such  disunion  existed  on  important  questions,  there  was 
not  the  smallest  hope  that  on  any  single  point  an  unanimous  deter- 

*  Protocollum  im  Correspondenzrath,  dated  5th  of  April  1608,  to  be  found  in 
the  acts  of  the  diet:  "  Die  Haupteonsultation  jetziger  ReichsversammhinCT  sey 
bisher  darumben  eingestelt  verbliben  dass  die  Stend  evangelischer  Religion  den 
Religionsfriden  zu  confirmiren  begert  und  der  papistische  Theil  die  Clausulam 
dem  Abschied  zu  inseriren  haben  wollen:  dass  alle  Outer  die  sinthero  a.  55  von 
den  Evangelischen  Stenden  eingezogen  worden  restituirt  werden  sollen." — 
"  The  chief  consultation  of  the  present  assembly  of  the  states  of  the  empire  had 
remained  at  a  standstill,  because  the  states  professing  the  evangelical  religion 
had  desired  to  confirm  the  peace  of  Augsburg,  while  the  catholic  party  had 
wanted  to  insert  in  the  edict,  the  clause,  that  all  possessions  which  had  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  the  evangelical  states  from  the  year  55,  should  be  restored." 

4* 


34  COUNTER-REFORMATION  [BOOK  VII. 

mination  could  be  formed;  or  that  the  supplies  which  the  emperor 
wished  for  and  wanted  for  the  Turkish  war,  would  be  voted. 

It  appears  as  if  this  had  made  some  impression  on  the  emperor; 
as  if  the  court  had  really  determined  to  comply  in  good  faith  with 
the  requests  of  the  protestants.  This  at  least  is  the  impression 
made  by  a  very  remarkable  report  which  the  papal  envoy  drew  up 
of  the  i)roceedings  of  this  diet. 

The  emperor  was  not  present,  being  represented  by  the  archduke 
Ferdinand.  The  mincio  was  also  absent  from  Ratisbon,  and  had 
sent  thither,  in  his  name,  an  Augustine  friar,  one  Fra  Felice  Milen- 
sio,  the  vicar-general  of  his  order,  who  labored  with  uncommon 
zeal  to  maintain  intact  the  interests  of  Catholicism. 

This  same  Fra  Milensio,  the  author  of  the  report  in  question, 
asserts  that  the  emperor  had  actually  determined  on  issuing  an 
edict  conformable  to  the  wishes  of  the  protestants.  He  traces  this 
to  the  immediate  influence  of  Satan;  and  adds,  the  document  was 
doubtless  concocted  by  the  privy  chamberlains  of  the  emperor,  one 
of  whom  was  a  Jew,  the  other  a  heretic* 

I  give  in  his  own  words  this  fnrthcr  account  of  the  transaction: 
"Upon  the  report  of  the  intended  publication  of  this  edict,  which 
was  communicated  to  me  and  some  others,  I  went  to  the  archduke, 
and  asked  if  such  a  decree  had  arrived:  tlie  archdnke  replied  it  had. 
'And  is  it  your  imperial  highness's  intention  to  publish  it?'  The 
archduke  answered,  '  Such  are  the  commands  of  the  emperor's 
privy  council:  you,  reverend  father,  must  see  yourself  in  what 
situation  we  are  placed.'  Thereupon  I  answered, t  '  Your  impe- 
rial highness  will  not  belie  the  piety  in  which  you  have  been  edu- 
cated; the  piety  with  which  you  have  dared,  in  the  face  of  so  many 
imminent  dangers,  to  banish  all  heretics  without  exception  from 


*  Ragiruaglio  della  Dieta  imperiale  fatta  in  Ratisbona  1608,  nella  quale  in 
luogo  dell'  ecc""  e  rev™  Mons''  Antonio  Gaetano  arcivescovo  di  Capua,  nuntio 
apostolico,  rimasto  in  Pragaappresso  la  M'^  Cesarea,  fii  residente  il  padre  Felice 
Milensio  maestro  Agostiniano  vicario  g-enerale  sopra  le  provincie  aquilonari. 
"E  certo  fu  machinato  dal  demonio  e  promosso  da  suoi  ministri,  di  quali  erano 
i  due  camerieri  iniimi  di  Ridolpho,  heretico  1' uno,  Hebreo  1' altro,  e  quei  del 
consiglio  ch'  eran  Hussiti  o  peggiori." 

I  '•  Sovenga  le,  Ser'"»  Altezza,  di  qnella  cattolica  pieta  con  la  quale  ella  da 
che  nacque  fu  allevata  e  per  la  quale  pocbi  anni  a  dietro  non  temendo  pericolo 
alcuno,  anzi  a  rischio  di  perdere  i  suoi  stati,  ne  bandi  tutti  gli  heretici  con  ordine 
che  fra  pocbi  mesi  o  si  dichiarassero  cattolici  o  venduti  gli  stabili  sgombrassero 
via  dal  paese:  sovengale  che  nella  tavola  dipinta  della  chiesa  dei  padri  Capuc- 
cini  in  Gratz  ella  sta  effigiata  con  la  lancia  iinpugnata  come  un  altro  Michele  e 
con  Luthero  sotto  i  piedi  in  atto  di  passarli  la  gola:  et  bora  essendo  ella  qui  in 
persona  di  Cesare,  non  devo  credere  che  sia  per  sofTrire  se  perdano  i  beni  dotali 
della  chiesa  il  patrimonio  di  Cbristo,  e  molto  meno  che  ia  diabolica  setta  di 
Luthero  sia  con  questa  moderna  concessione  confirmata  e  per  peggio  quella  an- 
cor  di  Calvino  gia  incorporata,  la  quale  non  riceve  mai  tolleranza  alcuna  impe- 
riale.    Questo  e  piu  dissi  io  et  ascolto  il   piissimo  principe Priegola, 

dissi,  a  sospender  questa  materia  fino  alia  risposta  del  sommo  pontefice:  e  cosi 
fece  differendo  i  decreti  degli  huoraini  per  non  offendere  i  decreti  di  Dio." 


en.  I.  §  v.]  IN  GERMANY. — AUSTRIA.  35 

your  dominions.  I  cannot  believe  that  your  highness  will  by  this 
new  concession,  sanction  the  plunder  of  the  church,  or  the  establish- 
ment of  the  devilish  sect  of  Luther,  or  the  still  more  detestable  one 
of  Calvin,  which  have  uever  yet  enjoyed  legal  and  pnblic  toleration 
in  the  empire.'  The  pious  prince  listened  to  me.  '  But  what  is  to 
be  done?'  said  he.  I  answered,  '  I  entreat  your  highness  to  lay 
the  matter  before  the  pope,  and  to  take  no  step  until  we  have  his 
reply.'  This  the  archduke  did,  having  more  regard  to  the  com- 
mands of  God,  than  to  the  decrees  of  men." 

If  this  is  all  true,  we  see  what  an  important  part  this  obscure 
Augustine  friar  plays  in  German  history.  At  the  decisive  moment, 
he  prevented  the  publication  of  concessions  which  would  probably 
have  satisfied  the  protestants.  Instead  of  these,  Ferdinand  published 
an  edict  of  interposition  which  virtually  included  the  cause  objected 
to  by  the  protestants.  At  a  meeting  of  the  5th  of  April,  1608,  the 
protestants  were  unanimous  in  their  determination  not  to  receive 
the  edict,  nor  to  give  way.*  As  the  other  party  was  equally  ob- 
stinate, and  as  notliing  was  to  be  obtained  from  the  emperor  or  his 
representative  calculated  to  appease  their  fears,  they  resorted  to  ex- 
treme measures,  and  quitted  the  diet.  For  the  first  time  the  diet 
separated  v/ithout  any  formal  dissolution;  agreement  was  out  of 
the  question.  It  was  a  moment  in  which  the  unity  of  the  empire 
was  virtually  dissolved. 

Matters  could  not  possibly  remain  in  this  state.  Each  party  was 
too  weak  to  maintain  single-handed  the  position  it  had  assumed; 
the  exigency  of  the  moment  drove  the  protestants  to  form  a  union 
which  they  had  long  intended,  advised,  and  prepared.  Immedi- 
ately after  the  diet  there  was  a  meeting  at  Ahausen  between  two 
palatine  princes — the  elector  Frederick  and  the  count  palatine  of 
Neuburg;  two  Brandenburg  princes — the  margraves  Joachim  and 
Christian  Ernest;  the  duke  of  Wurtemberg  and  the  margrave  of 
Baden,  who  concluded  a  treaty  known  under  the  name  of  the 
Union.  They  pledged  themselves  to  assist  each  other  in  every 
way,  even  with  arms;  especially  in  relation  to  the  grievances 
brought  forward  at  the  late  diet.  They  immediately  put  them- 
selves in  a  state  of  military  organization,  and  every  member  en- 
gaged to  try  to  induce  his  neighbors  to  join  the  Union.  Their 
object  was,  to  procure  for  themselves  that  security  which,  in  the 


*  Vote  of  the  Palatinate,  in  the  Correspondenzrath:  "Dass  di  Confirmation 
des  Religionsfriedens  keineswegs  einzugehn  wie  die  Interpositionschrift  niit  sich 
bringe:  dann  selbijre  den  evangelischen  Stenden  undienlich,  weilen  der  Abschied 
anno  6G  eben  die  Claiisulam  habe  so  jetzt  disputirt  werde." — "That  the  confir- 
mation of  the  peace  of  Augsburg,  as  stated  in  the  letter  of  interposition,  can  by- 
no  means  be  assented  to:  for  the  same  is  of  no  service  to  the  evanorelical  states, 
since  the  decree  of  the  year  66,  contains  the  very  clause  which  is  now  in  dis- 
pute." It  was  not  contained  in  the  decrees  of  1557  and  1559.  The  letter  of 
interposition  referred  merely  to  1566,  and  was  rejected  for  the  reason  that  it 
treated  the  emperor  as  judge  in  matters  of  religion. 


36  COUNTER-REFORMATION  [BOOK  VII. 

present  state  of  things,  the  imperial  government  failed  to  afford 
them. 

This  was  an  innovation  pregnant  with  the  most  extensive  conse- 
quences; the  more  so  from  an  event  of  a  corresponding  nature 
which  occurred  in  the  hereditary  dominions  of  the  emperor. 

The  emperor  had  quaralled  with  his  brother  Matthias  on  various 
grounds;  the  estates  of  Austria,  deprived  both  of  civil  and  religious 
freedom,  saw  in  the  differences  an  opportunity  of  shaking  off  their 
yoke,  and  threw  their  weight  into  the  scale  of  the  archduke. 

In  the  year  1606,  the  archduke,  with  their  concurrence,  concluded 
a  peace  with  the  Hungarians,  without  even  consulting  the  emperor. 
The  estates  alleged  as  an  excuse,  that  the  emperor  neglected  public 
business,  and  that  the  state  of  affairs  had  compelled  them  to  act. 
But  as  Rudolf  refused  to  recognise  this  peace,  they  raised  the  stand- 
ard of  rebellion,  in  virtue  of  the  convention  they  had  formed.*  In 
the  first  place  the  Hungarian  and  Austrian  estates  concluded  a  mu- 
tual alliance,  offensive  and  defensive;  they  tlien,  aided  by  the  influ- 
ence of  one  of  the  Lichtenstein  family,  induced  the  Moravians  Vb 
join  them;  and  all  pledged  themselves  to  peril  property  and  life  for 
the  archduke.  On  the  very  day  on  which  the  diet  of  Ratisbon 
broke  up,  (May  1608,)  they  took  the  field  against  the  emperor 
under  the  command  of  a  leader  of  their  own  choice.  Rudolf  could 
make  no  resistance,  and  was  obliged  to  cede  to  his  brother,  Hun- 
gary, Austria,  and  Moravia. 

Matthias  was  of  course  compelled  to  repay  by  concessions  the 
services  which  the  estates  had  rendered  him.  For  forty-eight  years 
the  emperors  had  evaded  the  appointment  of  a  palatine  in  Hungary: 
a  protestant  was  now  advanced  to  that  dignity.  Religious  tolera- 
tion was  secured  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  not  only  to  the  mag- 
nates, but  also  to  the  cities;  to  all  classes  in  short,  even  to  the  sol- 
diers serving  on  the  frontiers;!  nor  would  the  Austrians  do  homage 
till  the  exercitium  religionis  was  secured  to  their  castles  and  vil- 
lages, as  well  as  to  the  private  houses  of  the  towns. 

What  the  Austrians  and  Hungarians  had  obtained  by  offensive, 
the  Bohemians  gained  by  defensive  measures.  Rudolf  was  forced 
from  the  first  to  consent  to  make  large  concessions,  in  order  to  op- 
pose any  effectual  resistance  to  his  brother.  After  Hungary  and 
Austria  had,  with  the  aid  of  Matthias,  obtained  so  considerable  a 
share  of  freedom,  Rudolf  could  not  refuse  the  demand  of  the  Bohe- 
mians, whatever  the  papal  nuncio  or  the  Spanish  minister  might 
say  to  the  contrary.     He  granted  them  the  imperial  letter,  which 

*  The  act  of  stipulation  contained  this  clause:  "  Quodsi  propter  vel  contra 

tractationem  Viennensem  et  Turcicam hostis  aut  turbator  aliquis  ingrueret, 

turn  serenissimum  archiducem  et  omnes  status  et  ordines  regni  Hungariaj  et 
archidiicatus  superioris  et  inferioris  Austria;  mutuis  auxiliis  sibi  et  suppetiis  non 
defuturos."  Reva  ap.  Schwandtner,  Script,  rerum  Ung.  ii,  Kurz,  Beitrage  zur 
Geschichte  des  Landes  Oestreich  ob  der  Ens,  vol.  iv,  p.  21. 

I  This  article  is  to  be  found  in  Ribiny,  i,  358. 


CH.  I.  §  v.]  IN  GERMANT. — AUSTRIA.  37 

not  only  renewed  the  former  concessions  made  by  Maximilian  II, 
but  permitted  them  to  estabUsh  certain  authorities  for  their  special 
protection. 

The  posture  of  affairs  in  the  German,  and  particularly  the  here- 
ditary, dominions  of  t!ie  emperor,  thus  suddenly  assumed  a  totally 
different  aspect.  The  Union  embraced  a  large  portion  of  Germany, 
and  it  jealously  watched,  and  strenously  repelled  every  attack  of 
Catholicism.  The  estates  of  the  Austrian  provinces  had  consolidated 
the  privileges  demanded  by  their  ancient  claims,  into  a  well-con- 
structed constitutional  power.  There  was  now  also  a  considerable 
dift'erence  in  the  state  of  things.  In  the  empire,  Catholicism  had 
once  more  overspread  the  territories  of  the  catholic  princes;  but 
when,  encouraged  by  success,  it  advanced  its  pretensions,  interfered 
arbitrarily  in  civil  and  political  affairs,  and  endangered  the  existence 
of  free  popular  bodies,  it  encountered  resistance;  and  in  the  heredi- 
tary dominions  of  the  house  of  Austria,  even  within  the  range  of 
the  territorial  rights  of  that  house,  it  was  insuperably  opposed  by 
the  power  of  the  protestant  landholders.  On  one  point  there  was 
a  general  consent.  There  was  a  very  expressive  saying  current  in 
Austria,  that  one  sword  must  be  held  in  the  scabbard  by  the  other. 

Actuated  by  this  feeling,  the  other  party  now  also  prepared  for 
war.  On  the  11th  July,  160.9,  a  defensive  alliance  was  concluded 
between  Maximilian  of  Bavaria  and  seven  ecclesiastical  lords,  viz: 
the  bishops  of  Wurzburg,  Constance,  Augsburg,  Passau,  Ratisbon, 
the  Provost  of  Ellwangen,  and  the  Abbot  of  Kempten;  according 
to  the  terms  of  which,  after  the  example  of  the  ancient  treaty  of 
Landsperg,*  the  Duke  of  Bavaria  was  invested  with  extraordinary 
powers.  Shortly  after,  the  three  electoral  princes  of  the  Rhine 
joined  them,  retaining  however,  a  certain  degree  of  independence. 
The  Archduke  Ferdinand  wished  to  be  admitted  a  member  of  this 
confederation;  Spain  declared  its  approval,  and  the  pope  promised 
to  neglect  nothing  which  could  promote  its  interests.  It  is  unques- 
tionable that  the  pope,  chiefly  through  Spanish  influence,  allowed 
himself  to  be  gradually  deeper  implicated  in  the  projects  of  this 
league.! 

Thus  were  the  two  hostile  parties  arrayed  against  each  other; 
both  armed,  both  in  constant  fear  of  being  surprised  and  attacked, 
and  neither  able  to  bring  affairs  to  any  grand  decisive  issue. 

The  necessary  consequence  was,  that  it  was  henceforward  im- 
possible to  overcome  any  difficulty,  or  to  despatch  any  business  of 
general  importance  in  Germany. 

In  tlie  year  1611,  a  king  of  the  Romans  should  have  been  elected. 

*  Maximilian  makes  mention  of  this  confederacy  of  Landsperg,  in  a  letter  of 
instruction  to  his  ambassador  at  Mayence,  quoted  by  Wolf,  ii,  p.  470. 

t  The  documents  connected  with  this  affair  are  not  known:  till  more  detailed 
information  can  be  found,  the  statement  of  the  Venetian  ambassador  Mocenigo 
may  satisfy  us. 


38 


COUNTER-REFORMATION  IN  GERMANY.  [BOOK  VII. 


The  electors  met  together  in  vain.  They  could  come  to  no  agree- 
ment. 

In  the  year  1612,  even  after  the  death  of  Rudolf,  a  long  time 
passed  in  unavailing  debates.  The  three  temporal  electors  de- 
manded, in  the  capitulation  of  election,  the  establishment  of  an 
aulic  council,  composed  of  an  equal  number  of  protestant  and 
catholic  members,  which  the  three  spiritual  princes  opposed.  No 
election  could  have  taken  place,  had  not  Saxony,  which  on  all 
occasions  showed  great  devotion  to  the  house  of  Austria,  gone  over 
to  the  catholic  party. 

But  what  could  not  be  carried  in  the  electoral  council,  was  de- 
manded with  the  more  violence  by  the  Union  of  princes  at  the  diet 
of  1613,  where  it  was  as  resolutely  opposed  by  the  catholics:  no 
further  deliberation  was  held  on  the  subject;  the  protestantsdid  not 
choose  any  longer  to  subject  themselves  to  the  yoke  of  the  majority. 

In  Juliers  and  Cleves,  in  spite  of  the  wavering  dispositions  be- 
trayed by  the  weak  government  of  the  last  native  prince,  strong 
measures  had  at  length  been  taken  for  the  restoration  of  Catholicism, 
through  the  influence  of  his  wife,  a  princess  of  the  house  of  Lor- 
raine; nevertheless  it  appeared  for  a  time  as  if  the  rival  creed  would 
gain  the  ascendency,  since  the  next  heirs  were  both  protestants. 
But  here  too  the  sectarian  tendency  of  the  age  prevailed.  One  of 
the  protestant  pretenders  to  the  throne  turned  catholic;  and  upon 
this,  the  parties  divided.  In  1614,  as  they  recognised  no  common 
supreme  authority,  they  proceeded  to  acts  of  violence.  The  one 
with  the  assistance  of  Spain,  the  other  with  that  of  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, seized  whatever  they  could  lay  hands  on,  and  each  very  soon 
reformed,  after  its  fashion,  the  country  which  had  fallen  to  its  share. 

Attempts  indeed  were  made  at  a  reconciliation,  and  an  electoral 
diet  was  proposed;  but  the  elector  palatine  would  not  listen  to  this 
project,  as  he  had  no  confidence  in  his  colleague  of  Saxony.  Another 
proposal  was  for  a  general  diet  of  composition;  but  I'he  catholic 
states  had  innumerable  motives  for  rejecting  this.  Others  turned 
their  eyes  towards  the  emperor,  and  advised  him  to  assert  his 
dignity  by  the  demonstration  of  a  large  armed  force.  But  what 
could  be  expected  of  Matthias?  who  by  the  very  origin  of  his  power 
belonged  to  both  parties,  and  who  now,  loaded  as  he  was  with 
chains  of  his  own  forging,  could  display  no  independence  or  energy. 
The  pope  complained  loudly  of  him;  he  declared  him  unfit  to  occupy 
so  august  a  station  in  such  times;  he  remonstrated  with  him  in  the 
strongest  language,  and  only  wondered  that  the  emperor  bore  it  as 
he  did.  At  a  later  period  however,  the  catiiolics  were  not  so  dis- 
satisfied with  him,  and  even  the  bigots  declared  that  he  had  been 
of  greater  use  to  their  church  than  might  have  been  believed.  But 
in  the  affairs  of  the  empire  he  was  utterly  powerless.  In  the  year 
1617,  he  made  an  attempt  to  dissolve  both  the  hostile  confederacies, 
but  with  so  little  success,  that  the  Union  was  immediately  after 
renewed,  and  the  League  re-established  on  a  new  and  firmer  basis. 


CH.  I.  §  VI.]       NUNTIATURA  IN  SWITZERLAND.  39 


§  6.  NUNTIATURA  IN  SWITZERLAND. 

That  equal  balance  of  parties  which  had  long  existed  in  Switzer- 
land, now  manifested  itself  as  distinctly  as  in  former  times,  though 
more  peacefully. 

The  independence  of  each  of  the  confederate  cantons  of  Switzer- 
land had  long  been  declared;  nor  was  it  lawful  so  much  as  to  dis- 
cuss the  aftairs  of  religion  at  their  diets. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the  catholic 
party  no  longer  entertained  the  slightest  hope  of  crushing  the  pro- 
testants,  who  were  not  only  more  powerful  and  wealthy  than 
tViemselves,  but  had  also  in  their  ranks  men  of  greater  ability  and 
experience  in  business.* 

It  is  clear  that  the  nuncios  who  had  established  their  residence 
in  Lucerne,  did  not  deceive  themselves  on  this  head;  since  it  is 
from  them  that  we  derive  this  representation  of  the  state  of  things. 
Nevertheless,  spite  of  the  limits  thus  imposed  on  their  sphere  of 
activity,  the  situation  they  held  among  the  catholics  was  one  of 
great  consideration. 

Their  chief  care  was,  to  keep  the  bishops  to  the  exercise  of  their 
duties.t  The  bishops  of  German  race  were  prone  to  consider 
themselves  princes;  whereas  the  nuncios  incessantly  represented  to 
them,  that  they  were  invested  with  exalted  temporal  rank  only  for 
the  sake  of  their  spiritual  calling,  the  high  responsibilities  of  which 
they  constantly  pressed  upon  them.  We  find,  indeed,  that  great 
zeal  and  activity  at  that  time  animated  the  Swiss  church.  Visita- 
tions were  made,  synods  appointed,  convents  reformed,  and  semi- 
naries established.  The  nuncios  endeavored  to  maintain  a  good 
understanding  between  the  spiritual  and  the  temporal  authorities, 
and  their  gentleness  and  persuasiveness  ensured  them  considerable 
success.     They  had  sufficient  influence  to  prevent  the  importation 

*  Informatione  mandata  dal  S''  Card'  d'  Aquino  a  Mons''  Feliciano  Vescovo  di 
Foligno  per  il  paese  de'  Suizzeri  e  Grisoni,  (Informationi  Politt.  ix,)  adds:  "Li 
cantoni  cattolici  sino  a  questi  tempi  sono  tenuti  piii  bellicosi  che  i  cantoni  liere- 
tici,  ancora  che  quelli  siano  piu  potenti  di  genti  al  doppio  e  di  denari:  ma  hoggi 
li  cattolici  si  mostrano  tanto  afFettionati  e  mutati  da  quelli  antichi  Suizzeri  che 
se  non  fosse  particolare  gratia  del  Signore,  huraanamente  parlando,  poco  o  veruno 
avvantaggio  haverebbero  questi  sopra  gli  avversarii  heretici,  e  non  sarebbe  sicuro 
senza  ajuto  straniero  il  venir  a  rottura  con  essi,  oltre  che  li  medesimi  protestanti 
hanno  persoiie  piii  dotte,  prattiche,  giudiciosi  e  potenti  in  ogni  aifare." 

f  Relatione  della  nuntiatura  de'  Suizzeri:  "  L'esperienza  mi  ha  mostrato  che 
per  far  frutto  nella  nuntiatura  non  e  bene  che  i  nuntii  si  ingerischino  nelle  cose 
che  possono  fare  i  vescovi  e  che  spettano  a  gli  ordinarii,  se  non  in  sussidio  e  con 
vera  necessita:  perche  mettendosi  mano  ad  ogni  cosa  indifferentemente,  non  solo 
essi  vescovi  si  sdegnano,  ma  si  oppongono  spesse  volte  e  rendono  vana  ogni 
fatica  del  ministro  apostolico,  oltre  che  e  contro  la  mente  di  monsignore  e  delli 
canoni  che  si  metta  mano  nella  messe  aliena  mandandoli  i  nuntii  per  ajutare  e 
non  per  distruggere  I'autorita  degli  ordinarii." 


40  NUNTIATURA  IN  SWITZERLAND.  [BOOK  VII. 

of  protestant  writings,  though  they  were  obliged  to  allow  the  people 
to  retain  their  bibles  and  German  prayer-books.  Jesuits  and  ca- 
puchins labored  with  great  effect.  Confraternities  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  were  founded,  including  old  and  young:  the  churcii  and  the 
confessional  were  punctually  attended;  pilgrimages  to  miraculous 
images  were  again  generally  performed;  and  it  even  became  ne- 
cessary to  mitigate  the  severities  which  some  devout  persons 
imposed  ou  themselves.*  The  nuncios  could  not  find  words  to 
convey  their  sense  of  the  value  of  the  services  rendered  by  the 
capuchins,  especially  the  Italians  of  that  order. 

These  efforts  naturally  led  to  conversions.  The  nuncios  received, 
supported  and  recommended  the  converts,  and  endeavored,  from 
the  contributions  of  the  faithful,  to  establish  funds,  under  the  control 
of  the  prelates,  for  the  maintenance  of  the  proselytes.  Sometimes 
they  succeeded  in  regainijig  jurisdictions  given  up  for  lost,  and  in 
■which  they  then  hastened  to  re-establish  catholic  worship.  The 
bishop  of  I3asle  and  the  abbot  of  St.  Gall  showed  peculiar  zeal  in 
this  matter. 

All  these  labors  of  the  nuncios  were  greatly  promoted  by  the 
formation  of  a  Spanish  party  in  catholic  Switzerland;  the  adherents 
of  Spain,  for  example  the  Lusi  in  Unterwalden,  the  Amli  in  Lu- 
cerne, the  Blihler  in  Schwyz,  &c.  were  all  among  the  most  devoted 
servants  of  the  Roman  See.  The  nuncios  did  not  fail  to  encourage 
these  sentiments  by  every  means  in  their  power.  They  treated 
those  who  held  them  with  all  possible  respect  and  courtesy;  listened 
with  patience  to  the  longest  and  most  tiresome  speeches;  were  not 
sparing  of  titles,  and  professed  great  admiration  of  the  ancient  deeds 
of  the  Swiss  people,  and  of  the  wisdom  of  their  republican  institu- 
tions. They  found  it  absolutely  indispensable  to  keep  together 
their  friends  by  a  regular  succession  of  feasts,  while  they  repaid 
every  invitation,  every  civility  to  themselves,  with  a  present. 
Presents  were  here  found  to  have  peculiar  efficacy:  a  man  who 
was  advanced  to  the  dignity  of  a  knight  of  the  Golden  Spur,  and 
received,  together  with  the  honor,  a  chain  or  a  medal,  felt  himself 
bound  to  tliem  forever.  They  had  only  to  take  care  not  to  promise 
what  they  were  not  certain  to  be  able  to  perform;  if  they  could  do 
more  than  they  promised,  the  favor  was  esteemed  the  more  highly. 
Their  private  life  was  expected  to  be  regular  and  decorous,  so  as 
to  give  no  handle  to  censure. 

Thus  it  happened  that  the  catholic  interests,  even  in  Switzerland, 
were  generally  sure  of  a  good  reception,  and  of  a  quiet  progress. 

There  was  only  one  province,  in  which  the  hostility  between 
protestants  and  catholics,  concurring  as  it  there  did,  with  unsettled 
political  relations,  could  cause  danger  and  contention. 

The  government  of  the  Grisons  was  essentially  protestant;  but 

*  An  example  is  given  in  the  Literae  annuse  societatis  Jesu,  1596,  p.  187. 
*♦  Modus  tamen  rigido  illi  jejunio  est  a  confessario  adhibitus." 


CH.  I.  §  VII.]  CATHOLICISM  IN  FRANCE.  41 

among  their  dependencies,  the  Italian,  and  especially  the  Valtelline, 
were  inflexibly  catholic. 

Hence  arose  continual  provocations.  The  government  would 
not  tolerate  any  foreign  priests  in  the  valley,  and  had  even  forbidden 
their  subjects  to  frequent  foreign  Jesuits'  schools;  nor  would  it  per- 
mit the  bishop  of  Como,  to  whose  diocese  the  Valtelline  belonged, 
to  perform  his  oflicial  duties  there.  On  the  other  hand,  the  inha- 
bitants saw  with  the  greatest  disgust,  protestant  lords  and  masters 
in  their  country,  and  consequently  cherished  a  secret  attachment  to 
their  neighbors  of  Italy — to  the  orthodox  Milan,  while  the  Col- 
legium Helveticum,  where  only  six  places  were  reserved  for  the 
Valtelline,  constantly  sent  forth  young  divines  who  inflamed  their 
zeal.* 

These  religious  dissensions  were  attended  with  danger,  since 
France,  Spain,  and  Venice  were  eagerly  vying  with  each  other  to 
establish  a  party  in  the  Grisons;  these  parties  frequently  broke  out 
into  open  violence,  and  drove  each  other  from  the  field.  In  the 
year  1607,  the  Spanish  faction,  and  soon  afterwards  the  Venetian, 
took  possession  of  Coire.  The  former  broke  up  all  the  existing  al- 
liances, the  latter  restored  them.  The  Spanish  party  had  catholic, 
the  Venetian,  protestant  sympathies,  and  these  gave  the  tone  to  the 
whole  politics  of  the  country.  It  was  now  of  the  greatest  import- 
ance to  ascertain  for  which  side  France  would  declare  herself.  The 
French  had  pensioners  all  over  Switzerland,  not  only  in  the  catholic 
but  in  the  protestant  cantons,  and  possessed  a  long-established  in- 
fluence in  the  Grisons.  About  the  year  1612,  they  declared  for 
the  catholic  interest;  the  nuncio  succeeded  in  winning  over  their 
friends  to  the  side  of  Rome,  and  the  Venetian  alliance  was  therefore 
formally  dissolved. 

This  party  warfare  merited  little  attention  for  its  own  sake;  but 
acquired  great  importance  from  the  fact,  that  the  opening  or  closing 
the  passes  in  the  Grisons  to  the  one  or  the  other  of  the  great  powers, 
depended  upon  it.  We  shall  see  that  the  struggles  of  this  small 
state  had  a  considerable  efiect  in  determining  the  general  relations 
of  politics  and  religion  throughout  Europe. 


§  7.    REGENERATION  OF  CATHOLICISM  IN  FRANCE. 

At  this  crisis  the  question  of  the  greatest  interest  to  the  world 
was,  the  position  and  character  which  France  would  assume  with 
respect  to  religion. 

*  Rel"^  della  nuntiatura:  "  II  collegio  Elvetico  di  Milano  e  di  gran  giovamento, 
et  e  la  salute  in  pariicolare  della  Val  Telina,  che  quanti  preti  ha,  sono  soggetti 
di  detto  collegio,  e  quasi  tutti  dottorati  in  theologia." 
VOL.  IL — 5 


43  REGENERATION  OF  [BOOK  VII. 

One  glance  suffices  to  show  that  the  proteslants  were  still  ex- 
tremely powerful. 

Henry  IV  had  proclaimed  the  edict  of  Nantes,  by  which  not 
only  the  possession  of  the  churches  they  then  held  was  guaranteed  . 
to  them,  but  also  a  share  in  the  institutions  for  public  education, 
and  committees  composed  of  an  equal  number  of  protestants  and 
catholics  in  the  parliaments;  fortified  places  were  ceded  to  them  in 
great  number;  and  above  all  things,  a  degree  of  independence  was 
granted  them  which  seems  hardly  compatible  with  the  idea  of  a 
State.  About  the  year  1600,  there  were  seven  hundred  and  sixty- 
parish  churches  belonging  to  the  protestants  of  France,  all  in  good 
order:  four  thousand  of  the  nobility  belonged  to  that  confession,  and 
it  was  calculated  that  they  could  bring  into  the  field  without  diffi- 
culty twenty-five  thousand  men,  and  that  they  possessed  about  two 
hundred  fortified  towns: — a  power  able  to  command  respect,  and 
not  to  be  assailed  with  impunity.* 

Next  to  them  however,  and  in  direct  opposition,  arose  a  second 
power — the  corporation  of  the  catholic  clergy  of  France. 

The  vast  possessions  of  the  French  clergy  gave  them  a  certain 
independence  as  a  body,  which  became  the  more  conspicuous  when 
they  entered  into  an  engagement  to  pay  off  a  part  of  the  public 
debt.t  For  their  contribution  was  not  so  forced  but  that  their  en- 
gagement to  pay  it  was  from  time  to  time  renewed  with  the  forms 
of  a  voluntary  act. 

Under  Henry  IV,  the  meetings  which  were  held  for  this  purpose 
assumed  a  more  regular  form.  They  were  to  be  held  every  tenth 
year;  always  in  May,  when  the  days  are  long  and  allow  time  for 
much  business:  never  at  Paris,  for  fear  of  the  interruptions  and  dis- 
sipations of  a  capital.  Every  two  years,  smaller  meetings  were  to 
be  held  for  the  purpose  oif  auditing  the  accounts. 

It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  these  assemblies,  particularly  the 
larger  ones,  would  be  content  with  the  mere  performance  of  their 
financial  duties.  The  fulfilment  of  these  soon  gave  them  courage 
to  aim  at  larger  objects.  In  the  years  1595  and  1596,  they  deter- 
mined to  reorganise  the  provincial  councils;  to  oppose  the  encroach- 
ments made  by  the  temporal  authorities  upon  the  ecclesiastical  ju- 

*  Badoer,  Relatione  di  Francia,  1605. 

■j-  In  the  Memoires  du  clerge  de  France,  torn.  ix. — Recuil  des  contrats  passes 
par  le  clerge  avec  les  rois — are  to  be  found  the  documents  relating  to  this  affair, 
from  the  year  1561  downwards.  At  the  convention  of  Poisy  in  this  year,  for 
instance,  the  clergy  undertook  not  only  to  pay  the  interest  of  the  debts  which 
had  been  incurred  by  the  state,  but  to  discharge  them.  The  discharge  did  not 
take  place:  the  promise  to  pay  the  interest  however  was  adhered  to.  The  debts 
were  chiefly  those  which  had  been  contracted  to  the  Hotel  de  Ville  of  Paris,  and 
the  city  received  the  interest:  a  fixed  annual  rent  was  paid  to  it  by  the  clergy. 
It  is  easy  to  see,  why  Paris,  even  if  its  citizens  had  not  been  such  good  catholics 
as  they  were,  would  never  liave  ventured  to  give  any  countenance  to  the  ruin  of 
the  clergy,  nor  consented  to  the  destruction  of  the  ecclesiasttcal  possessions, 
which  were  thus  mortgaged  to  them. 


CH.  I.  §  VII.]  CATHOLICISM  IN  FRANCE.  43 

riscliction,  and  to  permit  no  simony:  to  these  resolutions  the  king, 
after  some  slight  hesitation,  gave  his  sanction.*  It  was  customary 
for  the  clergy  to  make  general  representations  in  all  matters  relating 
to  churches  and  church  discipline;  these  the  king  could  not  possibly 
refuse  to  receive,  and  they  invariably  led  to  new  concessions.  At 
their  next  meeting,  the  clergy  set  on  foot  an  inquiry  whether  the 
changes  they  had  directed  had  been  carried  into  execution. 

Henry's  situation  was  now  most  extraordinary;  placed  between 
two  corporations,  each  of  which  had  a  certain  independence,  each 
holding  its  meetings  at  stated  times,  and  each  assailing  him  with 
opposite  representations,  neither  of  which  it  was  safe  for  him  to 
resist. 

His  general  intention  was,  doubtless,  to  maintain  the  balance  be- 
tween them,  and  not  to  suffer  them  to  break  out  into  fresh  discord; 
but  if  we  inquire  to  which  of  the  two  parties  he  was  most  inclined, 
and  gave  in  fact  the  greatest  assistance,  we  shall  find  that,  notwith- 
standing his  own  protestant  extraction,  it  was  undoubtedly  the 
catholic. 

Henry  was  as  little  swayed  by  gratitude  as  by  revenge;  he  was 
more  solicitous  to  acquire  new  friends,  than  to  reward  or  to  gratify 
the  old. 

Had  not  the  Huguenots  been  obliged  to  extort  from  him  even  the 
edict  of  Nantes?  He  granted  it  only  at  a  moment  when  he  was 
hard  pressed  by  the  Spaniards,  and  when  the  protestants  had  them- 
selves assumed  a  very  threatening  and  warlike  attitude.t  They 
used  their  freedom  in  the  same  spirit  in  which  they  had  won  it; 
they  constituted  a  republic  over  which  the  king  had  but  little  influ- 
ence; and  from  time  to  time  they  spoke  as  if  they  meant  to  choose 
some  foreign  protector. 

The  catholic  clergy,  on  the  contrary,  attached  themselves  to  the 
king;  instead  of  requiring  pecuniary  assistance,  they  afforded  it;  the 
degree  of  independence  they  enjoyed  could  not  be  dangerous,  since 
the  king  held  the  nomination  to  the  vacant  sees  in  his  own  hands. 
In  so  far  as  the  position  of  the  Huguenots  involved,  as  it  manifestly 
did,  a  limitation  of  the  royal  power,  it  is  clear  that  the  extension 
of  that  power  was  inseparably  connected  with  the  progress  of 
Catholicism.^ 

As  early  as  the  year  1598,  the  king  declared  to  the  clergy  that  it 

*  Relation  des  principales  choses  qui  ont  este  resolues  dans  Tassemblee  gene- 
rale  du  clerge  tcnue  a  Paris  es  annees  1595  et  1596,  envoyee  a  toutes  les  dioceses. 
Memoires  du  Clerge,  torn,  viii,  p.  6. 

fThis  appears  incontestably  from  the  narrative  of  Benoist,  Histoire  de  I'edit. 
de  Nantes,  i,  185. 

:f:Niccolo  Contarini:  "II  re  se  ben  andava  temporeggiando  con  le  parti  e  11 
suoi  ministri  e  consiglieri  fussero  dell'  una  e  I'altra  religione,  pur  sempre  piu  si 
mostrava  alienarsi  dagli  Ugonoti  e  desiderarli  minori:  la  ragione  principal  era 
perche  tenendo  essi  per  li  editti  di  pace  molte  piazze  nolle  loro  mani,  dellequali 
ben  trenta  erano  di  molto  momento,  senza  di  queste  li  pareva  non  essere  assolu- 
tamente  re  del  suo  regno." 


44  REGENERATION  OF  [BOOK  VII. 

was  his  intention  to  render  the  catholic  church  as  flourishing  as  it 
had  been  in  former  ages;  all  he  asked  was  patience  and  confidence; 
Paris  was  not  built  in  a  day.* 

From  that  time  the  manner  of  exercising  the  rights  conferred  by 
the  concordat  was  totally  changed;  benefices  were  no  longer  be- 
stowed upon  women  and  children.  The  king  looked  most  carefully 
to  the  learning,  the  opinions,  and  the  conduct  of  those  upon  whom 
he  conferred  church  livings. 

"  In  all  internal  matters,"  says  a  Venetian,  "  he  shows  himself 
personally  devoted  to  the  Roman  catholic  religion,  and  unfavorable 
to  the  opposite  party." 

Actuated  by  these  sentiments,  he  recalled  the  Jesuits;  he  thought 
that  their  zeal  would  materially  tend  to  the  restoration  of  Catho- 
licism, and  consequently  to  the  extension  of  the  royal  power,  such 
as  he  now  contemplated  and  desired  it.t 

Yet  all  this  would  have  availed  but  little,  had  not  the  internal 
regeneration  of  the  catholic  church  of  France,  which  had  already 
commenced,  just  now  advanced  with  rapid  strides.  Within  the 
first  twenty  years  of  that  century,  it  assumed  a  new  form.  This 
change,  especially  as  it  regards  the  renovation  of  convent  discipline, 
in  which  it  appears  under  its  most  striking  aspect,  we  shall  now 
briefly  consider. 

The  ancient  orders — the  Dominicans,  Franciscans,  and  Bene- 
dictines— were  most  zealously  reformed.  The  religious  communi- 
ties of  women  emulated  their  zeal  and  asceticism.  The  Feuillantines 
imposed  on  themselves  such  austere  penances  that  fourteen  are  said 
to  have  died  of  them  in  one  week,  and  the  pope  himself  was  obliged 
to  exhort  them  to  moderate  the  severity  of  their  discipline.^  Com- 
munity of  goods,  silence,  and  night  vigils  were  re-introduced  at 
Portroyal;  the  mystery  of  the  Eucharist  was  adored  day  and  night 
without  intermission. §  The  nuns  of  Calvary  observed  the  rule  of 
Saint  Benedict  in  all  its  rigor;  they  offered  up  incessant  prayer  at 
the  foot  of  the  cross,  which  they  regarded  as  a  sort  of  expiatory 
penance  for  the  outrages  offered  by  protesfants  to  the  tree  of  life-tj 

At  that  time  Saint  Theresa  had  reformed  the  order  of  the  Car- 
melites in  Spain,  but  in  a  somewhat  different  spirit.  She  also  pre- 
scribed the  most  rigid  seclusion;  restricting  the  visits  of  the  nearest 
kindred  at  the  grate,  and  subjecting  even  the  confessors  to  vigilant 

*  Memoires  du  Clerge,  torn,  xiv,  p.  259. 

f  Contarini:  "  Per  abbassamento  del  quale  (del  partite  degli  Ugonoti)  s'ima- 
gino  di  poter  dar  gran  colpo  col  richiamar  li  Gesuiti,  pensando  anco  in  questa 
rnaniera  di  toglier  la  radice  a  molte  congiure."  The  king  had  said,  in  answer 
to  the  demands  of  the  parliaments,  that  if  they  would  ensure  his  personal  safety, 
the  exile  of  the  Jesuits  should  be  perpetual. 

■i;.  Helyot,  Histoire  des  ordres  monastiques,  v,  p.  412. 

§  Felibien,  Histoire  de  Paris,  ii,  1339,  a  work  throughout  of  great  importance 
as  regards  the  history  of  the  restoration,  and  which,  in  many  instances,  takes  its 
accounts  from  original  documents. 

II  La  vie  du  veritable  pere  Josef,  1705,  p.  53-73. 


CH.  I.  §  VII.]  CATHOLICISM  IN  FRANCE.  45 

inspection.  But  Saint  Theresa  did  not  regard  austerity  as  an  end; 
she  employed  it  only  as  a  means  of  elevating  the  soul  to  an  imme- 
diate contemplation  of  the  Deity,  and  to  some  simihtude  with  the 
divine  spirit. 

But  experience  and  reflection  soon  taught  her  that  no  retirement 
from  the  world,  no  privation,  no  self-chastisement,  would  suffice  to 
maintain  the  mind  in  the  requisite  state  of  abstraction  from  earthly 
objects  without  other  means:  these  means  she  found  in  labor: — the 
business  of  the  household,  the  works  which  become  the  hands  of 
woman,  the  salt  which  preserves  the  soul  of  woman  from  cor- 
ruption, the  guardian  which  shuts  the  door  against  the  intrusion  of 
all  wandering  thoughts.  Yet  this  labor  was  not  to  be  costly,  nor 
over  delicate,  nor  to  be  completed  within  a  fixed  time;  it  was  not 
to  absorb  the  attention.  Her  object  was  to  preserve  the  serenity  of 
a  soul  conscious  of  its  existence  in  God;  a  soul,  as  she  says,  "  that 
ever  lives  as  if  standing  before  the  face  of  Almighty  God;  that 
knows  no  sorrow  nor  pain  but  that  of  not  enjoying  His  presence." 
She  wished  to  produce  what  she  calls  the  prayer  of  love,  "in  which 
the  soul  forgets  herself,  and  drinks  in  the  voice  of  her  Divine  Mas- 
ter."* The  enthusiasm  of  this  remarkable  woman  was  at  all 
events  pure,  grand  and  unaflected,  and  made  the  strongest  impres- 
sion on  the  whole  catholic  world.  The  persuasion  soon  spread  to 
France,  that  something  more  than  mere  penances  was  necessary. 
Pierre  Berulle  was  sent  to  Spain  as  delegate  to  the  order  which  he 
afterwards  introduced,  though  not  without  some  difficulty,  into 
France,  where  it  took  root  and  brought  forth  the  fairest  fruits. 

The  monasteries  founded  by  St.  Frangois  de  Sales  were  also  go- 
verned by  the  same  mild  spirit.  He  endeavored  to  pursue  every 
occupation  with  cheerful  serenity,  without  painful  effort  or  hurry. 
With  the  aid  of  his  fellow-laborer.  Mere  de  Chantal,  he  established 
the  order  of  Visitation  expressly  for  those  whose  delicate  bodily 
frame  prevented  their  entering  the  austerer  communities.  Not  only 
did  he  avoid  in  his  rule  all  acts  of  penance,  strictly  so  called,  and 
dispense  the  members  of  the  order  from  the  severer  duties,  but  he 
warned  them  against  indulging  in  excesses  of  enthusiastic  feeling. 
We  must,  he  says,  without  over-anxious  self-investigation,  place 
ourselves  before  the  face  of  God  our  Father,  and  not  seek  to  enjoy 
more  of  his  presence  than  he  sees  fit  to  grant  us:  under  the  garb  of 
religious  ecstasy,  arrogance  and  conceit  easily  get  possession  of  the 
soul;  we  ought  to  walk  humbly  in  the  straight  and  beaten  path  of 
virtue.  On  this  principle  he  enjoined  the  care  of  the  sick  on  his 
nuns  as  their  first  duty.     The  sisters  were  to  go  out,  always  two 

*  Diego  de  Yepes,  Vita  della  gloriosa  vergine  S.  Teresa  di  Giesu,  fondatrice 
de'  Carmelitani  scalzi,  Roma,  1623,  p.  303.  Constituzioni  principali,  §  3,  p. 
208.  The  Exclamaciones  o  meditaciones  di  S.  Teresa  con  algunos  otros  trata- 
dillos,  Brusselas,  1682,  contain  proofs  of  an  enthusiasm  almost  too  exalted  for  our 
taste. 

5* 


46  ~  REGENERATION  OF  [BOOK  VII. 

together,  a  superior  and  an  attendant,  to  visit  the  indigent  sick  in 
their  own  houses,  "  We  must  pray  by  our  works,  by  labors  of 
love,"  was  the  maxim  of  St.  Frangois  de  Sales.  His  order  exer- 
cised a  beneficent  influence  on  the  whole  of  France.* 

All  these  changes  mark  an  evident  progress  from  severity  to 
moderation,  from  enthusiasm  to  serenity,  and  from  a  life  of  asceti- 
cal  seclusion  to  the  fulfilment  of  social  duties. 

The  Ursuline  nuns,  who  take  a  fourth  vow  to  devote  themselves 
to  the  education  of  young  girls— a  duty  which  they  performed  with 
admirable  zeal — had  already  been  received  in  France. 

As  might  be  concluded,  a  similar  spirit  was  rife  and  active  among 
the  religious  societies  of  men. 

Jean  Bapiste  Romillon,  who,  up  to  his  six-and-twentieth  year, 
had  borne  arms  against  Catholicism,  but  had  then  become  a  convert 
to  it,  now,  with  the  assistance  of  a  friend  who  shared  his  views, 
established  the  order  of  the  Fathers  of  Christian  Doctrine,  which 
laid  the  foundation  of  elementary  instruction  in  France. 

We  have  already  mentioned  Berulle,one  of  the  most  distinguished 
French  ecclesiastics  of  that  time.  From  his  earliest  youth  he  had 
shown  an  ardent  zeal  to  qualify  himself  for  (he  service  of  the  church: 
he  kept  daily  present  to  him,  as  he  says,  "  the  truest  and  most  inti- 
mate thought  of  his  heart,"  which  was  to  strive  after  the  greatest 
attainable  perfection.  Perhaps  the  difficulties  which  he  encountered 
in  this  work  suggested  to  him  the  paramount  necessity  of  an  insti- 
tution for  the  education  of  clergymen  in  the  special  and  immediate 
duties  of  their  vocation.  He  took  as  his  model  Filippo  Neri,  who 
had  founded  the  establishment  of  priests  of  the  oratory.  He  allowed 
no  vows,  only  simple  engagements;  he  had  sense  and  magnanimity 
enough  to  wish  that  those  who  did  not  feel  a  strong  disposition  for 
that  service  should  quit  it.  This  institution  had  great  success;  the 
absence  of  severity  attracted  pupils  of  higher  rank,  and  BeruUe 
soon  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  brilliant,  able,  and  docile  set  of 
young  men;  episcopal  seminaries  and  learned  schools  were  con- 
signed to  his  direction,  and  a  new  and  active  spirit  animated  the 
clergy  trained  in  his  institution.  It  formed  a  great  number  of  cele- 
brated preachers,  and  from  that  time  the  character  of  the  pulpit 
eloquence  of  France  was  determined.! 

It  is  impossible  to  pass  over  the  congregation  of  St.  Maur. 
Whilst  the  French  benedictines  embraced  the  reforms  which  their 
order  had  undergone  in  Lorraine,  they  added  to  the  existing  duties, 
that  of  devoting  themselves  to  the  education  of  the  young  nobility, 
and  to  letters.  At  the  very  commencement  of  this  change  appeared 
the  celebrated  Nicholas  Hugo  Menard,  who  directed  their  studies 

*  E.  g.  in  Gallitia,  Leben  des  heiligen  Franz  von  Sales,  ii,  285.  His  cha- 
racter appears  in  the  clearest  and  most  attractive  manner,  however,  in  his  own 
works,  particularly  the  Introduction  to  a  Devotional  Life. 

I  Tabaraud,  Histoire  de  Pierre  de  BeruUe,  Paris,  1817. 


CH.  I.  §  I.]  CATHOLICISM  IN  FRANCE.  47 

to  ecclesiastical  antiquities,  and  to  whom  the  world  is  indebted  for 
so  many  magnificent  works.* 

Mary  of  Medicis  introduced  into  France  the  order  of  the  brethren 
of  mercy,  founded  by  that  unwearied  servant  of  the  sick,  Juan  de 
DioSjt  a  Portnguese,  to  whom  that  name  was  given,  in  a  moment 
of  admiration,  by  a  Spanish  bishop.  They  increased  the  severity 
of  their  rale,  but  this  only  served  to  procure  them  more  followers, 
and  in  a  short  time  we  find  thirty  hospitals  founded  by  them. 

But  what  an  undertaking  is  it  to  change  the  rehgious  character 
of  a  whole  nation — to  give  a  new  direction  to  its  faith  and  doctrine! 
In  many  of  the  more  remote  districts,  among  the  country  people, 
and  even  among  the  parish  priests,  the  old  abuses  still  prevailed; 
till  at  length,  in  the  midst  of  this  general  religious  excitement, 
Vincent  de  Paul,  the  great  missionary  of  the  common  people,  ap- 
peared, and  founded  the  congregation  of  the  mission,  the  members 
of  which  were  to  travel  from  place  to  place,  and  to  excite  and 
spread  the  spirit  of  piety  through  the  remotest  corners  of  the  land. 
Vincent  hiniself  was  a  peasant's  son,  humble,  full  of  zeal  and  of 
practical  good  sense.J  The  order  of  the  sisters  of  mercy  also  owes 
its  origin  to  him;  an  order,  in  which  the  more  delicate  sex,  at  a 
time  of  life  when  all  the  visions  of  domestic  happiness  or  worldly 
splendor  float  before  their  eyes,  devoted  themselves  to  the  service 
of  the  sick — often  of  the  abandoned — without  venturing  to  give 
more  than  a  transient  expression  to  those  religious  feelings  which 
were  the  source  and  spring  of  all  their  toils. 

These  efforts  for  the  improvement  or  the  consolation  of  humanity 
are  now  happily  become  of  constant  recurrence  in  every  Christian 
land;  the  education  of  the  poor,  the  promotion  of  learning,  and 
the  mitigation  of  human  sufTernig,  every  where  command  attention. 
Never  will  such  efforts  succeed  without  an  union  of  varied  ability 
and  knowledge  with  religious  enthusiasm.  In  protestant  countries 
they  are  generally  left  to  the  energy  of  each  successive  generation, 
and  to  a  sense  of  the  necessities  of  the  moment.  But  Catholicism 
aims  at  giving  an  unalterable  basis  to  associations  formed  for  such 
objects,  and  a  uniform  direction  to  the  religious  impulse  which 
prompts  them;  in  order  that  every  effort  may  be  consecrated  to  the 
immediate  service  of  the  church,  and  that  successive  generations 
may  be  trained,  by  a  silent  but  resistless  process,  in  the  same  spirit. 

The  most  important  results  were  soon  visible  in  France.  Already, 
under  Henry  IV,  the  protestants  felt  that  they  were  crippled  and 
endangered  by  the  searching  and  boundless  activity  displayed  by 

*  Filipe  le  Cerf,  Bibliotheque  historique  et  critique  des  auteurs  de  la  congre- 
gation de  S.  Maur,  p.  355. 

I  Approbatio  congregationis  fratrum  Johannis  Dei,  1572.  Kal.  Jan.  (Bullar. 
Cocquel.  iv,  iii,  190  ) 

:j:  iStolberg,  Leben  des  heiligen  Vincentius  Von  Paulus,  Miinster,  1813.  The 
worthy  Stolberg  ought  not,  however,  to  have  treated  his  hero  as  "a  man  by 
whom  France  had  been  regenerated."  (p.  6,  p.  399.) 


48  CATHOLICISM  IN  FRANCE.  [BOOK  VII. 

their  antagonists;  for  some  time  protestantism  made  no  progress; 
soon  after  it  began  to  lose  ground,  and  even  before  the  death  of 
that  monarch  they  complained  that  desertion  had  commenced  in 
their  ranks. 

And  yet  Henry  had  been  forced  by  his  policy  to  grant  them  fresh 
privileges,  and  to  disregard  the  suggestions  of  the  pope,  who  desired 
that  they  should  be  excluded  from  all  public  offices. 

Mary  of  Medici,  however,  abandoned  the  policy  which  had  been 
hitherto  pursued,  and  on  many  points  attached  herself  more  closely 
to  Spain.  A  decidedly  catholic  spirit  predominated  in  domestic 
and  foreign  alfairs,  not  only  at  court,  but  even  in  the  assembly  of 
estates.  In  the  year  1614,  the  two  first  meetings  expressly  required 
the  publication  of  the  decrees  of  the  council  of  Trent,  and  even  the 
restoration  of  church  property  in  Beam. 

It  was  exceedingly  fortunate  for  the  protestants,  among  whom 
also  great  zeal  and  activity  prevailed  for  the  interests  of  their  church, 
that  they  occupied  so  strong  a  political  situation,  and  were  so  for- 
midable as  to  render  it  impossible  to  extinguish  it.  Since  the  go- 
vernment had  joined  their  opponents,  the  protestants  had  found 
support  and  assistance  from  powerful  malcontents,  who  have  ever 
been,  and  will  ever  be,  numerous  in  France.  Some  time  therefore 
elapsed  before  it  was  possible  to  make  a  direct  attack  on  them. 


49 


CHAPTER  11. 

GENERAL  WAR-TRIUMPHS  OF  CATHOLICISM. 

1617—16.23. 


§  1.    BREAKING  OUT  OP  THE   WAR. 

However  widely  different  be  the  circumstances  which  we  have 
thus  seen  developed,  they  combine  to  form  one  grand  result;  on 
every  side  Catholicism  has  advanced  with  mighty  strides,  on  every 
side  it  has  encountered  a  vigorous  resistance.  In  Poland  it  has  not 
succeeded  in  crushing  its  adversary,  only  because  protestantism 
was  there  invincibly  sustained  by  the  sympathies  of  the  neighbor- 
ing kingdoms.  In  Germany  a  compactly  cemented  opposition  re- 
pelled the  advances  of  the  prevailing  creed,  and  of  the  returning 
priesthood.  The  king  of  Spain  reluctantly  consented  to  grant  the 
United  Provinces  an  armistice  which  almost  implied  a  formal  re- 
cognition. The  French  Huguenots  were  prepared  against  every 
attack  by  the  possession  of  fortified  towns,  by  disciplined  and  armed 
troops,  and  by  well-considered  financial  arrangements.  In  Swit- 
zerland the  balance  of  parties  had  long  been  consolidated  on  so  firm 
a  basis  that  regenerated  Catholicism  had  no  power  to  derange  it. 

Europe  thus  appears  to  us  divided  into  two  worlds  which  sur- 
round, limit,  expel,  and  assail  each  other  at  every  point. 

On  instituting  a  general  comparison  between  them,  we  are  im- 
mediately struck  with  the  far  greater  unity  exhibited  by  the  catho- 
lic party.  We  are  indeed  aware  that  it  is  not  without  intestine 
discords,  but  at  present  these  are  silenced.  Above  all,  an  amicable 
and  even  confidential  intercourse  subsists  between  France  and 
Spain;  the  occasional  ebullitions  of  the  old  enmity  of  Venice  or 
Savoy  do  not  materially  affect  the  general  interests  of  Catholicism; 
and  even  such  formidable  attempts  as  the  conspiracy  against  Venice 
pass  over  without  serious  disturbance.  Pope  Paul  V,  after  the  ex- 
perience of  the  early  part  of  his  reign  had  afforded  him  such  an 
impressive  lesson,  was  calm  and  moderate;  he  found  means  to 
maintain  peace  between  the  catholic  powers,  and  occasionally  gave 
an  important  turn  to  the  general  policy  of  Europe. 


50  BREAKING  OUT  OF  WAR.  [BOOK  VII. 

The  protestants,  on  the  other  hand,  had  not  only  no  centre  of 
union,  but  since  the  death  of  Elizabeth  of  England,  and  the  acces- 
sion of  James  I,  who  from  the  begirming  of  his  reign  maintained 
a  somewhat  equivocal  policy,  they  had  not  even  a  leader.  Luthe- 
rans and  Calvinists  stood  opposed  to  each  other  with  a  feeling  of 
mutual  hatred,  which  necessarily  led  to  opposite  political  mea- 
sures. But  the  Calvinists,  or  as  they  are  called  in  Germany  the 
reformed  church,  were  also  divided  among  themselves;  Episcopa- 
lians and  Puritans,  Arminians  and  Gomarists,  attacked  each  other 
with  the  fiercest  hate;  and  in  the  assembly  of  the  Huguenots  at 
Saumur,  in  the  year  1611,  a  schism  broke  out  which  was  never 
radically  healed. 

This  remarkable  difference  between  the  two  great  parties  is  cer- 
tainly not  to  be  ascribed  to  any  inferiority  in  religious  ardor  and 
activity  on  the  side  of  the  catholics;  indeed  we  have  just  remarked 
the  very  contrary.  A  more  probable  cause  is  the  following.  Ca- 
tholicism did  not  possess  that  energy  inspired  by  an  exclusive 
system  of  dogmas  which  was  the  characteristic  of  protestantism;  there 
were  important  and  disputed  questions  which  it  left  undetermined; 
enthusiasm,  mysticism,  and  that  profound  instinct  or  sentiment, 
hardly  reaching  the  distinctness  of  thought,  which  from  time  to 
time  will  ever  spring  up  anew  out  of  the  religious  tendencies 
of  our  nature,  were  embraced  and  embodied  by  Catholicism;  they 
were  reduced  to  a  regular  system,  and  rendered  subsidiary  to  the 
uses  of  religion  in  the  form  of  monastic  asceticism.  This  spirit 
was,  on  the  contrary,  repressed,  condemned,  and  utterly  rejected 
by  protestantism.  Hence  among  the  protestants,  these  religious 
tendencies,  abandoned  to  their  own  course,  broke  out  in  the  shape 
of  innumerable  sects,  each  of  which  sought  its  own  narrow  but 
uncontrolled  field  of  action. 

In  harmony  with  this  view  of  the  two  grand  divisions  of  the 
religious  world  is  the  fact,  that  literature  on  the  catholic  side,  had 
attained  to  far  greater  perfection  and  regularity  of  form.  We  may 
indeed  assert  that  the  modern  classical  forms  and  character  of  lite- 
rature in  Italy  owe  their  development  and  finish  to  the  auspices  of 
the  church;  in  Spain,  as  considerable  an  approach  to  them  was 
made  as  the  genius  of  the  nation  permitted;  a  similar  progress 
commenced  in  France,  where  at  a  later  period  the  classical  type 
was  so  completely  adopted,  and  with  such  brilliant  results.  Mal- 
herbe  appeared,  who  first  willingly  submitted  to  rule  and  delibe- 
rately renounced  all  license;*  and  who  gave  added  force  and 
currency  to  his  opinions  in  favor  of  monarchy  and  Catholicism,  by 
the  epigrammatical  precision,  the  ease  and  the  elegance  (somewhat 


*  The  genius  of  Malherbe  and  his  style  of  writing  are  discussed  in  the  re- 
cent and  remarkable  additions  to  the  biography  of  the  poet,  by  Racan,  in  the 
Memoires  or  rather  Historiettes  of  Tallemant  des  Reaux,  published  by  Mon- 
merque,  1834,  i,  p,  195. 


CH.  II.  §  I.]  BREAKING  OUT  OF  WAR.  51 

prosaical  indeed,  but  admirably  adapted  to  the  French  mind)  with 
which  he  expressed  them.  In  the  Germanic  nations  tliis  classical 
tendency  obtained  no  such  triumph,  even  on  the  catholic  side;  it 
got  possession  only  of  Latin  poetry,  in  which  it  sometimes  has  the 
air  of  a  parody,  even  in  the  works  of  a  man  of  such  remarkable 
talent  as  Balde.  All  that  was  written  in  the  vernacular  tongue 
continued  to  be  a  genuine  expression  of  nature.  Still  less  success- 
ful was  the  imitation  of  the  antique  among  tlie  protestants  of  these 
nations.  Shakspeare  places  the  whole  matttir  and  spirit  of  the 
romantic  before  our  eyes,  in  forms  of  imperishable  beauty; — the 
free  and  spontaneous  offspring  of  a  mind  to  which  antiquity  and 
history  were  but  ministering  servants.  From  the  workshop  of  a 
German  shoemaker  there  issued  poems,  obscure,  formless,  and  in- 
scrutable, but  possessed  of  a  resistless  attraction,  marked  by  a  Ger- 
man depth  of  feeling,  and  by  a  religious  contemplation  of  the  world, 
which  have  never  found  their  equal; — the  genuine  inspiration  of 
nature. 

But  I  will  not  attempt  to  describe  the  contrasts  presented  by  these 
two  intellectual  worlds ;  it  were  impossible  to  embrace  them  all 
without  having  devoted  more  attention  to  that  of  the  protestant 
party.  I  may  however  be  permitted  to  enlarge  upon  one  aspect  of 
this  subject  which  had  a  direct  influence  on  the  events  we  are  con- 
templating. 

The  monarchical  tendencies  were  now  predominant  in  the  catholic 
world.  Ideas  of  popular  rights,  of  legitimate  resistance  to  monarchs, 
of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people,  of  the  lawfulness  of  putting  kings 
to  death,  &c.,  which  thirty  years  before  were  maintained  by  the 
most  zealous  catholics,  were  now  no  longer  in  fashion.  No  con- 
siderable contest  was  now  going  on  between  a  catholic  population 
and  a  protestant  prince;  England  was  quiet  even  under  James  I; 
and  the  theories  we  have  just  alluded  to  became  wholly  inapplicable 
to  existing  circumstances.  Hence  it  followed  that  the  religious 
principle  became  more  intimately  connected  with  the  dynastical 
one;  and  if  I  mistake  not,  this  connection  was  greatly  aided  by  the 
superiority  in  personal  character  and  qualities  whicli  distinguished 
the  catholic  rulers.  This  at  least  was  the  casvj  in  Germany.  The 
aged  bishop  Julius  of  Wurzburg,  the  first  who  attempted  a  thorough 
counter-reformation  in  Germany,  was  still  living.  Elector  Schwei- 
kard,  of  Mayence,  performed  the  functions  of  arch-chancellor  of 
the  empire  with  an  ability  exalted  by  his  warm  and  sincere  interest 
in  public  affairs,  and  restored  to  that  dignity  its  high  influence.* 
Tlie  two  other  Rhenish  electors  were  resolute,  active  men;  by  their 
side  stood  the  manly,  acute,  indefatigable  Maximilian  of  Bavaria, 

*  Montorio,  Relatione  di  Germania,  1624:  "  Di  costumi  gravi,  molto  intento 
alle  cose  del  governo  cosi  spirituale  come  temporale,  molto  bene  afleto  verso  il 
servigio  di  cotesta  santa  sede,  desideroso  del  progresso  della  religione,  una  de 
primi  prelati  della  Germania." 


52  BREAKING  OUT  OF  WAR.  [BOOK  VII. 

an  able  administrator,  filled  with  lofty  political  objects;  and  arch- 
duke Ferdinand,  invincible  in  the  strength  of  the  faith  which  he 
held  with  all  the  fervor  of  an  energetic  soul;  almost  all  of  them  dis- 
ciples of  the  Jesuits,  who  had  the  art  of  instilling  a  certain  grandeur 
and  elevation  of  views  into  the  minds  of  their  pupils;  all  of  them 
reformers  in  their  way,  who  had  brought  about  that  state  of  things 
which  now  existed,  by  their  ardent  exertions  and  their  religious 
enthusiasm. 

The  protestant  princes,  on  the  contrary,  were  rather  heirs  to  the 
labors  of  others,  than  originators  of  new  enterprises;  they  stood  in 
the  second  or  third  generation.  In  a  few  there  were  marks  of  some 
activity,  but  1  think  rather  prompted  by  ambition  and  restlessness, 
than  by  energy  of  character  or  genuine  strength  of  mind. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  now  appeared  a  manifest  inclination 
towards  a  republican  form  of  government,  or  at  least  towards  the 
independence  of  the  arisrocracy.  In  many  countries,  as  for  instance 
in  France,  in  Poland,  and  in  all  the  Austrian  dominions,  a  powerful 
protestant  nobility  was  engaged  in  an  open  struggle  with  the 
catholic  government;  and  the  republic  of  the  Netherlands,  which 
daily  rose  to  a  higher  pitch  of  prosperity,  afforded  a  brilliant  ex- 
ample of  what  might  be  obtained  by  such  a  resistance.  It  was  cer- 
tainly matter  of  debate  among  (he  nobles  at  that  time  in  Austria, 
whether  they  should  not  emancipate  themselves  from  the  reigning 
family,  and  frame  a  constitution  like  that  of  Switzerland  or  the 
Netherlands.  The  success  of  such  plans  afforded  the  only  chance 
to  the  imperial  cities  of  once  more  rising  to  importance,  and  they 
accordingly  took  a  lively  share  in  them.  The  internal  organisation 
of  the  Huguenot  party  was  already  republican,  and  indeed  not  de- 
void of  democratic  elements.  In  England  these  were  represented 
by  the  puritans  arrayed  against  a  protestant  king.  There  is  extant 
a  little  treatise  by  an  imperial  ambassador  to  Paris  of  that  time,  in 
which  he  earnestly  calls  the  attention  of  the  sovereigns  of  Europe 
to  the  common  danger  which  threatened  them  from  the  growth  of 
this  spirit.* 

At  the  moment  in  question  the  catholic  world  was  united,  classi- 
cal, monarchical;  the  protestant,  divided,  romantic,  republican. 

In  the  year  1617,  everything  tended  towards  a  decisive  struggle 
between  them.  It  appears  that  the  catholic  party  felt  its  own 
superiority;  at  any  rate  it  was  the  first  aggressor. 

On  the  15th  June,  1617,  an  edict  was  published  in  France,  in 
virtue  of  which  the  church  property  in  Beam  was  restored.  This 
had  long  been  demanded  by  the  catholic  clergy,  but  had  constantly 
been  refused  by  the  court,  out  of  a  prudential  deference  to  the 

*  Advis  sur  les  causes  des  mouvemens  de  I'Europe,  envoye  auxroys  et  princes 
pour  la  conversation  de  leurs  royaumes  et  principautes,  fait  par  Messir  Al.  Cunr. 
baron  de  Fridemburg,  et  presente  au  roy  tres  chrestien  par  le  comte  de  Furstem- 
berg,  ambassadeur  de  reinperenr.  Inserted  in  the  Mercure  Francois,  torn,  ix, 
p.  342. 


CH.  II.  §  I.]  BREAKING  OUT  OF  WAR.  53 

interests  and  wishes  of  the  Huguenot  chiefs,  and  to  the  general 
power  of  that  party.  It  was  obtained  from  Luines,  who,  although 
the  protestants  had  at  first  relied  upon  him,*  had  gradually  attached 
himself  to  the  Jesuit  or  papal  party.  In  several  places,  the  mob, 
encouraged  by  this  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  government,  had 
risen  tumultuously,  sounded  the  tocsin,  and  attacked  the  protestants; 
the  parliaments,  too,  took  part  against  them. 

The  Polish  prince  Wladislaus  once  more  took  arms  in  the  con- 
fident expectation  that  he  should  now  occupy  the  throne  of  Mos- 
cow. It  was  thought  that  designs  upon  Sweden  were  connected 
with  his  enterprise,  and  war  between  Poland  and  Sweden  imme- 
diately broke  out  afresh,  t 

But  the  events  of  far  the  greatest  importance  were  preparing  in 
the  hereditary  doriiinions  of  the  house  of  Austria.  The  archdukes 
had  been  reconciled  and  cordially  reunited.  With  the  magnanimity 
and  sense  which  that  house  has  often  displayed  in  moments  of  dan- 
ger, the  other  brothers  relinquished  to  archduke  Ferdinand  the  claims 
which  naturally  devolved  on  them  after  the  death  of  the  emperor 
Matthias,  who  had  no  issue;  and  in  a  short  time  he  was  actually 
recognised  as  successor  to  the  throne  in  Hungary  and  Bohemia. 
This  was  indeed  only  an  adjustment  of  personal  claims,  but  its 
effects  on  the  public  interests  were  not  the  less  important. 

From  so  determined  a  zealot  as  Ferdinand,  nothing  could  be 
expected,  but  that  he  would  immediately  endeavor  to  secure  an 
absolute  and  undivided  supremacy  to  his  own  creed  at  home,  and 
would  then  apply  the  whole  collective  strength  of  these  countries 
to  the  propagation  of  Catholicism  abroad; — designs  pregnant  with 
danger  to  all  protestants  in  his  hereditary  dominions,  in  Germany, 
and  indeed  throughout  Europe. 


But  this  very  danger  instantly  aroused  opposition.  The  protest- 
ants, who  had  resisted  the  encroachments  of  Catholicism,  were  not 
only  armed  for  self-protection,  but  had  boldness  enough  to  relin- 
quish their  defensive  attitude  for  one  of  attack. 

In  the  elector  palatine  Frederic  were  concentrated  all  the  ele- 
ments of  European  protestantism.     His  wife  was  the  daughter  of 

*  This,  amongst  other  pieces  of  information,  is  to  be  gathered  from  a  letter  by 
Duplessis  Mornay,  Saumur,  26  Avril,  1617,  "  sur  ce  coup  de  majorite,"  as  he 
styles  the  murder  of  the  marechal  d'Ancre.     La  vie  de  du  Plessis,  p.  465. 

f  Hiarn,  Esth-Lyf- und  Lettlandische  Geschichte,  p.  418.  "The  Swedes 
knew  that  the  king  of  Poland  had  sent  his  son  into  Russia  accompanied  by  a 
considerable  force,  with  the  intention  of  surprising  the  fortresses  which  had  been 
yielded  up  by  the  Moscovites  to  the  Swedes,  in  order  that,  should  this  scheme 
be  successful,  he  might,  with  the  greater  ease,  himself  attack  the  kingdom  of 
Sweden:  indeed,  aid  in  the  execution  of  this  latter  design  had  been  promised  him 
both  at  the  diet  of  the  States  held  in  Poland,  and  by  the  house  of  Austria;  hence 
he  turned  his  thoughts  more  upon  this  matter  than  upon  anything  else." 
VOL.  II. — 6 


54  BREAKING  OUT  OP  WAR.  [BOOK  VII. 

the  king  of  England,  and  tlie  niece  of  the  king  of  Denmark;  his 
uncle  was  Prince  Maurice  of  Orange;  and  nearly  related  to  him 
was  the  leader  of  the  Huguenots  of  tlie  less  pacific  party,  the  Due 
de  Bouillon.  He  himself  stood  at  the  head  of  the  German  Union. 
He  was  a  prince  of  stern,  sedate  character,  endowed  with  sufficient 
self-command  to  avoid  the  dissolute  habits  which  then  degrated  the 
courts  of  Germany,  and  chiefly  solicitous  to  fulfil  his  duties  as  ruler, 
and  sedulously  to  attend  the  sittings  of  his  privy  council;  a  man  of 
a  proud  and  melancholy  nature,  full  of  high  thoughts.*  In  his 
father's  time  there  were  tables  in  the  dining-hall  for  nobles  and 
councillors;  he  caused  them  all  to  be  removed,  and  would  eat  in 
company  with  none  but  princes  or  persons  of  the  most  illustrious 
rank.  The  feeling  of  a  high  political  vocation  was  cherished  at 
this  court,  which  designedly  engaged  in  a  thousand  connections 
involving  remote  consequences.  So  long  a  time  had  elapsed  since 
there  had  been  any  serious  war,  that  people  had  no  distinct  idea 
what  the  future  would  bring  forth;  and  the  field  was  thus  left  open 
to  the  wildest  and  most  daring  schemes. 

Such  was  the  temper  of  the  court  of  Heidelberg,  when  the  Bo- 
hemians, who  had  had  a  rupture  with  the  house  of  Austria,  which 
daily  assumed  a  more  violent  and  stormy  character,  (especially  in 
consequence  of  the  sense  of  that  danger  to  their  religious  rights  to 
which  we  have  alluded,)  determined  to  throw  off  their  allegiance 
to  Ferdinand,  although  he  already  held  their  promise,  and  to  offer 
the  crown  to  the  elector  palatine. 

For  a  moment  Frederic  hesitated.  There  was  as  yet  no  example 
of  one  German  prince  wresting  from  another  a  throne  which  was 
his  by  legitimate  succession.  But  all  his  friends — INIaurice,  who 
had  never  approved  the  truce  of  the  Spaniards;  the  Due  de  Bouillon; 
Christian  of  Anhalt,  who  took  a  comprehensive  view  of  the  whole 
mechanism  and  bearing  of  European  policy,  and  was  persuaded 
that  no  one  would  have  the  courage  or  the  power  to  oppose  the 
step  when  once  taken — all  these,  his  most  confidential  advisers, 
urged  him  on;  till  at  length,  hurried  away  by  the  sight  of  the 
boundless  vista  it  opened  to  him,  by  ambition  and  by  religious  zeal, 
he  accepted  the  proffered  crown,  (Angust,  1619.)  What  must  have 
been  the  results  if  he  could  have  maintained  his  position!  The 
power  of  the  house  of  Austria  in  the  east  of  Europe  would  have 
been  broken — the  progress  of  Catholicism  for  ever  checked. 

And  already  strong  sympathies  were  at  work  in  his  favor.    There 

*  Relatione  di  Germania,  1617:  "Frederico  IV  d'eta  di  anni  20,  di  mezzana 
statura,  d'aspetto  grave,  di  natura  malinconico,  di  carnag-g-ione  buoiia,  iiomo  di 
alti  pensieri,  e  rare  volte  si  rallegra.  e  coll'  appoggio  dell'  accasemento  fatto  coa 
la  figliuola  del  re  d'lnghilterra  e  di  altri  parentieconfederati  aspirarebbe  a  cose 
mao'o'iori  se  segli  appresentasse  occasione  a  proposito:  onde  essendo  ben  cono- 
sciiito  suo  iiatiirale  per  il  colonello  di  Scomburg  gia  suo  ajo,  seppe  cosi  ben 
valersene,  accomodandosi  al  suo  umorc,  che  mentre  visse  fu  piii  d'ogai  altro  suo 
confidente." 


CH.  II.  §  I.]  TRIUMPHS  OF  CATHOLICISM.  55 

was  an  universal  stir  among  the  Huguenots  in  France;  the  Bear- 
nois  resisted  the  king's  commands;  the  assembly  at  Loudnn  took 
part  with  them,  and  nothing  could  have  been  more  desirable  to  the 
queen-mother  than  to  gain  over  the  snpport  of  this  opposition  party, 
which  was  ready  to  come  to  open  war;  Rohan  was  already  on  her 
side,  and  had  promised  her  the  co-operation  of  the  rest. 

In  the  Grisons,  the  scene  of  incessant  agitation,  the  catholic  or 
Spanish  party  was  again  subjugated,  and  the  protestant  predomi- 
nant. The  court  at  Davos  received  with  pleasure  the  envoy  of  the 
new  king  of  Bohemia,  and  promised  him  to  hold  the  passes  of  the 
country  against  the  Spaniards  for  ever.* 

It  is  well  worthy  of  remark,  that  these  successes  on  the  side  of 
protestantism  were  accompanied  by  a  simultaneous  rise  of  the  re- 
publican spirit.  Not  only  did  the  estates  of  Bohemia  maintain  a 
national  independence  of  the  king  on  whom  they  had  bestowed  the 
crown,  but  in  all  the  hereditary  domains  of  Austria  an  attempt  was 
made  to  imitate  them.  The  German  imperial  cilies  conceived  fresh 
hopes;  and  the  most  liberal  and  timely  pecuniary  aid  which  Frederic 
received  was  furnished  by  them. 


But  it  was  precisely  this  obvious  disposition  on  the  part  of  the 
people  to  connect  religion  with  politics,  which  now  drew  closer  the 
ties  that  bound  together  the  catholic  princes. 

Maximilian  of  Bavaria  and  Ferdinand,  who  had  had  the  good 
fortune  at  this  moment  to  be  chosen  emperor,  contracted  the  strict- 
est alliance;  the  king  of  Spain  prepared  to  give  efficient  succor, 
and  pope  Paul  V  was  prevailed  upon  to  furnish  very  considerable 
and  welcome  subsidies. 

As  in  the  stormy  season  of  the  year  the  winds  sometimes  sud- 
denly veer  completely  round,  so  the  tide  of  fortune  and  success  now 
all  at  once  turned. 

The  catholics  succeeded  in  winning  over  to  their  cause  the  elec- 
tor of  Saxony,  one  of  the  most  powerful  protestant  princes;— a 
Lutheran,  however,  and  a  bitter  and  inveterate  foe  to  every  Calvin- 
istic  innovation. 

They  immediately  conceived  hopes  of  victory.  A  single  battle 
on  the  Weissberg,  on  the  8th  of  November,  1620,  put  an  end  to  the 
power  of  the  elector  palatine  Frederic,  and  to  all  his  projects. 

For  the  Union  did  not  defend  its  chief  with  the  requisite  vigor. 
It  may  be  that  the  united  princes  took  alarm  at  the  republican  spirit 
afloat,  and  dreaded  its  consequences  to  themselves;  they  refused  to 
open  the  Rhine  to  the  Dutch,  and  feared  the  analogies  which  the 

*  Those  who  were  contemporary  with  these  events  perceived  their  connection, 
which  at  a  later  period,  was  no  longer  attended  to.  Fiirstl.  Anhaltische  Geh. 
Canzlei  Fortsetzung,  p.  67. 


56  TRIUMPHS  OF  CATHOLICISM.  [BOOK  VII. 

government  of  the  United  Provinces  might  snggest  to  their  own 
subjects.  Tiie  catholics  immediately  obtained  the  ascendency  in 
southern  Germany  also.  The  Upper  Palatinate  was  attacked  by 
Bavaria,  the  Lower  by  Spain;  and  in  April,  1621,  the  Union  was 
dissolved.  All  who  had  been  active  in  the  cause  of  Frederic  were 
driven  out  of  the  country,  or  entirely  ruined.  The  catholic  principle 
passed  with  wonderful  rapidity  from  a  motnent  of  the  utmost  dan- 
ger, to  an  omnipotent  sway  over  the  south  of  Germany  and  the 
Austrian  provinces. 

Meanwhile  a  great  crisis  also  took  place  in  France.  After  a 
victory  which  the  royal  power  had  obtained  over  the  rebellious 
factions  of  the  court,  headed  by  the  queen  mother  (with  whom  the 
Huguenots  unquestionaby  were  in  correspondence,*)  the  papal 
nuncio  urged  the  necessity  of  taking  advantage  of  the  favorable 
moment  for  a  general  attack  upon  protestantism;  he  would  hear 
of  no  delays;  in  France,  what  was  once  put  off,  he  said,  was  never 
done  at  all.t  Luines  and  the  king  were  carried  away  by  his  ar- 
gument. In  Beam  the  old  factions  of  Beaumont  and  Grammont, 
which  had  been  fighting  for  centuries,  still  existed,  and  their  feud 
enabled  the  king  to  march  unresisted  into  the  country,  to  disband 
the  military  force,  dissolve  the  constitution,  and  restore  the  domin- 
ion of  the  catholic  church.  The  protestants  in  the  other  parts  of 
France  made  some  demonstrations  of  taking  up  the  cause  of  their 
co-religionists;  but  in  the  year  1621  they  were  beaten  in  every 
quarter. 

About  this  same  time  Giacopo  Robustelli,  a  captain  of  the  Val- 
teline,  having  collected  a  band  of  catholic  exiles  and  banditti  from 
the  Milanese  and  Venetian  territories,  resolved  to  put  an  end  to  the 
sovereignty  of  the  Grisons,  whose  protestant  yoke  was  so  oppressive 
to  his  countrymen.  This  lawless  and  sanguinary  band  was  inflamed 
to  a  furious  pitch  of  religious  fanaticism  by  the  exhortations  of  a 
capuchin  friar;  on  the  19th  of  July,  1620,  they  found  an  entrance 
into  Tirano,  and  at  break  of  day  rang  the  bells  of  the  churches:  the 
protestants  hearing  this  rushed  out  of  their  houses,  when  Robus- 
telli's  troops  fell  upon  them  and  massacred  them  all.  The  same 
fierce  tragedy  was  acted  through  the  whole  valley.  In  vain  did 
the  people  of  the  Grisons  make  repeated  descents  from  their  lofty 
mountains  in  the  hope  of  regaining  their  power;  they  were  beaten 
every  time.  In  the  year  1621  the  Austrians  entered  the  Grisons 
proper  from  the  Tyrol, and  the  Spaniards  from  Milan.  "The  wild 
mountains  echoed  with  the  shrieks  of  death,  and  were  fearfully 
lighted  up  with  the  flames  of  the  solitary  dwellings."  The  passes 
and  the  whole  country  were  taken. 

*  Benoist  himself  says,  ii,  291,  "  Les  reformes  n'auroient  aUendu  que  les 
premiers  succes  pour  se  ranger  au  meme  parti  (de  la  reine.") 
■|-  Siri,  Memoire  recondite,  torn,  v,  p.  148. 


CH.  II.  §  II.]  GREGORY  XV.  57 

These  triumphs  of  their  arms  awakened  all  the  hopes  of  the 
catholics. 

The  pope  represented  to  the  court  of  Spain,  that  the  Netherlan- 
ders  were  divided  and  now  without  aUies,  and  that  a  more  season- 
able time  could  not  possibly  occiu"  for  renewing  the  war  against  the 
rebels;  his  representations  were  successful.*  The  chancellor  of 
Brabant,  Peter  Peckius,  appeared  at  the  Hague  on  the  25th  of 
March,  1621,  and  instead  of  proposing  a  renewal  of  the  truce 
which  just  then  expired,  proposed  tiie  recognition  of  the  legitimate 
princes.t  The  States  General  declared  this  suggestion  to  be  unjust, 
unexpected,  and  inhuman,  and  hostilities  broke  out  afresh. 

Here  too  the  Spaniards  were  at  first  successful.  'J'hey  took 
Juliers  from  the  Netherlanders,  which  greatly  facilitated  ther  enter- 
prises on  the  Rhine;  the  whole  of  the  left  bank  from  Emmeric  to 
Strasburg  was  in  their  hands. 

These  numerous  victories  conspiring  to  one  end,  occurring  in  so 
many  different  quarters,  and  attributable  to  such  various  causes 
and  antecedents,  yet,  when  viewed  with  reference  to  the  state  and 
progress  of  the  public  mind  throughout  Europe,  constitute  but  one 
individual  fact.  Let  us  now  attend  to  the  more  weighty  point — 
the  purposes  to  which  those  victories  were  turned. 


§  2.    GREGORY  XV. 

During  the  procession  to  celebrate  the  victory  of  the  Weissberg, 
Paul  V  was  struck  with  apoplexy.  Shortly  afterwards  he  had  a 
second  stroke,  of  the  effects  of  which  he  died,  28th  January,  1621. 

The  new  election  differed  little  in  its  general  features  from  the 
preceding  ones.  Paul  V  had  reigned  so  long  that  nearly  the  whole 
college  had  been  renewed  during  his  pontificate,  and  hence  by  far 
the  greater  number  of  the  cardinals  were  dependents  of  his  nephew, 
cardinal  Borghese.  After  some  hesitation  and  debate,  Borghese 
found  a  man  who  united  the  suffrages  of  all  his  adherents — Ales- 
sandro  Ludovisio  of  Bologna,  who  was  forthwith  elected  on  the 
9th  February,  1621,  and  took  the  name  of  Gregory  XV. 

He  was  a  small  phlegmatic  man,  who  had  formerly  acquired  the 
reputation  of  being  a  skilful  negotiator,  possessing  the  art  of  silently 
and  unostentatiously  accomplishing  his  ends.f  Now,  however,  he 
was  feeble,  and  sick,  and  bent  with  age. 

*  Instruttione  a  M'''=  Sangro.  "La  onde  S.  M'*  non  puo  voltare  le  sue  forze 
in  mig-lior  tempo  ovvuro  opportunita." 

f  Literally  he  pressed  for  a  union — "  sub  agnitione  dominorum  principura- 
que  legitimorum."  Both  the  demand  and  the  answer  are  to  be  found  in  Leonis 
ab  Aietzema  historia  tractatuum  pacis  Belgicas,  p.  2  and  4. 

X  Relatione  di  IV  ambasciatori,  1521:  "  Di  pelo  che  avvicinasi  al  biondo.  La 
natura  sua  e  sempre  conosciuta  placida  e  flemmatica,  lontana  dall'  imbarraciarsi 

*G 


58  TRIUMPHS  OF  CATHOLICISM.  [BOOK  VII. 

What  part  in  the  struggle  noAV  going  on — a  struggle  involving 
the  destinies  of  the  world — was  to  be  expected  from  a  pope,  to 
whom  his  ministers  and  attendants  often  did  not  venture  to  com- 
municate critical  affairs,  lest  they  should  give  the  last  shock  to  his 
frail  existence?* 

But  the  powers  of  the  papacy,  which  were  too  mighty  for  the 
dying  arm  of  Gregory  to  wield,  were  instantly  grasped  by  his 
nephew,  Ludovico  Ludovisio,  a  young  man  of  twenty-five,  who 
displayed  all  the  talent  and  boldness  which  the  posture  of  things 
demanded. 

Ludovico  was  magnificent  and  brilliant;  he  never  neglected  an 
opportunity  of  obtaining  wealth,  of  forming  advantageous  alliances, 
of  promoting  and  favoring  his  friends;  he  was  disposed  to  enjoy  life, 
and  indulgent  to  the  enjoyments  of  others;  but  he  never  lost  sight 
of  the  great  interests  of  the  church.  Even  his  enemies  admitted 
his  great  talents  for  the  conduct  of  business;  his  singular  justness 
of  mind  and  tact  in  discovering  a  satisfactory  way  out  of  the  most 
embarrassing  difficulties,  and  that  calm  and  cool  courage  which 
enables  a  man  to  descry  a  possible  event  in  the  dim  horizon  of  the 
future,  and  to  steer  his  course  steadily  towards  it.t  Had  not  the 
feebleness  of  his  uncle,  which  promised  him  but  a  short  tenure  of 
power,  held  him  in  fetters,  his  fearless  spirit  would  have  shrunk 
from  no  consideration  of  danger. 

It  was  a  most  important  circumstance,  that  not  only  the  pope, 
but  his  nephew,  was  filled  with  the  conviction  that  the  salvation  of 
the  world  depended  on  the  spread  of  Catholicism.  Cardinal  Ludo- 
visio, educated  by  the  Jesuits,  was  their  great  patron.  The  church 
of  St.  Ignatius  at  Rome  was  built  chiefly  at  his  cost;  he  attached 
considerable  importance  to  his  office  of  protector  of  the  capuchins, 
and  declared  that  he  thought  this  the  most  important  patronage  he 
enjoyed.  He  devoted  himself  warmly  and  by  predilection  to  the 
most  orthodox  and  rigid  forms  of  Romanist  opinions.J  We  can 
hardly  convey  a  more  accurate  idea  of  the  spirit  of  the  new  papal 
government,  than  by  recalling  the  fact,  that  it  was  under  Gregory 
XV  that  the  propaganda  was  instituted,  and  that  the  founders  of 
the  order  of  Jesus,  Ignatius  and  Xavier,  were  canonized. 

The  origin  of  the  propaganda  is  properly  to  be  traced  to  an  edict 

in  rotture,  amicissimo  d'andare  in  negotio  destreggiando  et  avanzando  ii  proprj 
fini." 

*  Rainier  Zeno,  Relatione  di  Roma,  1623:  "  Aggiungendosi  all'  eta  cadente 
una  fiacchissima  complessione  in  un  corpiccivolo  stenuato  e  mal  affetto." 

j"  Rainier  Zeno:  "  E  d'ingegno  vivacissimo:  1'  ha  dimostrato  nel  suo  governo 
per  I'abondanza  dei  partiti  die  in  ogni  grave  trattatione  gli  suggerivano  suoi 
spirit!  nati  per  comandare,  i  quali  se  bene  in  molte  parti  aberravano  dell'  uopo 
della  bona  politica,  nondimono  I'intrepidezza,  con  la  quale  si  mostrava  pronto  ad 
abbracciare  ogni  ripiego  appreso  da  lui  per  buono,  poco  curandosi  di  consigli  di 
chi  gli  baveria  potuto  esser  maestro,  davano  a  credere  che  la  sua  natura  sdegnava 
una  privata  conditione." 

j;.  Ginnti,  Vita  e  fatti  di  Ludovico  Ludovisio.     MS. 


CH.  II.  §  II.]  OREOORT  XV.  59 

of  Gregory  XIIT;  in  virtue  of  which  a  certain  number  of  cardinals 
were  charged  with  the  direction  of  missions  to  the  east,  and  cate- 
chisms were  ordered  to  be  printed  in  the  less  known  languages.* 
But  the  institution  was  neither  firmly  established,  nor  provided  with 
the  requisite  funds,  nor  arranged  on  a  comprehensive  scale.  At 
that  time  there  was  a  celebrated  preacher  at  Rome,  one  Girolamo 
da  Narni,  who  had  acquired  universal  respect  by  a  life  which 
secured  him  the  reputation  of  a  saint,  and  who  displayed  a  copious- 
ness of  thought,  a  purity  of  expression,  and  a  majesty  of  delivery 
in  the  pulpit,  which  carried  away  all  his  hearers.  As  Bellarmine 
once  came  from  hearing  him  preach,  he  said  he  thought  that  one 
of  St.  Augustine's  three  wishes  had  just  been  granted  to  him — the 
wish  to  hear  St.  Paul.  Cardinal  Ludovisio  was  one  of  his  patrons 
and  admirers,  and  defrayed  the  expenses  of  printing  his  sermons. 
This  capuchin  now  conceived  the  idea  of  extending  the  institution 
in  question.!  By  his  advice  a  congregation  in  all  its  forms  was 
founded,  and  charged  to  hold  regular  sittings  for  the  purpose  of 
watching  over  the  conduct  of  missions  in  every  part  of  the  world, 
and  to  assemble  at  least  once  a  month  in  the  presence  of  the  pope. 
Gregory  XV  advanced  the  first  funds,  and  his  nephew  contributed 
to  them  from  his  private  purse;  and  as  this  institution  met  a  want, 
the  existence  of  which  was  really  felt  and  acknowledged,  its  suc- 
cess was  daily  more  and  more  brilliant.  But  it  is  needless  to  en- 
large on  its  achievements.  Who  does  not  know  what  the  propa- 
ganda has  done  for  philological  learning?  Nor  was  this  all — for  it 
labored  (and  perhaps  in  the  first  years  of  its  existence  with  the 
amplest  results)  to  fulfil  its  general  vocation  with  admirable  gran- 
deur of  conception  and  execution. 

The  canonisation  of  the  two  Jesuits  was  prompted  by  the  same 
views.  "  At  the  time,"  says  the  bull,  "  when  new  worlds  were 
just  discovered;  when  in  the  old,  Luther  had  risen  up  in  arms 
against  the  catholic  church,  the  soul  of  Ignatius  Loyala  was  in- 
spired to  found  a  company  which  should  devote  itself  specially  to 
bring  about  the  conversion  of  the  heathen  and  the  return  of  here- 
tics. But  of  all  its  members,  Francisco  Xavier  proved  himself  most 
worthy  to  be  called  the  apostle  of  the  new  discovered  nations.  For 
this  cause  both  are  now  to  be  received  into  the  catalogue  of  saints. 
Churches  and  altars,  whereon  sacrifice  is  offered  to  God,  are  to  be 
dedicated  to  them."t 

In  the  spirit  revealed  in  these  acts,  the  new  papal  government 
now  took  prompt  measures  that  the  victories  gained  by  Catholicism 

*  Cocquelines,  Praefiitio  ad  Maffei  Annales  Gregorio  XIII,  p.  v. 

■\  Yt.  Hierothei,  Epitome  historica  rerum  Franciscanarum,  etc.  p.  3G2:  "pub- 
licis  suasionibus  et  consiliis  privatis."  Fra  Girolamo  had  worked  upon  the 
pope.  Compare  Cerri,  f]tat  present  de  I'eglise  Romaine,  (p.  289,)  where  may 
also  be  found  a  more  detailed  account  of  the  institution  and  the  increase  of  its 
wealth. 

:|:  Bullarium  Cocquelines,  v,  131,  137. 


60  BOHEMIA  AND  THE  HEREDITARY       [BOOK  VII. 

might  be  followed  up  by  conversions,  and  all  the  conquests  of  the 
church  justified  and  confirmed  by  the  re-establishment  of  religion. 
"  We  must  apply  all  our  thoughts,"  says  one  of  Gregory  XV's 
first  instructions,  "  to  extract  the  greatest  possible  advantage  from 
the  happy  revulsion  that  has  taken  place,  and  from  the  triumphant 
attitude  of  the  church." 

A  project  which  was  executed  with  signal  success. 


§  3.    BOHEMIA  AND  THE  HEREDITARY  DOMINIONS  OF  AUSTRIA. 

The  attention  of  the  papal  government  was  first  turned  to  the 
rising  fortunes  of  Catholicism  in  the  Austrian  provinces. 

Gregory  XV  not  only  doubled  the  subsidy  which  the  emperor 
had  hitherto  received,*  but  promised  him  a  sum  of  no  inconsidera- 
ble amount  as  a  gift  in  addition — although,  as  he  said,  he  retained 
hardly  enough  to  live  on; — at  the  same  time  urging  him  not  to 
delay  a  single  moment  to  follow  up  his  victory,  and  instantly  to 
begin  the  work  of  re-establishing  the  catholic  religion,t  by  which 
alone  he  could  prove  his  gratitude  to  the  God  of  victory.  He  lays 
it  down  as  a  first  principle,  that  the  nations,  by  their  rebellious 
backslidings,  had  fallen  under  the  necessity  of  a  more  rigid  control, 
and  must  be  compelled  by  force  to  abandon  their  godless  ways. 

The  nuncio  whom  Gregory  XV  sent  to  the  emperor  was  that 
Carlo  Caratfa  so  celebrated  in  German  history.  From  the  two 
reports  which  he  left,  the  one  printed,  the  other  in  MS.,  we  can 
ascertain  with  perfect  distinctness  what  were  the  measures  he 
adopted  for  the  attainment  of  these  ends. 

In  Bohemia,  the  scene  of  his  first  exertions,  he  immediately  en- 
deavored to  banish  the  protestant  preachers  and  schoolmasters, 
"  who  were  guilty  of  offence  against  divine  and  human  majesty." 

This  was  not  so  easy;  the  members  of  the  imperial  government 
at  Prague  deemed  it  as  yet  too  perilous.  It  was  not  till  Mansfield 
was  driven  out  of  the  Upper  Palatinate,  all  danger  from  without  at 
an  end,  and  some  regiments  marched  to  Prague  at  the  nuncio's 
request,  that  on  the  13th  December,  1621,  they  ventured  to  proceed 
to  this  extreme  measure;  and  even  then  they  spared  the  two  Iai- 
theran  preachers,  out  of  deference  to  the  elector  of  Saxony.  The 
nuncio,  representative  of  a  principle  which  knew  no  respect  of  per- 
sons, and  scorned  all  compromise,  would  hear  nothing  of  this;  he 

*  From  20,000  gulden,  to  20,000  scudi.  The  present  was  to  consist  of  200,000 
scudi.  He  would  have  liked  with  this  money'to  support  a  number  of  regiments 
to  be  placed  under  the  papal  authority. 

f  Instruttione  al  vescovo  d'  Aversa,  13  Apr.  1G2I:  "  Non  e  tempo  di  indugi 
ne  di  coperti  andamenti."  In  particular  they  thought  at  Rome  that  Bucquoi  was 
far  too  slow:  "La  prestezza  apportarebbe  il  rimedio  di  tanti  mali,  se  dal  conte 
di  Bucquoi  per  altro  valoroso  capitano  ella  si  potesse  sperare." 


CH.  II.  §  III.]  DOMINIONS  OP  AUSTRIA.  61 

complained  that  the  whole  people  were  devoted  to  these  men;  that 
a  catholic  priest  had  nothing  to  do,  and  could  not  find  the  means 
of  subsistence.*  In  October,  1622,  he  at  length  carried  his  point, 
and  the  Lutheran  ministers  also  were  banished.  It  seemed  lor  a 
moment  as  if  the  fears  of  the  council  of  government  would  be  veri- 
fied; the  elector  of  Saxony  published  a  threatening  manifesto,  and 
assumed  a  hostile  attitude  on  the  most  important  questions;  even 
the  emperor  once  told  the  nuncio  that  there  had  been  far  too  much 
haste,  and  that  it  would  have  been  better  to  choose  a  more  seasona- 
ble time.t  Nevertheless  means  were  found  to  keep  Ferdinand 
steady  to  his  purpose;  the  old  bishop  of  Wurzburg  represented  to 
him  that  "  a  glorious  emperor  ought  not  to  be  appalled  by  dangers; 
at  all  events  it  were  better  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  men,  than  into 
the  hands  of  the  living  God."  The  emperor  yielded.  The  nuncio 
enjoyed  the  triumph  of  seeing  Saxony  consent  to  the  banishment  of 
the  preachers,  and  retract  his  opposition. 

The  way  was  thus  smoothed.  The  places  of  the  protestant 
preachers  were  filled  by  Dominicans,  Augustines  and  Carmelites, 
for  there  was  a  great  want  of  secular  clergy;  a  complete  colony 
of  Franciscans  arrived  from  Gnesen,  and  Jesuits  were  sure  to  be 
found  in  abundance;  accordingly,  when  a  missive  arrived  from  the 
propaganHa  rharging  them  to  take  upon  themselves  the  duty  of 
parish  priests,  they  had  already  done  so.J 

The  only  question  now  seemed  to  be,  whether  they  should  allow 
the  national  utraquist  mode  of  worship  to  subsist,  at  least  partially, 
according  to  the  decrees  of  the  council  of  Basle.  The  council  of 
government,  and  the  governor  himself.  Prince  Lichtenstein,  were 
for  it. §  On  Holy  Thursday,  1622,  they  permitted  the  Lord's  sup- 
per to  be  once  more  administered  in  both  kinds,  and  a  murmur 
arose  among  the  people  that  they  would  not  suffer  this  ancient 
usage,  handed  down  to  them  from  their  forefathers,  to  be  torn  from 

*  Carafia  ragguaglio  MS.:  "  Conducevano  in  disperatione  i  parochi  cattolici 
per  vedersi  da  essi  (Lnterani)  levarsi  ogni  emolumento."  The  printed  Com- 
mentarii,  however,  contain  a  more  ostensible  notice:  "  Quamdiu  illi  haerebant, 
tamdiii  adhiic  sperabant  sectarii  S.  majestatem  consessurum  aliquando  liberam 
facullatem."  (p.  130.) 

j"  Caraffa,  racfguaglio:  "  Sua  M'*  mi  si  dimostro  con  questo  di  qualche  pensiere, 
ed  usci  a  dirmi  che  si  haveva  havuta  troppa  prescia  e  che  saria  stato  meglio 
cacciare  quei  predicanti  in  altro  tempo  dopo  che  si  losse  tenuto  il  convento  in 
Ratisbona.  Al  che  io  replicai  che  Sua  Maesta  poteva  havere  piu  tosto  errato 
nella  tardanza  che  nella  fretta  circa  questo  fatto,  poiche  se  il  Sassone  fosse 
venuto  al  convento,  di  che  non  amettono  che  egli  havesse  avuta  mai  la  volonta, 
si  sapeva  per  ognuno  che  haverebbe  domandato  a  S.  Ma  che  a  sua  contempla- 
zione  permettesse  in  Praga  I'esercizio  Luterano  che  gia  vi  era." 

ij:  Cordara,  Historia  societatis  Jesu,  torn,  vi,  lib.  vii,  p.  38. 

§  According  to  the  opinions  prevailing  up  to  that  time,  e.  g.  in  Senkenberg, 
continuation  of  the  Reichshistorie  by  Haberlins,  vol.  xxv,  p.  156,  note  k,  we 
ought  to  believe  the  contrary  of  Lichtenstein.  That,  however,  would  be  an 
entirely  false  view,  as  appears  from  Caraffa.  The  nuncio,  on  the  contrary,  met 
with  assistance  from  Plaleis. 


62  BOMEMIA  AND  THE  HEREDITARY  [BOOK  VII. 

them.  But  the  nuncio  was  deaf  to  every  attempt  to  induce  him 
to  consent  to  this  heretical  practice;  he  adhered  to  the  views  of  the 
curia  with  inflexible  obstinacy,  certain  that  the  emperor  would  in 
the  end  approve  his  conduct;  and  in  fact  he  succeeded  in  extracting 
from  liim  a  declaration  that  his  temporal  administration  was  not  to 
interfere  in  the  affairs  of  religion.  From  this  time  mass  was  uni- 
versally performed  according  to  the  Roman  ritual;  in  Latin  with 
aspersion  of  holy  water  and  invocation  of  saints;  the  celebration 
of  the  sacrament  in  both  kinds,  was  wholly  prohibited,  and  the 
boldest  advocates  of  that  practice  were  thrown  into  prison:  lastly, 
the  ancient  symbol  of  Utraquism,  the  large  cup  with  the  sword, 
affixed  to  the  Thein  church,  the  very  sight  of  which  kept  alive  the 
old  recollections,  was  pulled  down.  On  the  6th  of  July,  which 
had  always  been  kept  as  a  holiday  in  memory  of  John  Huss,  the 
churches  were  carefully  closed. 

^  The  government  now  lent  all  the  aid  of  political  means  to  this 
rigorous  enforcement  of  the  dogmas  and  the  usages  of  the  church 
of  Rome.  A  considerable  portion  of  the  landed  property  of  the 
country  was  thrown  into  catholic  hands  by  confiscation;  the  acqui- 
sition of  land  by  protestants  was  rendered  nearly  impossible;*  the 
council  of  all  the  royal  cities  was  changed;  no  member  was  tole- 
rated in  those  bodies  whose  Catholicism  was  the  least  suspected;  the 
rebellious  were  pardoned  as  soon  as  they  abjured  protestantism, 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  perverse,  the  unpersuadable,  who 
would  not  listen  to  ghostly  admonitions,  had  troops  quartered  in 
their  houses;  "in  order,"  to  use  the  exact  words  of  the  nuncio, 
"  that  their  vexations  may  give  them  some  insight  into  the  truth."t 
The  effects  wrought  by  this  joint  application  of  force  and  argu- 
ment were  unexpected  even  to  the  nuncio.  He  was  astonished 
at  the  numerous  congregations  which  attended  the  churches  in 
Prague,  frequently  on  a  Sunday  morning  consisting  of  from  two  to 
three  thousand  people,  and  at  their  humble,  devout,  and  most  catho- 
lic deportment.  He  infers  from  this,  that  catholic  recollections  and 
associations  had  never  been  entirely  obliterated  in  these  parts,  (a 
proof  of  which  was,  that  even  the  wife  of  king  Frederic  was  not 
permitted  to  remove  the  great  crucifix  on  the  bridge:)  its  real  cause 
doubtless  was,  that  protestant  convictions  had  never  penetrated  the 
masses.  Nothing  could  arrest  the  work  of  conversion;  the  Jesuits 
assert  that  in  the  year  1624,  they  alone  brought  back  16,000  souls 
to  the  catholic  church.  J  In  Tabor,  where  protestantism  appeared 
to  have  exclusive  sway,  fifty  families  went  over  to  the  faith  at 

*  Caraffa:  "  Con  ordine  che  non  si  potessero  inserire  nelle  tavole  del  regno, 
il  che  apportu  indicibile  giovamento  alia  riforma  per  tuUo  quel  tempo." 

f  "  Acciu  il  travaglio  desse  lore  senso  ed  intelleUo;"  which  expression  is  re- 
peated in  the  printed  work:  "  cognitumque  fuit  solam  vexatiouem  posse  Bohe- 
mis  inlellectuin  prajbere." 

:j:  ('araffa:  "  Messovi  un  sacerdote  catolico  di  molta  dottrina  e  poi  facendosi 
missioni  di  alcuni  padri  Gesuiti." 


CH.  II.  §  III.]  DOMINIONS  OF  AUSTRIA.  63 

Easter,  1622;  and  at  Easter,  1G23,  their  example  was  followed  by 
all  the  remaining  population.  In  the  course  of  time  Bohemia 
became  thoroughly  catholic.  The  example  of  that  country  was 
followed  by  Moravia,  where,  indeed,  the  object  was  more  rapidly 
obtained,  in  consequence  of  the  union  of  temporal  and  spiritual 
power  in  the  hands  of  cardinal  Dietrichstein;  who  was  at  the  same 
time  governor  of  the  province  and  bishop  of  Olmutz.  But  a  sin- 
gular obstacle  here  presented  itself.  The  nobility  could  not  be 
brought  to  hear  of  the  expulsion  of  the  Moravian  brethren,  who 
were  invaluable  as  domestic  servants  or  husbandmen,  and  whose 
settlements  were  the  most  thriving  places  in  the  whole  country.* — 
They  found  advocates  even  in  the  emperor's  privy  council.  Ne- 
vertheless the  nuncio  and  the  principle  of  which  he  was  the  organ, 
conquered  even  here.     About  15,000  were  expelled. 

Under  these  circumstances,  the  often-repeated,  and  as  often  unsuc- 
cessful, attempts  to  re-establish  Catholicism  in  Austria  proper,  were 
at  length  renewed  with  triumphant  success.t  First  the  protestant 
preachers  accused  of  rebellion,  then  all  the  others,  were  banished: 
furnished  with  a  pittance  for  their  subsistence  on  the  road,  the  un- 
fortunate men  slowly  ascended  the  Danube  amidst  insulting  cries 
of,  "  Where  is  now  your  strong  tower?"  The  emperor  plainly  de- 
clared to  the  provincial  estates,  "that  he  had  absolutely  and  incontest- 
ably  retained,  for  himself  and  his  posterity,  the  disposal  of  all  things 
concerning  religion."  In  October,  1624,  a  commission  appeared, 
fixing  a  certain  time  within  which  the  inhabitants  must  profess  the 
catholic  faith  or  void  the  country.  Some  degree  of  indulgence  was 
for  the  moment  shown  to  the  nobility  alone. 

In  Hungary,  though  conquered,  it  was  not  possible  to  proceed 
in  so  tyrannical  a  manner;  yet  even  here  the  current  of  things,  the 
favor  of  the  government,  and,  above  all,  the  exertions  of  archbishop 
Pazmany,  wrought  a  considerable  change.     Pazmany  possessed  in 

*  Ragguaglio  di  Caraffa:  "  Essendo  essi  tenuti  huomini  d'  industria  e  d'inte- 
grita  venivano  impiegati  nella  custodia  de'  terreni,  delle  case,delle  cantine  e  de' 
molini,  oltre  che  lavorando  eccellentemente  in  alcuni  meslieri  erano  divenuti 
ricchi  e  contiibuivano  gran  parte  del  loro  guadagnoa'signori  de'luoghi  ne'quali 
habitavano,  sebbene  da  qualche  tempo  indietro  bavevano  cominciato  a  corrom- 
persi  essendo  entrata  tra  di  loro  I'ambizione  e  I'avarizia  con  qualche  parte  di 
lusso  per  coniodita  della  vita.  Costoro  si  erano  sempre  andati  augumentando  in 
Moravia,  perciocche  oltre  a  quelli  che  seducevano  nella  provincia  e  ne'  luoghi 
convicini,  bavevano  corrispondenza  per  tutti  11  luoghi  della  Germania,  di  dove 
ricorrevano  alia  loro  fratellanza  tutti  quelli  che  per  debito  o  poverta  disperavano 
potersi  sostentare,  e  specialmente  veniva  ad  essi  gran  nuraero  di  poveri  Grisoni 
e  di  Svevia  lasciandosi  rapire  da  quel  nome  di  fratellanza  e  sicurta,  di  bavere 
sempre  del  pane,  che  in  casa  loro  diffidavano  potersi  col  proprio  sudore  guadag- 
nare,  onde  si  sono  avvanzati  alle  volte  sino  al  nuniero  di  centomila." 

"t"  This  had  been  the  emperor's  first  thought,  even  before  the  battle  of  Prague, 
when  IMaximilian  first  entered  the  territory  of  Upper  Austria;  he  pressed  the 
latter  to  remove  the  preachers  without  delay,  "so  that  the  pipers  might  be  dis- 
missed, and  the  dance  stopped."  His  letter  is  in  Breier's  continuation  of  Wolf's 
Maximilian,  iv,  414. 


64  THE  EMPIRE.  [BOOK  VII. 

a  singular  degree  the  talent  of  writing  his  mother-tongue  well.  His 
book,  called  "  Kalauz,"*  full  of  ability  and  learning,  was  irresistibly 
attractive  to  his  countrymen.  Nor  was  the  gift  of  eloquence  denied 
him:  we  are  told  that  he  personally  persuaded  fifty  families  — 
among  whom  we  find  the  names  of  Ziinyi,  Forgacz,  Erdbdy,  Ba- 
lassa,  Jakusith,  Homonay,  and  Adam  Thurzo — to  abandon  the 
protestant  faith.  Count  Adam  Zrinyi  alone  expelled  twenty  pro- 
testant  ministers,  and  put  catholic  priests  in  their  stead.  Under  these 
influences,  the  political  affairs  of  the  kingdom  of  Hungary  took  a 
new  turn.  At  the  diet  of  1625,  the  catholic  Austrian  party  had  the 
majority.  A  convert  recommended  by  the  court — an  Esterhazy — 
was  named  palatine. 

But  let  us  not  omit  to  remark  a  difference.  The  conversions  in 
Hungary  were  far  more  free  and  voluntary  than  in  the  other  pro- 
vinces of  the  empire;  the  magnate  proselytes  renounced  none  of 
their  rights;  they  rather  acquired  new  ones.  In  the  Austro-Bohe- 
mian  provinces,  on  the  contrary,  the  entire  independence  of  the 
estates — their  energy  and  their  power — had  thrown  itself  into  the 
form  of  protestantism;  their  conversion  was,  if  not  in  every  indivi- 
dual case,  yet  on  the  whole,  compulsory;  and  the  re-establishment 
of  Catholicism  was  accompanied  by  a  restoration  of  the  absolute 
power  of  the  government. 


§  4.    THE  EMPIRE. — TRANSFER  OF   THE  ELECTORATE. 

We  know  how  much  greater  progress  the  reformation  had  made 
in  the  German  empire  than  in  the  hereditary  dominions  of  the  house 
of  Austria;  nevertheless  recent  events  had  a  mighty  effect  even  in 
that  province,  where  the  counter-reformation  at  once  acquired  an 
accession  of  vigor  and  a  new  field  of  action. 

Maximilian  had  hardly  taken  possession  of  the  Upper  Palatinate, 
when  he  set  on  foot  measures  for  changing  its  religion.  He  divided 
the  territory  into  twenty  stations  in  which  fifty  Jesuits  were  em- 
ployed; the  churches  were  forcibly  delivered  into  their  hands,  and 
the  exercise  of  protestant  worship  universally  forbidden;  while  the 
disposition  of  the  inhabitants  to  conform  increased  with  the  in- 
creasing probability  that  the  country  would  return  into  the  hands 
of  Bavaria.t 

The  victorious  party  regarded  the  Lower  Palatinate  also  as  com- 
pletely their  own.  Maximilian  actually  gave  the  Heidelberg  library 
to  the  pope !  Even  before  the  conquest  of  that  city,  the  pope  had 
requested  this  as  a  favor  of  the  duke,  then  at  Cologne,  through  his 
nuncio,  Montorio,  and  the  duke  had  promised  it  with  his  accus- 

*  Hodcegus  Igazsagra  vezerlo  Kalauz.     Presburg,  1613,  1623. 

f  KropfF,  Historia  societatis  Jesu  in  Germania  superior!,  torn,  iv,  p.  271. 


CH.  II.  §  IV.]     TRANSFER  OF  THE  ELECTORATE.  65 

tomed  ready  obsequiousness;  as  soon  therefore  as  the  news  of  the 
takhig  of  Heidelberg  reached  Montorio,  he  asserted  his  claim  to  the 
library.  He  had  been  told  that  the  manuscripts  were  of  inesti- 
mable value,  and  he  sent  a  special  request  to  Tilly  to  protect  them 
from  injury  during  the  pillage.*  The  pope  then  despatclied  doctor 
Leone  Allacci,  scriptor  of  the  Vatican,  to  Germany,  to  take  posses- 
sion of  the  books.  Gregory  XV  carried  the  thing  with  a  high 
hand.  He  declared  this  acquisition  to  be  one  of  the  fortunate 
events  of  his  pontificate;  it  would  conduce,  he  said,  to  the  honor 
and  advantage  of  the  holy  see,  the  church,  and  of  learning  gene- 
rally; it  was  also  glorious  to  the  Bavarian  name,  that  so  precious  a 
spoil  should  be  preserved  in  Rome,  the  museum  of  the  world,  in 
eternal  memory  of  the  munificence  of  its  princes.t 

The  duke  evinced  in  all  respects  an  indefatigable  zeal  for  catholic 
reform,  even  surpassing  that  of  the  Spaniards,  who  were  certainly 
not  subject  to  the  reproach  of  lukewarmness  in  the  cause.J  The 
nuncio  beheld  with  rapture  mass  celebrated  and  conversions  taking 
place  in  Heidelberg,  "  whence  the  norma  of  the  Calvinists,  the 
famous  catechism,  had  gone  forth." 

Meanwhile  elector  Schweikard  was  carrying  on  the  work  of 
reform  in  the  Bergstrasse,  which  he  had  taken  possession  of;  and 
margrave  Wilhelm  in  Upper  Baden,  which  was  awarded  to  him 
after  long  litigation,  although  his  birth  was  scarcely  legitimate, 
much  less  of  the  requisite  degree  of  nobility,  he  having  expressly 
pledged  himself  to  the  nuncio  Caraffa,  to  forward  the  views  of  the 
church  if  he  succeeded. §  In  districts  too  which  were  not  immedi- 
ately affected  by  political  events,  the  ancient  efforts  in  support  of 
Catholicism  were  persecuted  with  fresh  zeal;||  in  Bamberg,  Fulda, 
and  Eichsfeld;  in  Paderborn,  where  two  catholic  bishops  in  succes- 
sion were  appointed;  but  more  especially  in  the  diocese  of  Munster, 
where  Meppen,  Vechta,  Halteren,  and  many  other  districts  were 
converted  to  Catholicism  in  the  year  1624:  we  find  Jesuit  mission- 
aries as  far  as  Halberstadt  and  Magdeburg;  they  fixed  themselves 
for  a  while  in  Altona,  to  learn  the  language,  and  thence  to  proceed 
to  Norway  and  Denmark. 

We  see  in  what  a  mighty  torrent  Catholicism  poured  from  the 

*  Relatione  di  M'  Montorio  ritornato  nunzio  di  Colonia,  1624.  The  passage 
is  given  in  the  Appendix,  No.  109. 

I  "  Che  cosi  pretioso  spoglio  e  cosi  nobil  trofeo  si  conservi  a  perpetua  memo- 
ria  in  questro  teatro  del  mondo."  Instruttione  al  dottore  Leon  Allatio  per  an- 
dare  in  Germania  per  la  libreria  del  Palatino.  See  Appendix,  No.  101,  for  an 
examination  of  the  authenticity  of  this  document. 

X  Montorio:  "  Benche  nolle  terre  che  occupano  i  Spagnuoli  non  si  camini  con 
quel  fervore  con  quale  si  camina  in  quelle  che  occupa  il  S^  D^  di  Baviera  alia 
conversione  de'  popoli."  ^ 

§  Caraffa,  Germania  restaurata,  p,  129. 

(I  Johann  Georg  Fuchs  of  Dornheim  was  particularly  active;  he  won  back 
three-and-twenty  knights'  parishes  to  Catholicism.  Jack,  Geschichte  von  Bam- 
berg, ii,  120. 

VOL.  n. — 7 


66  THE  EMPIRE.  [BOOK  VII. 

south  to  the  north  of  Germany.  An  attempt  was  now  made  to  get 
possession  of  a  new  centre  of  operations  whence  to  act  upon  the 
general  affairs  of  the  empire. 

Immediately  after  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  Ferdinand  II  had 
promised  Duke  Maximilian  that  if  their  cause  were  successful,  he 
would  transfer  the  Palatine  electorate  to  him.* 

There  can  be  no  question  under  what  aspect  this  circumstance 
was  mainly  re-garded  in  the  catholic  party.  The  majority  which 
that  party  possessed  in  the  council  of  princes  had  hitherto  opposed 
the  equality  of  voices  which  the  protestants  claimed  in  the  electoral 
college;  if  the  contemplated  transfer  of  the  electorate  took  place, 
this  check  would  be  for  ever  removed.! 

The  most  intimate  alliance  had  always  existed  between  the  papal 
court  and  Bavaria,  and  Gregory  XV  now  made  this  matter  com- 
pletely his  own. 

By  the  very  first  nuncio  whom  he  sent  to  Spain,  he  admonished 
the  king  to  lend  his  assistance  to  the  destruction  of  the  count  palatine 
and  to  the  transfer  of  the  electorate;  measures  which  would  for  ever 
secure  the  imperial  crown  to  the  catholics.^  It  was  not  easy  to 
persuade  the  Spaniards  to  take  this  course.  They  were  engaged 
in  the  most  important  negotiations  with  the  king  of  England,  and 
had  some  hesitation  in  offending  him  in  the  person  of  his  son-in-law 
the  count  palatine  Frederic,  to  whom  the  electorate  actually  be- 
longed. Their  reluctance  served  only  to  inflame  the  zeal  of  Gre- 
gory. Not  satisfied  with  the  exhortations  of  the  nuncio,  in  the 
year  1622  he  sent  brother  Hyacinth  (a  capuchin  of  great  abiUty 
and  address,  who  enjoyed  the  particular  confidence  of  Maximilian), 
charged  with  a  special  commission  to  the  Spanish  court. §  It  was 
\vith  extreme  reluctance  that  the  king  went  further  into  the  matter; 
he  could  only  be  brought  to  declare  that  he  would  rather  see  the 
electorate  in  the  house  of  Bavaria  than  in  his  own.  This,  however, 
was  sufficient  for  brother  Hyacinth.  Possessed  of  this  declaration, 
he  hastened  to  Vienna,  in  order  to  remove  from  the  emperor's 
mind  all  scruples  concerning  Spain,  and  found  himself  supported 
there  by  the  wonted  influence  of  the  nuncio  Caraffa,  and  even  by 
a  fresh  missive  from  the  pope  himself.  '<  Behold,"  exclaims  Gre- 
gory to  the  emperor,  "the  gates  of  heaven  are  opened;  the  heavenly 

*  Letter  from  the  emperor  to  Baltasar  de  Zuniga,  15  October,  1621,  printed 
by  Sattler,  Wiirtembergische  Geschichte,  vi,  p.  162. 

I  Instruttione  a  M.  Sacchetti  nuntio  in  Spagna,  notices  the  restoration  of  the 
Palatinate  as  an  "  irreparabile  perdita  delta  reputazione  di  questo  fatto  e  della 
chiesa  cattolica,  se  il  papa  ci  avesse  condisceso,  con  indicibil  danno  della  reli- 
gione  cattolica  e  dell'  imperio,  che  tanti  e  tanti  anni  hanno  bramato,  senza 
poterlo  sapere  non  che  ottenere,  il  quarto  elettor  cattolico  in  servitio  ancora  del 
sangue  Austriaco." 

■^  Instruttione  a  Mons  Sangro.  He  is  admonished,  "  di  infervorare  S.  M's 
acciononsi  lasci  risorgere  il  Palatino,  e  si  metta  I'elettorato  in  persona  cattolica, 
e  si  assicuri  I'impero  eternamente  fra  cattolici." 

§  Khevenhiller,  ix,  p.  17G6. 


CH.  II.  §  VI.]     TRANSFER  OP  THE  ELECTORATE.  67 

hosts  urge  thee  on  to  win  so  great  a  glory;  they  will  fight  for  thee 
in  thy  camp."  The  emperor  was  wrought  upon  by  a  singular 
consideration,  which  strikingly  iUustrales  his  character.  He  had 
long  meditated  this  transfer,  and  had  expressed  his  intention  in 
a  letter  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  protestants  and  was  made 
public  by  them.  The  emperor  thought  himself  as  it  were  bound 
by  this  accidental  publicity.  He  fancied  it  essential  to  the  main- 
tenance of  his  imperial  dignity  to  adhere  to  an  intention  which 
he  was  Icnown  to  have  formed.  In  short  he  took  the  resolution  of 
proceeding  to  execute  the  transfer  at  the  next  electoral  diet.* 

It  was  however  still  a  question  whether  the  princes  of  the  em- 
pire would  consent.  The  most  important  among  them  was 
Schweikard  of  Mayence,  and  we  learn  from  the  nuncio  Montorio, 
that  this  cautious  prince  was  at  first  hostile  to  the  measure,  and 
declared  that  war  would  only  break  out  afresh,  more  fiercely  than 
ever;  and  also,  that  if  there  must  be  a  change,  the  count  palatine 
of  Neuberg  had  the  next  claim,  and  could  not  possibly  be  passed 
over.  The  nancio  does  not  relate  by  what  arguments  he  at  length 
overcame  these  objections;  "  In  the  four  or  five  days,"  says  he, 
"  which  I  passed  with  him  in  Aschaffenburg,  I  obtained  from  him 
the  desired  decision."  We  find  only  that  he  promised  substantial 
assistance  on  the  part  of  the  pope,  in  case  war  should  break  out 
afresh. 

The  determination  of  the  elector  of  Mayence  was  decisive  as  to 
the  matter  in  question.  Both  his  colleagues  on  the  Rhine  followed 
his  example.  In  spite  of  the  continued  resistance  of  Brandenburg 
and  Saxony  (the  opposition  of  Saxony  not  being  overcome  till  a 
later  period  by  the  archbishop  of  Mayence),t  in  spite  of  the  de- 
clared hostility  of  the  Spanish  ambassador,  the  emperor  steadily 
pursued  his  object.  On  the  25th  of  February,  1623,  he  transferred 
the  electorate  to  his  victorious  ally,  under  condition,  it  is  true,  that 
at  first  it  should  be  only  a  personal  possession,  and  that  the  palatine 
heirs  and  agnates  should  retain  their  rights  as  to  the  future. { 

But  even  with  this  condition,  the  advantage  gained  was  incalcu- 
lable; above  all,  the  preponderancy  in  the  supreme  council  of  the 
empire,  whose  assent  now  gave  a  legal  sanction  to  every  fresh  de- 
cision in  favor  of  Catholicism. 

Maximilian  clearly  saw  how  much  he  was  indebted  to  Gregory 
XV.  "  Your  holiness,"  he  writes,  "  has  not  only  furthered  this 
matter,  but  by  your  admonitions,  your  authority,  your  zealous  ex- 
ertions, has  in  reality  accomplished  it.  It  is  to  be  absolutely  and 
entirely  ascribed  to  the  favor  and  the  vigilance  of  your  holiness." 

*  Caraffa,  Germ,  restaur.,  p.  120. 

■}•  Montorio  calls  Schweikard  "unico  instigatore  a  far  voltare  Sassonia  a 
favore  dell'  imp''*  nella  translatione  dell'  eleUorato." 

■jfi  The  declaration  of  Oiiates,  and  the  violent  letter  of  Ludovisio  against  the 
restoration  of  an  electorate  into  the  hands  of  a  blaspheming  Calvinist.  Kheven- 
hiller,  x,  67,  68. 


68  FRANCE.  [book  VII. 

"Thy  letter,  0  son,"  answered  Gregory,  "hath  filled  our  breast 
with  a  stream  of  delight  sweet  as  manna  from  heaven:  at  length 
may  the  daughter  of  Sion  shake  the  ashes  of  mourning  from  her 
head,  and  array  herself  in  festal  garments."* 


§  5.    FRANCE. 

At  the  moment  these  events  were  passing  in  Germany,  the  great 
tide  in  the  affairs  of  France  set  in. 

If  we  inquire  what  was  the  principal  cause  of  the  decline  of 
protestantism  in  the  year  1621,  we  shall  find  it  in  the  internal  divi- 
sions of  the  party,  and  still  more  in  the  apostacy  of  the  nobles.  It 
is  possible  that  the  latter  was  connected  with  that  strong  tendency 
towards  republicanism  on  the  part  of  the  people,  which  was  founded 
on  a  municipal  as  well  as  a  theological  basis,  and  was  therefore 
hostile  to  the  influence  of  the  nobles.  The  nobility  probably  found 
it  more  for  their  advantage  to  attach  themselves  to  the  king  and 
court,  than  to  endure  the  tyranny  of  preachers  and  mayors.  What- 
ever be  the  cause,  in  the  year  1621,  the  governors  of  fortified  towns 
vied  with  each  other  in  alacrity  in  givmg  them  up;  every  man 
sought  only  to  bargain  for  an  advantageous  post  for  himself;  the 
same  scenes  were  renewed  in  1622,  when  La  Force  and  Chatillon 
received  the  batons  of  marshals  on  abjuring  their  faith;  the  aged 
Lesdiguieres  turned  catholic,!  and  even  commanded  a  division 
against  the  protestants,  and  many  others  were  carried  away  by 
the  force  of  such  examples. |  Under  these  circumstances  it  was 
impossible  to  conclude  a  peace  in  1622  on  other  than  extremely 
unfavorable  terms;  nor  dared  the  Huguenots  flatter  themselves  that 
even  this  peace  would  be  maintained.  Formerly,  when  the  pro- 
testants were  powerful,  the  king  had  often  exceeded  or  broken  his 
treaties  with  them;  was  it  likely  that  he  would  observe  them  now 
that  they  had  lost  their  power?  The  treaty  of  peace  was  accord- 
ingly violated  in  almost  every  particular;  the  exercise  of  protestant 
worship  was  in  many  places  absolutely  prevented;  the  Huguenots 

*  Giunti,  Vita  di  Ludovisio  Ludovisi,  ascribes  the  merit  chiefly  to  the  pope's 
kinsman.  "  Da  S.  S'»  e  dal  C'^  furono  scritte  molte  lettre  anche  di  proprio  pugno 
piene  d'ardore  et  efficacia  per  disporre  Cesare,  et  in  oltre  fu  mandate  M'"' Verospi 
auditore  di  rota  e  doppo  il  P.  F.  Giacinto  di  Casale  cappuccino."  Through 
these  two  the  emperor  was  told,  "che  il  vicario  di  Christo  per  parte  del  S''''  fin 
con  le  lacrime  lo  pregava  e  scongiurava  e  le  ne  prometteva  felicita  e  sicurezza 
della  sua  salute." 

t  There  are  remarks  on  this  conversion  in  the  Memoires  de  Deageant,  at  p. 
190,  and  in  several  other  places,  which  are  well  worthy  of  notice. 

4:  Lisle  des  gentilhommes  de  la  religion  reduits  aa  roi,  in  Malingre,  Histoire 
des  derniers  troubles  arrives  en  France,  p.  789.  Rohan  also  concluded  his 
treaty;  unhappily,  the  articles,  as  they  appear  in  the  Mercure  de  France,  vii,  p. 
845,  are  not  authentic. 


CH.  II.  §  v.]  FRANCE.  69 

were  forbidden  to  sing  their  psalms  in  the  streets  or  shops;  their 
privileges  in  the  universities  were  curtailed;*  Fort  Louis,  which 
the  government  had  bound  itself  to  rase,  was  kept  standing;  an 
attempt  was  made  to  transfer  the  choice  of  magistrates  of  protes- 
tant  cities  into  the  hands  of  the  king;t  on  the  17th  April  1622,  an 
edict  was  issued  appointing  a  commissary  to  be  present  at  all  meet- 
ings of  Huguenots;  and  at  length,  after  they  had  once  been  brought 
to  endure  these  vast  inroads  on  their  ancient  liberties,  the  govern- 
ment interfered  in  their  affairs  of  a  purely  ecclesiastical  nature;  the 
Huguenots  were  hindered  from  receiving  the  decrees  of  the  synod 
of  Dort  by  the  commissaries  above  mentioned. 

They  had  no  longer  any  independence;  they  could  no  longer  make 
a  steady,  persevering  resistance,  while  on  every  side  their  ranks 
were  thinned  byconversions. 

The  capuchins  filled  Poictou  and  Languedoc  with  missions;!  the 
Jesuits,  who  had  obtained  new  establishments  in  Aix,  Lyon,  Pau, 
and  many  other.places,  had  the  most  trmmphant  success  both  in  the 
cities  and  the  country;  their  brotherhoods  of  the  Virgin  attracted 
universal  notice  and  admiration  by  the  care  with  which  they  had 
tended  the  wounded  in  the  late  war.§ 

There  were  also  Franciscans  who  rendered  eminent  services  to  the 
cause;  as  for  instance,  father  Villele  de  Bourdeaux,  of  whom  things 
almost  fabulous  are  related.  After  having  brought  the  whole  city  of 
Foix  over  to  his  faith,  he  succeeded  in  converting  a  man  above  a 
hundred  years  old, — the  very  same  who  Iiad  received  the  first  pro- 
testant  preacher  from  the  hands  of  Calvin,  and  had  conducted  him 
to  Foix.  The  protestant  church  was  pulled  down,  and  the  fathers, 
in  the  insolence  of  their  triumph,  caused  the  exiled  preacher  to  be 
accompanied  from  town  to  town  by  a  trumpeter. || 

In  a  word,  the  work  of  conversion  advanced  with  resistless  force. 
The  high  and  low,  and  even  the  learned,  recanted;  the  latter,  par- 
ticularly influenced  by  the  assurance,  that  the  invocation  of  saints, 
prayers  for  the  dead,  a  hierarchy,  and  many  other  usages  and  insti- 
tutions of  the  catholic  church,  had  been  recognised  by  the  primitive 
church  even  before  the  council  of  Nice. 

The  reports  of  certain  bishops  are  still  extant,  showing  the  numer- 
ical proportions  of  the  two  confessions  which  resulted  from  these 
changes.  In  the  diocese  of  Poitiers  half  of  the  inhabitants  of 
some  cities  were  protestant,  e.  g.  Lusignan  and  St.  Maixant;  in 
others,  such  as  Chauvigny  and  Niort,  a  third;  in  Loudun  a  fourth; 
in  Poitiers  itself  only  a  twentieth,  and  in  the  rural  districts  the  pro- 
portion was  far  smaller. IF     The  bishops  were  in  immediate  corres- 

*  Benoist,  ii,  419. 
f  Rohan,  Mem.  i,  iii. 

X  Instruttione  all'  arcivescovo  di  Damiata,  MS.     See  App.  No.  106. 
§  Cordara,  Historiasoc.  .Tesu,  vii,  95,  118. 

II  Relation  Catholique,  inserted  in  the  Mercure  Frant^ois,  viii,  489. 
i[  Relatione  del  vescovo  di  Poitiers,  1623,  MS. 

7* 


70  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  [BOOK  VII. 

pondence  with  Rome  respecting  the  conversions;  they  sent  regular 
reports  and  suggested  whatever  they  deemed  desirable;  the  nuncio 
was  admonished  to  lay  before  the  king  any  reports  or  requests  they 
might  transmit  to  him,  and  to  support  them  by  his  recommendation. 
These  documents  are  often  filled  with  minute  details.  For  example, 
the  bishop  of  Vienne  complains  that  the  missionaries  are  extremely 
troubled  and  obstructed  by  a  preacher  in  St.  Marcellin,  who  has 
proved  quite  invincible  in  argument;  the  nuncio  is  commissioned  to 
urge  upon  the  court  the  expediency  of  his  banishment.  He  is  also 
desired  to  give  his  support  to  the  bishop  of  St.  Malo,  who  complained 
that  in  one  castle  in  his  diocese  catholic  worship  was  not  tolerated. 
He  is  to  have  ready  an  accomplished  converter  (who  is  pointed  out 
by  name)  for  the  bishop  of  Xaintes.  Sometimes  when  the  bishops 
mot  with  obstacles,  they  are  exhorted  to  state  more  in  detail  what 
cau  be  done  to  remove  them,  in  order  that  the  nuncio  may  lay  the 
same  before  the  king.* 

The  striking  features  of  this  period  are,  a  close  union  between  all 
spiritual  authorities,  the  propaganda,  (which,  as  we  have  remarked, 
displayed  perhaps  its  greatest  activity  and  vigor  in  the  first  years  of 
its  existence,)  and  the  pope;  zeal  and  efficient  activity  in  following 
up  the  advantages  gained  by  arms;  and  sympathy  on  the  part  of 
the  court,  which  discerned  its  own  strong  political  interest  in  what 
was  going  on;  and,  as  the  result  of  these  combined  causes,  the  in- 
evitable and  final  downfall  of  protestantism  in  France. 


§  6.      UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 

Nor  was  the  revolution  in  opinion  we  have  just  been  contempla- 
ting confined  to  countries  in  which  the  government  was  catholic;  it 
displayed  itself  at  the  same  moment  under  protestant  rulers. 

\^'e  are  astonished  at  finding  that  even  in  Bentivoglio's  time,  in 
those  very  cities  of  the  Low  Countries  which  made  so  long  and  so 
heroic  a  resistance  to  the  king  of  Spain,  chiefly  on  accoiuit  of  re- 
ligion, the  majority  of  the  great  families  had  again  become  catholicjt 

*  1  nstruttione  all'  arcivescovo  di  Damiata: — one  example  may  suffice.  "  Delia 
relatione  del  vescovo  di  Candon  si  cava,  che  ha  il  detto  vescovo  la  terra  di  Neaco, 
ove  scno  molti  eretici,  con  una  missione  di  Gesuiti,  li  quali  in  danno  s'affaticano 
Be  con  I'autorila  temporale  il  re  non  daqualchebuon  ordine:  ed  ella  potra  scrivere 
al  detto  vescovo  che  avvisi  cio  che  puo  fare  Sua  M'%  perche  nella  relazione  non 
lo  specifica.  Da  quella  del  vescovo  di  S.  Malo  s'intende  che  in  un  castello  e 
villa  del  marchese  di  Moussaye  e  solo  lecito  di  predicare  a  Calvinisti:  pero  sa- 
rebbe  bene  di  ricordare  alia  M"  del  re  che  levasse  i  predicatori  acciocche  i  mis- 
sionarj  del  vescovo  potessero  far  frutto:  il  castello  e  villa  non  e  norainato  nella 
relazione,  e  pero  si  potra  scrivere  al  vescovo  per  saperlo.  II  vescovo  di  Monpel- 
lier  avvisa  di  haver  carestia  d'operarj,  e  che  dagli  eretici  sono  senliti  volontieri  i 
padri  Oappuccini,  onde  se  gli  potrebbe  procurare  una  missione  di  questi  padri." 

f  Rolatione  delle  provincie  ubbidienti,  parte  ii,  c.  ii,  in  which  the  state  of  re- 
ligion in  Holland  is  discussed. 


CH.  II.  §  VII.]  CATHOLICISM  IN  ENGLAND.  71 

but  we  are  far  more  amazed  when  we  read  the  details  of  the  spread 
and  progress  of  Catholicism  under  circumstances  so  unfavorable, 
which  are  to  be  found  in  a  circumstantial  report  of  the  year  1622. 
The  priests  were  persecuted  and  exiled,  yet  their  numbers  increased. 
The  first  Jesuit  arrived  in  the  Netherlands  in  the  year  1592;  in  the 
year  1022  there  were  twenty-two  members  of  the  order  in  that 
country.  The  colleges  of  Cologne  and  Louvaine  continually  sent 
forth  new  laborers,  and  in  the  year  1622,  two  hundred  and  twenty 
secular  priests  were  employed  in  the  provinces,  and  were  quite  in- 
sufficient for  the  wants  of  the  population.  According  to  this  report, 
the  number  of  catholics  in  the  diocese  of  Utrecht  amonnted  to 
150,000;  in  that  of  Haarlem,  to  which  Amsterdam  belonged,  to 
100,000  souls.  Leuwarden  contained  15,000,  Groningen  20,000, 
and  Deventer  60,000  catholics.  The  vicar  apostolic  who  was  then 
sent  by  the  see  of  Rome  to  Deventer,  confirmed  12,000  persons  in 
three  cities  and  a  few  villages.  The  numbers  in  the  report  may  be 
greatly  exaggerated,  but  it  is  evident  that  this  pre-eminently  pro- 
testant  country  still  contained  catholic  elements  of  extraordinary 
strength.  Even  the  bishoprics  which  Philip  II  had  tried  to  intro- 
duce, were  constantly  recognised  by  the  catholics.*  It  was  probably 
this  state  of  things  which  excited  in  the  Spaniards  their  intense 
eagerness  to  renew  the  war. 


§    7.  STATE  OF  CATHOLICISM  IN  ENGLAND. 

Meanwhile  more  peaceful  prospects  had  opened  upon  England. 
The  son  of  Mary  Stuart  was  heir  to  the  united  crowns  of  Great 
Britain,  and  conld  now  present  a  more  determined  front  than  ever 
to  the  catholic  powers. 

Even  before  James  I  ascended  the  throne  of  England,  Clement 
VIII  sent  him  word  "  that  he  prayed  for  him,  as  the  son  of  so  vir- 
tuons  a  mother;  that  he  wished  him  all  prosperity  worldly  and 
spiritual,  and  that  he  hoped  still  to  see  him  a  catholic."  James's 
accession  was  celebrated  in  Rome  with  solemn  services  and  pro- 
cessions. 

He  could  not  have  dared  to  make  any  corresponding  retnrn  to 
these  advances,  even  had  he  been  inclined;  but  he  permitted  Parry, 
his  ambassador  in  France,  to  live  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  the 
nuncio  Bubalis.  The  nuncio  produced  a  document  from  the  hand 
of  the  pope's  nephew  Aldobrandino,in  which  that  cardinal  exhorted 


*  Compendium  status  in  quo  nunc  est  religio  catholica  in  Holandia  et  con- 
foederatls  Belgii  provinciis,  1622,  2  Decemb.  "his  non  obstantibus — laus  Deo — 
quotidie  crescit  calholicorum  numerus,  prEesertim  accedente  dissensions  lieereti- 
corum  inter  se." 


72  STATE  OF  CATHOLICISM  [BOOK  VII. 

the  English  catholics  to  obey  king  James  as  their  sovereign  and 
natural  lord;  and  even  to  pray  for  him;  to  this  Parry  responded 
with  an  instruction  of  James,  promising  to  allow  peaceful  catholics 
to  live  without  molestation.* 

In  fact,  in  the  north  of  England  people  began  openly  to  attend 
mass  again;  the  puritans  complained  that  within  a  short  time  fifty 
thousand  Englishmen  had  become  proselytes  to  Catholicism;  to 
which  James  is  said  to  have  replied,  "  that  they  might  go  and  con- 
vert the  same  number  of  Spaniards  and  Italians." 

These  appearances  might  perhaps  lead  the  catholics  to  pitch  their 
hopes  too  high:  when  therefore  they  saw  that  the  king  still  adhered 
firmly  to  the  protestant  cause;  that  the  old  acts  of  parliament  were 
again  put  in  execution,  and  that  new  persecutions  were  set  on  foot, 
they  fell  into  an  irritation  exasperated  by  disappointment;  an  irri- 
tation which  found  fearful  vent  in  the  gunpowder  plot.  With  this 
ended  all  possibility  of  toleration  on  the  part  of  the  king.  The 
severest  laws  were  enacted  and  enforced;  domiciliary  visits,  im- 
prisonment, and  fines  were  inflicted;  the  priests,  and  above  all  the 
Jesuits,  were  banished  and  persecuted;  and  it  was  thought  neces- 
sary to  restrain  such  daring  enemies  by  the  extremest  severity. 

But  in  private  conversation  the  king's  expressions  were  very 
moderate.  He  said  plainly  to  a  prince  of  the  house  of  Lorraine, 
who  once  visited  him  with  the  privity  of  Paul  V,  that  after  all 
there  was  but  little  difference  between  the  two  confessions;  that  he, 
to  be  sure,  thought  his  own  the  best  and  had  embraced  it  from 
conviction,  and  not  for  reasons  of  state;  but  that  he  liked  to  hear 
the  opinions  of  others;  and  as  the  convocation  of  a  council  was 
attended  with  insuperable  difficulties,  he  wished  there  could  be  an 
assembly  of  learned  men,  who  might  try  to  eff"ect  a  reconciliation; 
that  if  tlie  pope  would  set  one  step  in  advance,  he  was  ready  to  set 
four  to  meet  him;  that  he  too  acknowledged  the  authority  of  the 
fathers;  that  he  esteemed  Augustine  above  Luther,  and  St,  Ber- 
nard more  than  Calvin;  nay,  that  he  saw  in  the  church  of  Rome, 
even  in  her  actual  state,  the  true  church,  the  mother  of  all  others, 
only  that  she  stood  in  need  of  purification:  he  admitted,  what 
indeed  he  would  not  say  to  a  nuncio,  but  might  confess  to  a  friend 
and  cousin,  that  the  pope  was  the  head  of  the  church,  the  supreme 
bishop:!  it  was,  he  said,  doing  him  great  injustice  to  call  him  a 
heretic  or  a  schismatic;  a  heretic  he  was  not,  for  he  believed  what 
the  pope  believed,  only  the  pope  admitted  some  few  articles  of 

*  Breve  relatione  di  quanto  si  e  trattato  tra  S.  S"  ed  il  re  d'Inghilterra.  (MS. 
Rom.) 

•j-  "  Che  riconosce  la  chiesa  Romana  etiandio  quella  d'adesso  per  la  vera 
chiesa  e  madredi  tutte,  mach'ellaavevabisogfno  d'esserpurgata,  e  di  piu  ch'egli 
sapeva  che  V.  S'>  e  capo  di  essa  chiesa  e  primo  vescovo." — expressions  which, 
though  in  other  quarters  attributed  to  this  prince,  can  in  no  way  be  reconciled 
with  the  principle  of  the  church  of  England.  (Relatione  Del  S"^  di  Breval  al 
papa.) 


CH.  II.  §  VII.]  IN  ENGLAND.  73 

faith  more  than  he;  neither  was  he  a  schismatic,  for  he  regarded 
the  pope  as  head  of  the  church. 

With  such  opinions,  and  a  consequent  antipathy  to  the  puritani- 
cal side  of  protestantism,  it  would  unquestionably  have  been  more 
agreeable  to  the  king  to  come  to  a  peaceable  understanding  with 
the  catholics,  than  to  keep  tliera  down  by  means  of  force  and  with 
incessant  peril  to  himself 

In  England  they  were  still  numerous  and  powerful.  In  spite  of 
dreadful  defeats  and  losses,  or  rather  in  consequence  of  them,  Ire- 
land was  in  incessant  fermentation,  and  the  king  had  the  greatest 
possible  interest  in  putting  an  end  to  this  state  of  discontent  and 
insubordination.* 

It  must  be  observed,  that  English  and  Irish  catholics  attached 
themselves  to  Spain.  The  Spanish  ambassadors  in  London,  men 
of  great  address,  prudence,  and  at  the  same  time  magnificence,  had 
gathered  around  them  a  vast  following;  their  chapel  was  always 
filled,  and  the  solemnities  of  the  holy  week  were  celebrated  there 
with  great  pomp.  Their  house  was  the  resort  of  their  brethren  in 
the  faith,  and,  as  a  Venetian  said,  they  were  regarded  almost  in  the 
light  of  legates  of  the  apostolic  see. 

To  this  cause,  I  think,  may  safely  be  attributed  king  James's 
project  of  marrying  his  heir  to  a  Spanish  princess.  He  thus  hoped 
to  attach  the  catholics,  and  to  win  over  the  favor  with  which  they 
regarded  the  house  of  Spain  to  his  own.  His  foreign  relations  fur- 
nished an  additional  motive;  since  it  might  reasonably  be  expected 
that  the  house  of  Austria,  when  so  nearly  connected  v/ith  him, 
would  be  more  friendly  to  his  son-in-law  the  elector  palatine. 

The  only  question  was,  as  to  the  practicability  of  the  scheme. 
The  difference  of  religion  presented  an  obstacle  which  at  that  time 
it  was  really  difficult  to  overcome. 

There  is  a  certain  fantastic  element  inseparably  blended  with  the 
realities  of  the  world  and  the  common-place  of  life;  it  finds  utter- 
ance in  poetry  and  romantic  tales,  which,  again,  re-act  upon  the 
character  and  conduct  of  the  young.  Whilst  tiie  negotiations  which 
had  been  set  on  foot  were  delayed  from  day  to  day  and  from  month 
to  month,  the  prince  of  Wales,  and  his  intimate  friend  and  com- 
panion Buckingham,  conceived  the  romantic  thought  of  setting  out 
to  fetch  his  bride. t     The  Spanish  ambassador  Gondemar  appears 

*  Relatione  di  D.  Lazzari,  1G21.  He  founds  his  opinion  on  the  timidity  of 
the  king:  "  havendo  io  esperimentato  per  manifesti  seo^ni  che  prevale  in  lui  piu 
il  timore  che  1'  ira."  He  says  moreover,  "  per  la  practica  che  ho  di  lui  (del  re) 
lo  stimo  indifferente  inqualsivoglia  religione." 

f  Papers  relative  to  the  Spanish  match,  in  the  Hardwicke  Papers,  i,  p.  309. 
They  contain  the  correspondence  between  James  I  and  the  two  travellers,  which 
excites  the  greatest  interest  in  the  persons  concerned.  James's  failings  appear 
at  least  those  of  a  very  humane  temper.  His  first  letter  begins:  "  My  sweet 
boys  and  dear  ventrous  knights,  worthy  to  be  put  in  a  new  romanso." — "  My 
sweat  boys,"  is  his  common  mode  of  address:  they  write,  "dear  dad,  and  gos- 
sip." 


74  STATE  OF  CATHOLICISM  [BOOK  VII. 

to  have  had  some  share  in  this  adventure;  at  least,  he  told  the 
prince  that  his  presence  would  put  an  end  to  all  difficulties. 

What  was  the  amazement  of  the  English  ambassador  in  Madrid, 
Lord  Digby,  who  had  hitherto  conducted  this  negotiation,  when  on 
being  one  day  called  out  of  his  chamber  to  speak  to  two  cavaliers, 
he  beheld  the  son  and  the  favorite  of  his  sovereign!  The  contract- 
ing parties  now  applied  themselves  in  earnest  to  remove  the  obsta- 
cles presented  by  religion.  It  was  necessary  in  the  first  place  to 
obtain  the  pope's  consent,  and  king  James  had  displayed  no  repug- 
nance to  enter  into  direct  negotiation  with  Paul  V  for  that  object; 
but  that  pope  would  listen  to  them  only  under  the  condition  that 
the  king  should  grant  entire  religious  freedom  to  his  catholic  sub- 
jects. The  impression  made  on  Gregory  XV,  on  the  contrary,  by 
the  prince's  adventurous  journey  was  so  powerful,  that  he  would 
have  been  content  with  less  extensive  concessions.  In  a  letter  to 
the  prince,  he  expresses  his  hope  that  "  the  ancient  seed  of  Christian 
piety,  which  had  of  old  borne  fruit  in  English  kings,  would  once 
more  spring  up  and  flourish  in  him;  at  all  events,  since  he  intended 
to  marry  a  catliolic  lady,  he  could  not  desire  to  oppress  the  catholic 
church."  The  prince  answered,  that  he  would  never  use  any  hos- 
tile measure  against  the  church  of  Rome;  on  the  contrary,  he  would 
try  to  bring  it  about,  "that  as  we  all,"  to  use  his  words,  "  acknow- 
ledge one  triune  God  and  one  crucified  Christ,  we  may  unite  in  one 
faith  and  one  church."*  We  see  how  great  were  the  advances 
made  by  both  sides.  Olivarez  affirmed  that  he  had  entreated  the 
pope  with  the  utmost  earnestness  to  grant  the  dispensation;  that  he 
had  declared  to  him  that  the  king  could  refuse  the  prince  nothing.t 
The  English  catholics  too  assailed  the  pope  with  entreaties;  they 
said  that  a  refusal  of  the  dispensation  would  bring  upon  them  fresh 
persecutions. 

The  points  which  the  king  was  required  to  promise  were  now 
discussed. 

Not  only  was  the  infanta  with  her  suite  to  be  allowed  to  exercise 
her  religion  in  a  chapel  of  the  palace,  but  the  early  education  of 
all  the  children  of  this  marriage  was  to  be  entrusted  to  her;  no 
penal  law  was  to  have  any  application  to  them,  nor  to  interfere 
with  their  right  of  succession,  even  if  they  should  remain  catholic.J 
The  king  promised,  generally,  not  to  trouble  the  private  exercise  of 


*  Frequently  printed:  I  follow  the  copy  in  Clarendon  and  the  Hardwicke 
Papers,  apparently  taken  from  the  original. 

I  In  the  first  impulse  of  joy,  he  went  so  far  as  to  say,  according  to  Bucking- 
ham's account,  (20th  of  March,)  "  that  if  the  pope  would  not  give  a  dispensa- 
tion for  a  wife,  they  would  give  the  infanta  to  thy  son  Baby  as  his  weneh." 

X  The  most  important  stipulation,  and  the  source  of  much  mischief.  The 
article  runs  thus:  "  Quod  leges  contra  catholicos  Romanes  latae  vel  ferendae  in 
Anglia  et  aliis  regnis  regi  magnae  Britanniae  subjectis  non  attingent  liberos  ex 
hoc  matriraonio  oriundos,  et  libere  jure  successionis  in  regnis  et  dominiis  magnae 
Britannie  fruantur."     (Merc.  Franc,  ix,  Appendice  ii,  18.) 


CH.  11.  §  VII.]  IN  ENGLAND.  75 

the  catholic  rehgion;  not  to  impose  upon  the  catholics  any  oath  at 
variance  with  their  faith;  and  to  endeavor  to  obtain  from  parlia- 
ment the  repeal  of  all  laws  against  the  catholics. 

In  August  1623,  king  James  swore  to  these  articles,  and  no  doubt 
appeared  to  remain  of  the  completion  of  the  nuptials  of  prince 
Charles. 

Rejoicings  took  place  in  Spain;  the  court  received  congratula- 
tions; the  ambassadors  were  formally  apprised  of  the  intended 
marriage;  and  the  ladies  and  the  confessor  of  the  infanta  were  ad- 
monished not  to  let  fall  a  word  which  could  raise  up  any  obstacles 
to  it. 

James  admonished  his  son  not  to  forget,  in  the  joy  of  this  fortunate 
event,  the  wrongs  of  his  cousin,  who  was  robbed  of  his  inheritance, 
and  the  tears  of  his  sister.  The  affair  of  the  Palatinate  was  warmly 
taken  up.  There  was  a  plan  for  drawing  the  imperial  house  and 
that  of  the  Palatinate  into  the  new  alliance,  viz.  by  marrying  the 
son  of  the  expelled  elector  to  a  daughter  of  the  emperor;  while 
Bavaria  was  to  be  conciliated  by  the  creation  of  an  eighth  elector- 
ate. Hereupon  the  emperor  immediately  opened  a  negotiation  with 
Maximilian  of  Bavaria,  who  testified  no  reluctance,  and  only  stipu- 
lated that  the  transferred  palatine  electorate  should  remain  in  his 
possession,  and  the  newly-created  one  be  given  as  an  indemnity  to 
the  palatine  house.  This  made  no  important  difference  to  the  in- 
terests of  the  catholics,  who  were  to  enjoy  religious  freedom  in  the 
restored  Palatinate,  and  would  still  possess  a  majority  of  votes  in 
the  electoral  college.* 

Thus  did  the  power  which,  in  the  preceding  reign,  had  formed 
the  bulwark  of  protestantism,  enter  into  the  most  friendly  relations 
with  those  ancient  foes  to  whom  she  seemed  to  have  sworn  irrecon- 
cilable hatred — the  pope  and  Spain.  The  English  catholics  began 
to  receive  a  totally  different  treatment;  domiciUary  visits  and  per- 
secutions ceased;  certain  oaths  were  no  longer  required;  catholic 
chapels  arose,  to  the  great  vexation  of  the  protestants,  while  the 
puritan  fanatics  who  declaimed  against  the  marriage  were  punished. 
King  James  doubted  not  that  before  the  winter  he  should  embrace 
his  son,  together  with  his  youthful  bride  and  his  favorite;  an  event, 
to  whicii  he  appears,  from  all  his  letters,  to  have  looked  forward 
with  the  most  affectionate  longing. 

The  advantages  attendant  on  the  execution  of  the  above-named 
articles  are  sufficiently  obvious;  but  the  alliance  itself  gave  expec- 
tation of  far  other  consequences,  the  extent  of  which  could  not  be 
foreseen.  That  influence  of  the  catholic  church  over  the  govern- 
ment of  England,  which  force  had  never  been  able  to  obtain, 
seemed  now  likely  to  be  acquired  in  the  most  peaceable  and  na- 
tural manner. 

*  In  Khevenhiller,  x.  114. 


76  MISSIONS.      AMERICA.  [BOOK  VII. 


§  8.    MISSIONS. 

At  this  point  of  our  researches,  while  considering  the  brilliant 
triumphs  of  Catholicism  in  Europe,  it  seems  expedient  to  turn  our 
eyes  to  those  remoter  regions  of  the  globe,  in  which,  urged  on  by 
a  kindred  impulse,  the  religion  of  Rome  advanced  with  mighty 
strides. 

Religious  motives  entered  into  the  first  idea  which  prompted  the 
discoveries  and  the  conquests  of  the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese: 
these  motives  never  ceased  to  accompany  and  animate  them,  and 
assumed  prominence  and  force  in  their  newly-constituted  empires 
both  in  the  east  and  west. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  we  find  the  proud 
edifice  of  the  catholic  church  completely  reared  in  South  America. 
There  were  five  archbishoprics,  twenty-seven  bishoprics,  four  hun- 
dred monasteries,  and  innumerable  parish  churches  and  docirinas* 
Magnificent  cathedrals  had  sprung  up,  of  which  the  most  splendid 
of  all  was,  perhaps,  that  of  Los  Angeles.  The  Jesuits  taught 
grammar  and  the  liberal  arts;  a  theological  seminary  was  united  to 
their  college  of  San  Ildefonso  in  Mexico.  A  complete  system  of 
theological  discipline  was  taught  in  the  universities  of  Mexico  and 
Lima.  It  appears  that  the  Americans  of  European  extraction  were 
distinguished  for  their  remarkable  acuteness:  though,  as  they  com- 
plain, they  were  too  far  removed  from  the  countenance  of  the  king's 
grace  to  be  rewarded  according  to  their  merits.  Meanwhile  the 
mendicant  orders,  more  particularly,  began  to  diff'use  Christianity 
with  regular  progress  over  the  South  American  continent.  Con- 
quests gave  place  to  missions,  and  missions  gave  birth  to  civilisa- 
tion; the  monks  who  taught  the  natives  to  read  and  to  sing,  taught 
them  also  how  to  sow  and  to  reap,  to  plant  trees  and  to  build 
houses;  and,  of  course,  inspired  the  profoundest  veneration  and 
attachment.  When  the  priest  visited  his  parish  he  was  received 
with  ringing  of  bells  and  with  music;  flowers  were  strewn  in  his 
way,  and  the  women  held  out  their  children  to  him  to  bless.  The 
Indians  manifested  singular  pleasure  in  the  externals  of  devotion. 
They  were  never  weary  of  attending  mass,  of  singing  vespers,  and 
of  waiting  in  the  choir  for  the  performance  of  the  service.  They 
had  a  talent  for  music,  and  took  an  innocent  delight  in  decorating 
their  churches — an  employment  which  accorded  well  with  the  tem- 
per of  their  minds,  extremely  susceptible  to  simple  and  fanciful 
impressions,!     In  their  dreams  they  beheld  the  joys  of  paradise. 

*  Herrera,  Descripcion  de  las  Indias,  p.  80. 

f  Compendio  y  descripcion  de  las  Indias  ocidentales,  MS.  "Tienen  muclia 
caridad  con  los  necessitados  y  en  particular  con  los  sacerdotes:  que  los  respetan 
y  reverencian  como  ministros  de  Christo,  abratjan  los  mas  de  tal  suerte  las  cosas 
de  nuestra  santa  fe,  que  solo  el  mal  exemplo  que  los  demos  es  causa  de  que  no 


\ 


CH.  II.  §  VIII.]  MISSIONS.      INDIA.  77 

The  queen  of  heaven  appeared  to  the  sick  in  all  her  glory  and  ma- 
jesty, surrounded  by  youthful  attendants,  who  brought  refreshment 
to  the  fevered  and  fainting  sufferer;  or  she  appeared  alone,  and 
taught  her  worshiper  a  song  of  her  crucified  son,  "  whose  head  is 
bowed  down,  even  as  the  yellow  ears  of  corn." 

Such  are  the  characteristics  of  Catholicism  which  produced  so 
mighty  an  effect  in  these  countries.  The  monks  only  complain 
that  the  bad  example  and  tlie  cruelty  of  the  Spaniards  corrupted 
the  natives,  and  obstructed  the  work  of  conversion. 

In  the  East  Indies,  as  far  as  the  Portuguese  dominion  extended, 
the  progress  of  conversion  was  very  similar.  Goa  became  the 
grand  focus  of  Catholicism;  thousands  were  converted  yearly,  and 
no  later  than  1565  it  was  calculated  that  there  were  three  hundred 
thousand  Christians  in  that  city  and  its  neighborhood,  in  the  moun- 
tains of  Cochin,  and  at  Cape  Comorin.*  But  the  general  relations 
of  Catholicism  to  the  east  were  totally  diff"erent  from  those  it  bore 
to  the  west.  In  the  former,  a  vast,  singular,  and  unconquered 
world  opposed  its  impenetrable  mass  to  their  doctrine  as  well  as  to 
their  arms;  primeval  religions,  whose  rites  enchained  the  senses 
and  the  spirit,  were  intimately  blended  with  the  manners  and  the 
opinions  of  the  inhabitants. 

Catholicism  was  eminently  calculated  to  vanquish  even  such  a 
world  as  this. 

That  it  was  so,  is  the  fundamental  idea  which  lies  at  the  root  of 
all  the  efforts  and  proceedings  of  Francisco  Xavier,  who  arrived 
in  India  in  the  year  1542.  He  traversed  the  country  in  every  direc- 
tion; prayed  at  the  tomb  of  the  apostle  Thomas  at  Meliapur; 
preached  to  the  people  of  Travancore  from  a  tree;  in  the  Moluccas 
taught  spiritual  songs,  which  were  repeated  by  the  boys  in  the 
marketplace,  and  by  the  fishermen  on  the  sea.  Yet  he  was  not 
destined  to  complete  the  work;  his  favorite  expression  was, '  Ara- 
plius,  amplius!'  his  zeal  for  converting  was  mingled  with  a  sort  of 
passion  for  travelling;  he  got  as  far  as  Japan,  and  had  formed  the 
design  to  explore  China,  the  focus  and  birth-place  of  the  opinions 
which  there  encountered  him,  v/hen  he  died.t 

It  is  in  human  nature,  that  his  example,  and  even  the  very  diffi- 
culties of  his  undertaking,  rather  allured  to  imitation  than  deterred. 
The  early  part  of  the  seventeenth  century  exhibits  varied  and  in- 
cessant activity  in  the  east. 

In  1606  we  find  father  Nobili  in  Madaura.  He  expresses  his 
astonishment  at  the  small  progress  Christianity  had  made  in  so  long 

aya  entre  ellos  grandes  santos,  como  io  experimente  el  tiempo  que  estuve  en 
aquellos  regnos." — The  Literaj  annuae  provinciae  Paraquariaj  missce  a  Nicolao 
Duran,  Antv.  163G,  are  peculiarly  worthy  of  notice,  the  Jesuits  having  always 
kept  the  Spaniards  at  a  distance  from  that  country. 

*  Maffei,  Commentarius  de  rebus  Indiois,  p.  21. 

f  Maffei,  Historiarum  Indicarum,  lib.  xiii  et  xiv. 
VOL.  II. — S 


78  MISSIONS.      INDIA.  [BOOK  VII. 

a  time;  and  thinks  this  can  only  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  the 
Portuguese  had  addressed  themselves  to  the  Farias,  in  consequence 
of  which  Christ  was  regarded  as  the  especial  God  of  that  degraded 
caste.  He  therefore  took  a  totally  dift'erent  course,  and,  as  he  was 
persuaded  that  an  effectual  conversion  must  begin  with  the  higher 
classes,  he  declared  that  he  was  of  the  first  order  of  nobility,  (of 
which  he  had  brought  the  proofs,)  attached  himself  to  the  Bramins, 
adopted  their  dress  and  modes  of  living,  submitted  to  their  penances, 
learned  Sanscrit,  and  entered  into  their  ideas,*  They  had  a  tradi- 
tion that  in  former  times  there  had  been  four  roads  to  truth  in  India, 
and  that  one  had  been  lost.  He  affirmed  that  he  had  come  to  show 
them  this  lost  but  straitest  way  to  immortality.  As  early  as  the 
year  1609  he  had  converted  seventy  Bramins.  He  was  cautious 
not  to  wound  their  prejudices:  not  only  tolerating  their  distinction 
of  castes  (giving  them  another  signification),  but  separating  the 
castes  in  the  churches;  he  changed  the  expressions  in  which  former 
missionaries  had  taught  the  doctrines  of  Christianity,  for  more  ele- 
gant and  classical  language.  His  whole  conduct  was  so  admirably 
adapted  to  its  end,  that  he  was  soon  surrounded  by  crowds  of  con- 
verts; and  although  his  method  of  instruction  at  first  gave  great 
offence  and  scandal  at  home,  it  seemed  to  be  the  only  one  fitted  to 
advance  the  cause.  In  the  year  1621,  Gregory  XV  expressed  his 
approbation  of  it. 

Not  less  remarkable  are  the  labors  of  the  missionaries  at  the  court 
of  the  emperor  Akbar  about  the  same  time. 

We  must  remember  that  the  ancient  Mongolian  Khans,  the  con- 
querors of  Asia,  for  a  long  time  occupied  a  singularly  undecided 
position  between  the  tv/o  religions  which  divided  the  world.  We 
are  almost  tempted  to  think  that  the  emperor  Akbar  was  of  a  simi- 
lar way  of  thinking.  In  his  invitation  to  the  Jesuits  he  tells  them, 
"  that  he  had  endeavored  to  understand  all  the  religions  of  the  earth, 
and  that  now,  by  the  help  of  the  fathers,  whom  he  respected  and 
honored,  he  wished  to  become  acquainted  with  the  Christian  reli- 
gion." The  first  who  established  himself  at  his  court  was  Gero- 
nimo  Xavier,  the  nephew  of  Francisco,  in  the  year  1595,  at  which 
period  the  insurrections  of  the  Mahommedans  tended  to  dispose  the 
emperor  in  favor  of  the  Christians.  In  the  year  1599,  Christmas- 
eve  was  celebrated  with  the  greatest  solemnity  at  Lahore;  the  holy 
manger  was  exposed  to  view  for  twenty  days;  numerous  catechu- 
mens, with  palm-branches  in  their  hands,  v/ent  in  procession  to  the 

*  .luvenoius,  Historiae  Societ.  Jesu,  pars  v,  torn,  ii,  lib.  xviii,  §  ix,  No.  49. 
"Brachmanum  instituta  omnia  Ccerimoniasque  cognoscit:  linguam  vernaculam, 
dictam  vulgo  Tamulicam,  quae  latissime  pertinet,  addiscit:  addit  Baddagicam, 
qui  principum  et  aulae  sermo,  denique  Grandonicam  sive  Samutcradam,  quae  lin- 
gua eruditorutn  est,  ceterum  tot  obsita  difficultatibus,  nulli  ut  Europajo  bene 
cognita  fiiisset  ad  earn  diem,  atque  inter  ipsosmet  Indos  plurimum  scire  videan- 
turqui  banc  utcuncque  nurint  etsi  aliud  nibil  norint." 


CH.  II.  §  VIII.]  MISSIONS.      CHINA.  79 

churches  and  received  baptism.  The  emperor  read  with  great 
interest  a  life  of  Clu-ist  in  Persian,  and  caused  a  picture  of  the  Vir- 
gin, copied  from  the  Madonna  del  Popolo  at  Rome,  to  be  bronght 
into  his  palace  and  shown  to  his  women.  The  Christians  inferred 
from  tliese  facts  far  more  than  they  really  warranted,  but  they  un- 
doubtedly contributed  very  greatly  to  their  success;  in  the  year 
1610,  after  Akbar's  death,  three  princes  of  the  blood-royal  solemnly 
received  baptism.  They  rode  to  church  upon  white  elephants  and 
were  received  by  father  Geroninio  with  a  flourish  of  trumpets.* 
Christianity  seemed  gradually  to  assnme  a  character  of  stability; 
although  here  also  opinions  and  dispositions  fluctuated  according  as 
the  political  relations  of  the  country  to  Portugal  were  more  or  less 
amicable.  In  1621  a  college  was  founded  in  Agra  and  a  station  in 
Patna,  and  in  the  year  1G24  the  emperor  Dschehangir  gave  hopes 
that  he  would  become  a  convert. 

The  Jesuits  had  at  the  same  time  penetrated  into  China,  where 
they  endeavored  to  conciliate  the  skilful,  scientific,  and  instructed 
population  of  that  empire  by  a  display  of  the  inventions  and  the 
sciences  of  the  west.  The  progress  made  by  Ricci  is  to  be  imputed 
to  his  power  of  teaching  mathematics,  and  to  his  learning  by  heart 
and  reciting  striking  passages  from  the  writings  of  Confucius,  He 
gained  admittance  to  Pekin  by  means  of  a  present  of  a  striking 
clock  to  the  emperor,  in  whose  favor  and  estimation,  however,  no- 
thing raised  him  so  highly  as  a  map  which  he  drew,  and  which  far 
surpassed  any  attempt  of  that  kind  by  the  Chinese.  It  is  a  charac- 
teristic trait  of  Ricci,  that  when  the  emperor  ordered  that  ten  similar 
maps  should  be  drawn  on  silk  and  hung  round  his  chamber,  he 
seized  the  opporttniity  of  rendering  even  these  subsidiary  to  the 
cause  of  Christianity,  and  filled  the  margins  and  vacant  spaces  with 
Christian  symbols  and  maxims.  Such  was  the  general  character  of 
his  teaching;  he  began  with  mathematics  and  finished  with  religion; 
his  scientific  talents  and  attainments  secured  respect  to  his  religious 
doctrine.  Not  only  did  he  win  over  his  immediate  disciples,  but 
many  mandarins,  whose  garb  he  had  assumed,  went  over  to  him; 
and  in  the  year  1605  a  society  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  was  already 
established  in  Pekin.  Ricci  died  in  1610;  worn  out  not  only  by 
excessive  labor,  but  still  more  by  the  numerous  visits,  the  long  din- 
ners, and  all  the  other  duties  of  Chinese  society.  After  his  death, 
his  successors  followed  the  advice  he  had  given,  to  proceed  in  their 
work  without  ostentation  or  noise,  and  in  this  tempestuous  sea  to 
keep  near  the  shore;  they  also  imitated  his  example  as  to  the  aid 
to  be  derived  from  science.  In  the  year  1610  there  was  an  eclipse 
of  the  moon:  the  predictions  of  the  native  astronomers  differed  by 
a  full  hour  from  those  of  the  Jesuits;  and  when  the  latter  were  veri- 
fied by  the  event,  the  popular  respect  for  the  fathers  was  greatly 

*  Juvencius,  1.  1,  No.  1 — 23. 


so  MISSIONS.      JAPAN.  [book  VII. 

raised.*  Not  only  were  they  entrusted,  in  connection  witli  certain 
mandarins,  their  disciples,  with  the  rectification  of  (lie  astronomical 
tables,  bnt  the  cause  of  Christianity  was  thus  promoted.  In  1611 
the  first  church  was  consecrated  in  Nankin;  in  1616  there  were 
Christian  churches  in  five  provinces  of  the  empire.  When  assailed 
by  opposition,  which  not  unfrequently  happened,  they  found  their 
best  and  most  effectual  defence  lay  in  the  production  of  works  by 
their  pupils,  which  enjoyed  the  approbation  of  the  learned;  they 
knew  how  to  elude  the  threatening  storm;  they  conformed  as  nearly 
as  possible  to  the  customs  of  tlie  country,  and  in  the  year  1619 
received  the  pope's  sanction  to  several  concessions  of  this  kind. 
Accordingly,  not  a  year  passed  in  which  they  did  not  convert  thou- 
sands, while  their  opponents  gradually  became  extinct;  in  1624 
Adam  Schall  appeared,  and  the  accurate  description  of  two  eclipses 
of  the  moon  which  happened  in  that  year,  and  a  work  of  Lom- 
bardo's  on  earthquakes,  gave  fresh  brilliancy  to  the  reputation  they 
enjoyed.t 

The  course  pursued  by  the  Jesuits  among  the  warlike  and  di- 
vided Japanese  was  totally  different.  From  the  very  first  they  took 
part  with  one  of  the  hostile  factions.  In  the  year  1554  they  had  the 
good  fortune  to  find  themselves  on  the  side  of  the  conqueror,  under 
whom,  secure  of  his  favor,  they  made  extraordinary  progress.  Not 
later  than  the  year  1579  the  number  of  Christians  in  Japan  was 
estimated  at  three  hundred  thousand.  Father  Valignano,  who  died 
in  1606,  a  man  whose  advice  Philip  II  valued  very  highly  on  eastern 
affairs,  founded  three  hundred  churches  and  thirty  Jesuits'  houses 
in  Japan. 

The  connection  of  the  Jesuits  with  Mexico  and  Spain,  however, 
excited  at  length  the  jealousy  of  the  native  authorities;  fresh  civil 
wars  broke  out  in  which  they  had  not  their  former  good  fortune; 
the  party  to  which  they  had  attached  themselves  was  defeated;  and 
after  the  year  1612  they  were  assailed  by  fearful  persecutions. 

But  they  stood  their  ground  well.  Their  converts  courted  martyr- 
dom; they  founded  a  brotherhood  of  martyrs  for  the  purpose  of 


*  Jouvency  has  dedicated  the  whole  of  his  19th  book  to  the  Chinese  enter- 
prise, and  has  joined,  p.  561,  a  dissertation,  "Imperii  Sinici  receas  et  uberior 
notitia,"  which  is  still  worthy  of  perusal. 

•(■  Relatione  della  Cina  dell'  anno  1621.  "  Lo  stato  presente  di  questa  chiesa 
mi  pare  in  universale  molto  simile  ad  una  nave  a  cui  e  li  venti  e  le  nuvole  mi- 
naccino  di  corto  grave  borasca,  e  per  cio  li  marinari  ammainando  le  vele  e  calan- 
do  le  antenne  fermino  11  corso,  e  stiano  aspettando  che  si  chiarisca  il  cielo  e 
cessino  li  contrasti  de'  venti:  ma  bene  spesso  avviene  che  tutto  il  male  si  risolve 
in  paura  e  che  sgombrate  le  furie  de'  venti  svanisce  la  tempesta  contenta  delle 
sole  minaccie.  Cosi  appunto  pare  che  sia  accaduto  alia  nave  di  questa  chiesa. 
Quattro  anni  fa  se  le  levo  contro  una  gagliarda  borasca,  la  quale  pareva  che  la 
dovesse  sommergere  ad  un  tratto:  li  piloti  accommodandosi  al  tempo  raccolsero 
le  vele  delle  opere  loro  e  si  ritirarono  alquanto,  ma  in  modo  che  potevano  essere 
trovati  da  chiunque  voleva  I'ajuto  loro  per  aspettare  donee  aspiret  dies  et  incli- 
nentur  umbrae.     Sin'  hora  il  male  non  e  stato  di  altro  che  di  timore." 


A 


CH.  II.  §  VIII.]  MISSIONS.       ABYSSINIA.  81 

affording  each  otiier  mutual  encouragement  under  every  possible 
sutlcring;  they  designate  those  years  as  the  "ajra  martyrum,"  Not- 
withstanding the  vast  increase  of  persecution,  say  their  historians, 
new  converts  were  daily  added  to  them.*  They  assert  that  from 
1603  to  1622,  239,339  Japanese  were  (according  to  accurate  calcu- 
lation) converted  to  Christianity. 

In  all  these  countries  we  find  therefore  that  the  Jesuits  maintained 
the  same  character  for  ability,  adaptation  to  circumstances,  and  at 
the  same  time  perseverance  and  endurance.  Their  progress  out- 
went all  expectation,  and  they  succeeded  in  overcoming,  at  least  to 
a  certain  extent,  the  resistance  of  those  national  systems  of  religion 
which  are  the  immemorial  growth  of  the  east. 

While  engaged  in  the  work  of  conversion,  they  did  not  neglect 
to  provide  for  the  union  of  the  oriental  Christians  with  the  church 
of  Rome. 

They  had  found  even  in  India  those  primitive  Nestorian  churches, 
known  under  the  name  of  the  Christians  of  St.  Thomas,  and  as 
these  regarded  the  patriarch  of  Babylon  (at  Mosul)  as  their  chief 
and  the  pastor  of  the  universal  church,  and  not  the  pope  of  Rome 
(of  whom  indeed  they  knew  nothing),  preparations  were  soon  made 
to  bring  them  within  the  pale  of  the  Roman  church.  Neither  force 
nor  persuasion  was  spared.  In  the  year  1601  the  chief  men  among 
them  seemed  to  be  won  over,  and  a  Jesuit  was  appointed  bishop 
over  them.  The  Roman  ritual  was  printed  in  Chaldaic,  the  errors 
of  Nestorius  were  anatliematized  in  a  diocesan  council;  a  Jesuits' 
college  was  established  in  Cranganor,  and  the  new  appointment  to 
the  episcopal  see  in  the  year  1624,  took  place  with  the  consent  of 
those  who  had  hitherto  been  its  most  obstinate  opponents.! 

It  is  evident  that  the  weight  of  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese 
power  in  the  east  greatly  facilitated  these  religious  successes;  its 
influence  was  also  powerfully  felt  about  the  same  time  in  Abyssi- 
nia, where  all  previous  attempts  of  the  kmd  had  been  unavailing. 
It  was  not  till  the  year  1603,  that  the  Portuguese  of  Fremona,  by 
affording  essential  aid  to  the  Abyssinians  in  a  battle  with  the  CafFres, 
gained  greater  respect  for  themselves  and  their  religion.  Just  then 
father  Paez  appeared;  a  Jesuit  of  great  ability,  who  preached  in 
the  language  of  the  country,  and  gained  access  to  the  court.  The 
victorious  sovereign  wished  to  establish  a  nearer  connection  with 
the  king  of  Spain,  mainly  with  the  view  of  having  an  ally  against 
his  enemies  in  the  interior;  upon  which  Paez  represented  to  him 
that  his  only  means  of  accomplishing  this  object  was  to  renounce 
his  schismatical  doctrines  and  go  over  to  the  church  of  Rome.     His 

*  The  Lettere  annue  del  Giappone  dell' anno  1622,  afford  an  example:  "I 
gloriosi  campioni  che  inorirono  quest'  anno  furon  121:  gli  aduiti,  che  per  opera 
de'  padri  della  compagnla  a  vista  di  cosi  crudele  persecutione  hanno  ricevuto  il 
santo  battesimo  arrivano  il  numero  di  223G  senza  numerar  quelli  che  per  mezzo 
d'altri  religiosi  e  sacerdoti  Giapponesi  si  battezzano." 

f  Cordara,  Historia  Soc.  .Tesu,  vi,  ix,  p.  535. 

8* 


82  MISSIONS.       TURKEY.  [BOOK  VII. 

representations  had  the  greater  weight  in  consequence  of  the  fideUly 
and  courage  displayed  by  the  Portuguese  in  the  internal  wars  of 
the  country.  Disputations  were  set  on  foot,  in  which  tlie  ignorant 
monks  were  easily  defeated;  Sela-Christos,  the  bravest  man  of  the 
empire  and  brother  of  the  emperor  Seltan-Segued  (a  Socinian),  was 
converted;  countless  numbers  followed  his  example,  and  a  coimec- 
tion  was  soon  formed  with  Paul  V  and  Philip  III.  As  might  be 
expected,  the  representalives  of  the  established  religion  bestirred 
themselves  in  opposition  to  this  change,  and  civil  war  in  Abyssinia, 
as  in  Europe,  assumed  the  garb  of  religion;  the  Abuna  and  his 
monks  being  always  on  the  side  of  the  rebels,  Sela-Christos,  the 
Portuguese,  and  the  converts,  on  the  side  of  the  emperor.  Battles 
were  fought,  year  after  year,  with  changing  fortune;  at  length  the 
emperor  and  his  party  were  triumphant.  It  was  a  triumph  at  once 
of  Catholicism  and  of  the  Jesuits.  In  the  year  1G21,  Seltan-Segued 
decided  the  controversies  which  had  so  long  existed  on  the  two 
natures  in  Christ,  in  favor  of  the  scheme  of  the  church  of  Rome;  he 
forbade  his  subjects  to  pray  for  the  patriarch  of  Alexandria,  and 
caused  catholic  churches  and  chapels  to  be  erected  in  his  cities  and 
even  in  his  gardens.*  In  the  year  1622,  after  confessing  to  Paez, 
he  received  the  sacrament  according  to  the  catholic  rite.  The  court 
of  Rome  had  long  been  requested  to  send  a  Latin  patriarch  to 
Abyssinia,  but  hesitated  to  do  so,  so  long  as  the  disposition  or  the 
power  of  the  emperor  were  doubtful;  but  now,  as  he  had  overcome 
all  his  enemies,  and  had  given  unquestionable  and  unequalled 
proofs  of  submission  and  attachment,  Gregory  XV  appointed  a  Por- 
tuguese whom  king  Philip  had  recommended — doctor  Alfonzo 
Mendez,  of  the  society  of  Jesus,  to  be  patriarch  of  Ethiopia'!"  (19th 
Dec.  1622.)  After  the  arrival  of  Mendez,  the  emperor  solemnly 
promised  obedience  to  the  pope  of  Rome. 

Meanwhile  the  catholics  never  lost  sight  of  the  Greek  Christians 
inhabiting  the  Turkish  empire;  the  popes  sent  mission  after  mission 
among  them.  The  Roman  "professio  fidei"  was  introduced  among 
the  Maronites  by  some  Jesuits;  in  1614,  we  find  a  Nestorian  archi- 
mandrite in  Rome,  who  abjured  the  doctrines  of  Nestorius  in  the 
name  of  a  great  number  of  followers.  In  Constantinople  a  Jesuit 
mission  was  established,  and  through  the  influence  of  the  French 
ambassador,  attained  to  a  certain  stability  and  credit;  among  other 
triumphs,  it  succeeded  in  the  year  1621,  for  a  time  at  least  in  pro- 
curing the  removal  of  the  patriarch  Cyril  Lucaris,  who  inclined  to 
protestant  opinions. 

How  boundless  was  the  activity  of  which  we  have  now  taken  a 
rapid  and  cursory  survey!  extending  at  once  from  the  Alps  to  the 


*  Juvencius,  p.  705.  Cordara,  vi,  6,  p.  320.  Ludolf  calls  the  emperor 
Susneus. 

I  Sacrripanti,  Discorso  della  religione  dell'  Etiopia,  MS.  from  the  Atti  Con- 
sistoriali. 


CH.  II.  §  VIII.]  MISSIONS.       TURKEY.  83 

Andes;  sending  forth  its  scouts  and  pioneers  to  Thibet  and  to 
Scandinavia;  insinuating  itself  into  the  favor  of  the  governments 
of  China  and  of  England:  yet  on  every  part  of  this  wide  arena, 
vigorous,  entire  and  indefatigable;  the  spirit  which  was  at  work  in 
the  centre  animatingj'perhaps  with  increased  vivacity  and  intensity, 
the  laborers  at  its  extremes!  bounds. 


S4 


CHAPTER  III. 

CONFLICTING  POLITICAL  RELATIONS.— NEW  TRIUMPHS 
OF  CATHOLICISM. 

less— 1638. 


A  GROWING  power  is  seldom,  if  ever,  arrested  in  its  progress 
solely  by  resistance  from  without;  in  general,  such  a  reverse,  if  not 
entirely  caused,  is  at  least  greatly  aggravated  by  internal  divisions. 

Had  Catholicism  remained  unanimous — had  it  gone  forward  to 
its  end  with  united  and  compacted  forces — it  is  not  easy  to  see  how 
the  northern  or  Germanic  part  of  Europe,  which  was  to  a  conside- 
rable extent  implicated  in  its  interests,  and  entangled  in  its  policy, 
could  in  the  long  run  have  held  out  against  it. 

But  was  it  not  to  be  expected,  that  at  this  rapid  aggrandisement 
of  Catholicism,  those  antagonist  principles  which  had  formerly  risen 
up  against  it — which  had  been  stifled  but  not  extinguished,  and  had 
been  incessantly  smouldering  at  the  heart  of  society,  would  burst 
forth  anew? 

The  peculiar  characteristic  of  the  state  and  progress  of  religious 
opinions  at  this  epoch  was,  that  they  every  where  reposed  on  the 
basis  of  political  and  military  superiority.  Missions  followed  in 
the  rear  of  armies.  Hence  we  find  that  the  greatest  political 
changes  were  connected  with  those  successes  of  a  religious  party, 
which  had  also  some  substantive  importance,  and  necessarily  occa- 
sioned reactions,  upon  which  it  was  impossible  to  calculate. 

Of  all  these  changes,  the  most  momentous  unquestionably  was, 
that  the  German  line  of  the  house  of  Austria,  which  hitherto,  em- 
barrassed by  the  troubles  existing  in  its  hereditary  dominions,  had 
taken  little  share  in  the  general  affairs  of  Europe,  suddenly  attained 
to  the  independence,  importance  and  vigor  of  a  great  European 
power.  It  was  in  consequence  of  the  elevation  of  German  Austria, 
that  Spain,  which  since  the  time  of  Philip  II  had  remained  pacific, 
now,  animated  with  fresh  eagerness  for  war  revived  her  former 
hopes  and  claims.  The  two  powers  had  come  into  immediate  con- 
nection in  consequence  of  the  affair  of  the  Grisons;  the  passes  of 
the  Alps  were  occupied  on  the  Italian  side  by  Spain,  on  the  Gcr- 


CH.  III.]  CONFLICTING  POLITICAL  RELATIONS.  85 

by  Austria;  and  on  the  summit  of  these  mountains  they  appeared 
to  pledge  each  other  mutual  faith  and  support  in  projects  which 
embraced  every  part  of  the  world. 

Unquestionably,  this  connection  opened,  on  the  one  hand,  wide 
and  brilliant  prospects  for  Catholicism,  to  which  both  lines  had  de- 
voted themselves  with  inviolable  attachment;  but,  on  the  other,  it 
was  pregnant  with  danger  of  internal  dissension.  The  Spanish 
monarchy  under  Philip  II  had  excited  universal  jealousy;  the  col- 
lective power  of  the  house  now  immensely  increased  and  consoli- 
dated by  the  addition  of  its  German  forces,  could  not  fail  therefore 
to  awaken  the  old  antipathies  in  greater  violence  than  ever. 

The  first  became  apparent  in  Italy. 

The  small  Italian  states,  which  could  not  possibly  exist  self-sus- 
tained, had  the  most  urgent  need  of  the  protection  afforded  by  the 
balance  of  power,  and  at  the  same  time  the  quickest  sense  of  any- 
thing that  disturbed  it.  Their  present  position,  hemmed  in  as  it 
were  between  two  great  powers,  cut  off  from  all  external  help  by 
the  occupation  of  the  passes  of  the  Alps,  they  regarded  as  imminently 
threatening.  Little  influenced  by  the  advantages  which  this  com- 
bination promised  to  their  common  faith,  they  turned  to  France, 
who  indeed  alone  could  help  them,  to  entreat  her  to  endeavor  to 
break  it.  Louis  XIII,  who  was  alarmed  for  the  continuance  of  his 
influence  over  Italy,  readily  listened  to  their  petition,  and  imme- 
diately after  the  peace  of  1G22,  even  before  his  return  to  his  capital, 
concluded  a  treaty  with  Savoy  and  Venice,  in  virtue  of  which  the 
house  of  Austria  was  to  be  compelled  by  a  union  of  their  common 
forces  to  give  up  the  Grisons  passes  and  fortresses;* — a  purpose 
which,  though  directed  exclusively  to  to  a  single  point,  might  easily 
affect  the  general  interests  of  Europe. 

Of  this  Gregory  XV  was  abundantly  aware;  he  distinctly  per- 
ceived the  danger  to  the  peace  of  the  catholic  world,  to  the  interests 
of  religion,  and  hence  to  the  renovation  of  the  papal  dignity,  which 
was  threatened  from  this  point:  with  the  same  zeal  with  which  he 
promoted  missions  and  conversions,  he  now  sought  to  prevent  the 
breaking  out  of  hostilities,  the  consequences  of  which  were  vividly 
before  his  eyes. 

The  authority  of  the  papal  see — or  rather  the  feeling  of  the  unity 
of  the  catholic  world — had  still  so  much  of  vitality  and  power,  that 
both  Spain  and  France  declared  themselves  willing  to  leave  the 
decision  of  this  affair  to  the  pope.  Nay,  he  was  even  petitioned  to 
take  possession  of  the  fortresses  which  excited  so  much  jealous 
alarm,  as  a  deposite,  until  the  terms  of  agreement  could  be  fully 
settled,  and  to  garrison  them  with  his  own  troops.t 


*  Nani,  Storia  Veneta,  p.  255. 

t  Dispaccio  Sillery,  28  Nov.  1622.  Corsini,  13,  21  Gen.  1623,  in  Siri,  Me- 
morie  recondite,  torn,  v,  p.  435,  443.  Scrittura  del  deposito  della  YaheWma,  ib. 
459. 


86  CONFLICTING  [bOOK  VII. 

For  a  moment  pope  Gregory  hesitated  whether  or  not  he  should 
undertake  this  active,  and  doubtless  costly  share  in  distant  quarrels; 
but  as  it  was  obvious  how  important  to  the  peace  of  the  catholic 
world  was  his  compliance  with  this  request,  he  at  length  ordered  a 
few  companies  to  be  raised,  and  sent  them  under  the  command  of 
his  brother,  the  Duke  of  Fiano,  to  the  Orisons.  The  Spaniards 
were  desirous  of  retainiiig  at  least  Riva  and  Chiavenna;  but  even 
these  they  now  delivered  up  to  the  papal  troops.*  Archduke  Leo- 
pold of  Tyrol  also  finally  consented  to  cede  to  them  all  the  districts 
and  fortified  towns  to  which  he  did  not  lay  claim  as  part  of  his  own 
hereditary  possessions. 

In  this  way  the  danger  which  had  created  the  greatest  agitation 
in  the  Italian  states  seemed  averted.  The  main  consideration  now 
was  to  make  arrangements  for  the  protection  of  catholic  interests. 
To  this  end,  it  was  proposed,  that  as  the  Valtelline  was  not  to  be 
suffered  to  fall  again  into  the  hands  of  Spain,  so  neither  should  it 
be  allowed  to  return  under  the  dominion  of  the  Orisons;  since  in 
the  latter  case  the  progress  of  the  catholic  restoration  there  would, 
in  all  probability,  be  interrupted;  it  was  therefore  to  be  attached  to 
the  three  ancient  Rhaetian  confederates,  as  a  fourth,  with  equal  rights 
and  equal  independence.  From  the  same  prudent  regard  to  the 
interests  of  the  church,  the  pope  would  not  entirely  break  up  the 
alliance  of  the  two  Austrian  lines,  which  appeared  necessary  to  the 
prosperity  of  Catholicism  in  Germany.  The  passages  through  Worms 
and  Valtelline  were  to  remain  open  to  the  Spaniards;  always  under- 
stood, for  the  passage  of  troops  into  Germany,  not  for  their  entrance 
into  Italy.t 

Thus  far  had  things  proceeded — not  indeed  absolutely  concluded, 
but  all  ripe  for  a  conclusion — when  Gregory  XV  died  (Sth  of  July, 
1623).  He  had  however  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  the  dissensions 
which  threatened  the  safety  of  the  church,  appeased,  and  her  autho- 
rity constantly  increasing.  In  the  course  of  these  negotiations  there 
had  even  been  a  talk  of  a  new  alliance  between  France  and  Spain, 
with  a  view  to  an  attack  on  La  Rochelle  and  Holland. 


But  after  the  death  of  Gregory,  these  projects  were  far  from  be- 
ing realised. 

In  the  first  place,  the  new  pope.  Urban  VIII,  did  not  enjoy  that 
confidence  which  is  inspired  by  the  presumption,  founded  on  ex- 
perience, of  perfect  impartiality;  in  the  next,  the  Italians  were  far 
from  satisfied  with  the  agreement  entered  into;  but  the  most  im- 
portant point  was,  that  in  France  the  helm  of  state  was  now  in  the 
hands  of  men  who  revived  the  opposition  to  Spain,  not  in  compli- 

*  Siri,  Memorie  recondite,  v.  519. 

f  Art.  ix  of  the  scheme  of  the  convention. 


CH.  III.]  POLITICAL  RELATIONS.  87 

ance  with  the  requests  of  others,  nor  merely  as  allies;  but  of  their 
own  free  will,  and  as  the  cardinal  point  of  French  policy — Vieu- 
ville  and  Richelieu. 

Perhaps,  however,  their  adoption  of  this  line  of  policy  was  less 
the  result  of  choice  than  has  generally  been  imagined,  France,  as 
well  as  the  Austro-Spanish  powers,  was  increasing  and  concentrat- 
ing all  her  internal  forces;  the  kingly  power,  the  unity  and  the  na- 
tionality of  feeling  of  the  country,  were  immeasurably  enhan,ced  by 
the  victory  over  the  Huguenots;  and  as  her  claims  rose  with  her 
strength,  everything  conspired  to  induce  her  to  attempt  a  bolder 
policy  than  that  she  had  hitherto  pursued.  This  natural  tendency 
as  naturally  called  into  existence  its  appropriate  organs; — men  able 
and  willing  to  carry  it  into  effect.  Richelieu  was  from  the  very 
first  determined  to  resist  the  supremacy  v/hich  the  house  of  Austria 
had  always  asserted,  and  to  which  she  had  lately  set  up  new  and 
loftier  claims;  and  to  enter  the  lists  with  her  in  a  struggle  for  as- 
cendency over  Europe. 

This  resohuion  caused  a  far  more  perilous  schism  in  the  catholic 
world  than  any  former  one,  since  it  seemed  inevitably  to  lead  to 
open  war  between  the  two  great  powers.  The  execution  of  the 
Roman  treaty,  which  we  have  just  mentioned,  was  now  out  of  the 
question;  and  the  endeavors  of  Urban  VIII  to  hold  the  French  to 
the  concessions  they  had  made,  were  utterly  vain.  But  an  alliance 
with  the  catholic  opposition  was  not  enough  for  France.  Although 
a  cardinal  of  the  church  of  Rome,  Richelieu  had  no  scruple  in  en- 
tering into  an  undisguised  alliance  with  protestants. 

His  first  step  was  to  make  advances  to  England,  with  a  view  of 
breaking  off  that  Spanish  marriage,  which  could  not  fail  to  add  so 
greatly  to  the  influence  of  the  house  of  Austria.  He  was  seconded 
in  his  schemes  by  personal  circumstances; — the  impatience  of 
James  I,  who  longed  for  the  return  of  his  son  and  of  his  favorite 
with  all  the  yearning  of  an  old  man  who  thinks  himself  near  death; 
and  a  misunderstanding  between  the  two  ministers  to  whom  the 
conduct  of  the  affair  was  entrusted,  Olivarez  and  Buckingham. 
Here,  too,  the  event  was  chiefly  determined  by  the  nature  of  the 
thing  itself.  Tiie  affairs  of  the  Palatinate  disclosed  invincible  diffi- 
culties in  the  negotiations  with  Austria,  Spain,  Bavaria,  and  the 
Palatinate;*  while  an  alliance  with  France,  considering  the  new  line 
of  policy  which  that  power  had  adopted,  rendered  probable  a 
prompt  decision  of  the  matter  by  an  appeal  to  arms.  As  this  alli- 
ance not  only  secured  to  the  king  of  England  so  considerable  a 
dower,  but  also  a  prospect  of  attaching  the  English  catholics  to  the 
throne,  James  preferred  a  French  princess  as  a  wife  for  his  son,  and 

*  It  appears  by  a  leUer  from  the  elector  palatine  of  the  30th  of  October,  that 
force  alone  would  have  brought  him  to  accede  to  the  propositions  which  were 
made  to  him. 


88  CONFLICTING  [BOOK  VII. 

guaranteed  to  her  the  same  religious  immunities  which  he  had 
promised  to  the  Spaniards. 

WarUke  preparations  were  immediately  set  on  foot.  Kichelieu 
conceived  a  plan,  which  for  magnitude  and  extent  surpassed  all 
liitherto  known  to  European  policy,  and  of  a  nature  completely  his 
own.  His  idea  was,  to  cripple  the  Austrian  power  at  one  stroke  by 
a  general  and  simultaneous  attack. 

He  intended  to  co-operate  with  Savoy  and  Venice  in  hostilities 
against  the  Spanish  power  in  Ital3^  Without  the  smallest  regard 
to  the  pleasure  of  the  pope,  he  marched  French  troops  suddenly 
into  the  Grisons,  and  drove  the  papal  garrisons  out  of  the  fortified 
towns.* 

He  had  not  only  contracted  an  alliance  with  England,  but  re- 
newed that  with  Holland;  and  his  plan  was  that  the  Dutch  should 
make  a  descent  in  South  America,  and  the  English  on  the  coast  of 
Spain.  At  the  instigation  of  king  James,  the  Turks  were  set  in 
motion,  and  threatened  an  assault  on  Hungary.  But  the  main 
point  of  attack  was  to  be  Germany.  The  king  of  Denmark,  who 
had  long  been  in  a  state  of  preparation,  was  at  length  resolved  to 
lead  into  the  field  the  forces  of  Denmark  and  Lower  Germany,  in 
the  cause  of  his  kinsman  of  the  Palatinate.  Not  only  did  Eng- 
land promise  him  help,  but  Richelieu  bound  himself  to  furnish  a 
subsidy  of  a  million  of  livres  for  the  expenses  of  the  war.t  Thus 
supported  by  both  these  powers,  Mansfeld  was  to  join  the  king, 
and  then  to  make  his  way  into  the  hereditary  provinces  of  Austria. 

Thus  we  see  that  in  this  general  assault  of  nations,  one  of  the 
two  most  puissant  catholic  states  was  arrayed  against  the  other. 

There  is  no  question  that  this  had  a  direct  tendency  to  check  the 
progress  of  Catholicism.  Although  the  French  confederacy  was  of 
a  political  nature,  yet  so  close  was  the  connection  between  ecclesi- 
astical and  political  interests,  that  it  could  not  but  greatly  advance 
the  cause  of  protestantism.  The  protestants  drew  brea'h.  A  new 
champion,  the  king  of  Denmark,  arose  in  Germany,  with  fresh  and 
unimpaired  strength,  and  sustained  by  the  grand  combination  of 

*  Relatione  di  IV  Ambasciatori,  1625:  "II  papa  si  doleva  che  mai  BeUune 
gli  aveva  parlato  chiaro,  e  che  delle  sue  parole  non  aveva  compreso  mai  che  si 
aovessero  portare  le  armi  delta  lega  contra  li  suoi  presidii."  The  usual  policy 
of  France. 

f  Extract  from  the  Instruction  of  Blainville,  in  Siri,  vi,  62:  "  Nel  fondo  di 
Alemagna"  Mansfield  was  to  co-operate  with  him  (Siri,  641.)  Relatione  di 
Carafla:  "  (I  Francesi)  hanno  tuttavia  continuato  sino  al  giorno  d'hoggi  a  tener 
corrispondenzacon  li  nemici  di  S.  M"  Ces^  e  dar  loro  ajuto  in  gente  e  danari  se 
ben  con  coperta,  quale  pero  non  e  stata  tale  che  per  molte  lettere  intercette  eper 
molti  altri  rincontri  non  si  siano  scoperti  tuttil'andamenti  e  corrispondenze:  onde 
prima  e  doppo  la  rotta  data  dal  Tilly  al  re  di  Danimarca  sempre  I'imperatore  nel 
palatinato  inferiors  e  nelli  contorni  d'Alsatia  v'ha  tenuto  nervo  di  gente,  dubi- 
tando  che  da  quelle  parti  potesse  venire  qualche  ruina."  (See  Appendix,  No. 
112.) 


CH.  III.]  POLITICAL  RELATIONS.  89 

Europftan  policy.     Plis  iriuinph  would  at  once  render  abortive  all 
the  successes  of  the  imperial  liouse,  and  of  the  catholic  restoration. 


But  the  difliculties  involved  in  a  project  do  not  come  to  light  till 
the  attempt  is  made  to  ))nt  it  in  execution.  Brilliant  as  were 
Richelieu's  talents,  he  had  rushed  too  precipitately  into  an  enter- 
prise to  which  all  his  inclinations  were  directed;  which  rose  before 
him,  whether  in  full  consciousness,  or  in  dim  presentiment,  as  the 
aim  and  piu'pose  of  his  life.  This  enterprise  was  pregnant  with 
dangers  to  himself. 

Not  only  the  German  protestants — the  adversaries  of  the  house 
of  Austria — but  the  French — the  eiiemies  of  Richelieu  himself — 
were  emboldened  by  these  new  political  combinations.  We  learn 
from  their  own  declaration,  that  they  hoped,  should  the  worst  hap- 
pen, to  be  reconciled  to  the  king  by  the  mediation  of  his  present 
allies.*  Rohan  set  himself  in  motion  by  land,  Soubise  by  sea.  In 
May  1625,  the  Huguenots  were  in  arms  all  over  the  country. 

At  the  same  moment  the  cardinal  was  met  by  enemies,  perhaps 
still  more  formidable,  from  the  other  side.  Spite  of  all  his  leaning  to 
France,  Urban  VIII  possessed  too  much  sense  of  his  ov/n  dignity 
not  to  be  deeply  wounded  and  irritated  by  the  expulsion  of  his 
garrisons  from  t!ie  Grisons.t  He  ordered  troops  to  be  raised  and  to 
march  into  the  Milanese,  for  the  express  purpose  of  retaking  the 
lost  places,  with  the  co-operation  of  the  Sj^aniards.  It  is  very  pos- 
sible that  these  military  demonstrations  meant  little;  but  the  eccle- 
siastical influence  which  was  involved  in  them  was  of  the  greatest 
significance.  The  complaints  of  the  papal  nimcio,  that  the  most 
Christian  king  was  become  the  ally  of  heretical  princes,  found  an 
echo  in  France;  the  Jesuits  proclaimed  ultra  montane  doctrines, 
and  Richelieu  was  violently  attacked  by  the  strict  adherents  of  the 
church.J  He  found,  it  is  true,  protection  against  them  in  the  Gal- 
ilean principles,  and  defence  in  the  parliaments;  nevertheless,  he 
dared  no  longer  have  the  pope  for  an  enemy.  The  catholic  prin- 
ciple was  too  completely  boinjd  up  with  the  restored  monarchy,  for 
the  cardinal  to  brave  the  impression  which  spiritual  admonitions 
might  make  on  his  sovereign. 

Richelieu  thus  saw  himself  assailed  in  the  very  country  in  which 
he  ruled;  assailed,  too,  by  the  two  hostile  parlies  at  once.     What- 

*  Memoires  de  Rohan,  part  i,  p.  146:  "  esperant  que  s'il  venoit  a  bout,  les  allies 
etligues  avec  le  roi  le  porteroient  plus  facilement  a  un  accommodement." 

-\  Relatione  di  P.  Contarini:  "  S.  S'"  (he  speaks  of  the  first  moment  after  the 
reception  of  the  news)  sominamente  disgustata,  stimando  poco  rispettos'havcsse 
portato  alle  sue  iiise<rne,  del  continuo  e  granderaente  se  ne  quereleva."  (See 
Appendix,  No.  1 II.) 

X  Memoires  du  Cardinal  Richelieu,  Petitot,  23,  p.  'JO. 
VOL.  II.  —  9 


90  CONFLICTING  [BOOK  VII. 

ever  might  be  attempted  against  Spain  in  future,  his  present  posi- 
tion was  untenable;  lie  must  hasten  to  get  out  of  it. 

And  as  in  the  attack  he  had  shown  a  genius  for  boundless  com- 
binations, for  daring  enterprising  designs;  so  he  now,  in  the  moment 
of  retreat,  displayed  that  perfidious  skill  in  making  his  allies  mere 
tools,  and  then  betraying  and  deserting  them,  which  was  so  pecu- 
harly  and  so  invariably  his  own. 

He  first  persuaded  liis  new  allies  to  support  him  against  Soubise. 
He  himself  had  no  naval  force.  With  protestant  resources  drawn 
from  foreign  lands,  with  Dutch  and  English  ships,  he  overcame  his 
protestant  foes  at  home,  (September,  1625.)  He  used  their  media- 
tion to  force  the  Huguenots  to  accept  disadvantageous  terms;  they 
doubted  not  that  as  soon  as  he  had  got  quit  of  these  enemies,  he 
would  renew  the  general  attack  in  which  they  were  all  engaged. 

What  then  was  their  amazement,  when,  on  the  contrary,  the 
news  of  the  peace  of  Monzon,  which  was  concluded  between 
France  and  Spain  in  March,  1626,  was  suddenly  proclaimed!  A 
papal  legate  had  been  despatched  for  thai  purpose  to  both  courts; 
and  though  it  does  not  appear  that  he  had  exercised  any  material 
influence  on  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  yet  he  at  all  events  asserted  the 
power  and  efficacy  of  the  catholic  principle.  Whilst  Richelieu  was 
using  the  protestants  for  his  own  ends,  under  a  show  of  the  strictest 
confidence,  he  had  with  still  greater  zeal  employed  his  negotiations 
with  Spain  for  their  destruction.  Concerning  the  Valtelline,  he 
agreed  with  Olivarez  that  it  should  return  under  the  government  of 
the  Grisons;  but  should  have  an  independent  power  of  appointing 
to  its  own  offices,  and  an  uncontrolled  liberty  of  catholic  worship.* 
The  great  catholic  powers,  which  appeared  on  the  point  of  en- 
gaging in  mortal  combat,  in  a  moment  stood  re-united. 

This  event  was  partly  brought  about  by  the  misunderstandings 
which  had  arisen  in  the  course  of  the  discussion  of  the  treaty  of 
marriage  between  France  and  England,  and  of  their  mutual  en- 
gagements. 

All  the  hostile  measures  set  on  foot  against  Spain  were  now 
necessarily  brought  to  a  stand. 

The  Italian  princes  were  compelled,  however  reluctantly,  to  sub- 
mit to  what  was  unalterable;  Savoy  concluded  a  truce  with  Genoa; 
Venice  esteemed  herself  fortunate  that  she  had  not  fallen  into  the 
power  of  Milan,  and  disbanded  her  troops.  It  was  asserted  that 
the  vacillating  behaviour  of  the  French  prevented  the  raising  of 
the  siege  of  Breda  in  1625,  so  that  the  loss  of  that  important  fortress 
to  the  Spaniards  was  attributed  to  them. 


*  Du  Mont.  V.  2,  p.  487,  §  2:  "  Qu'ils  ne  puissent  avoir  par  ci-apres  autre 
religion  que  la  catholique  ....  §  3.  qu'ils  puissent  elire  par  election  entre  eux 
leurs  juges,  o^oiiverneurs  et  aulres  magistrats  lous  calholiqiies:"  certain  limita- 
tions then  follow. 


4 


CH.  III.]  POLITICAL  RELATIONS.  91 

But  the  greatest  and  most  decisive  reverse  occurred  in  Ger- 
many. 

The  forces  of  Lower  Germany  had  rallied  round  the  king  of 
Denmark,  under  the  shield,  as  it  was  believed,  of  the  universal 
alliance  against  Spain.  Mansfield  advanced  on  the  Elbe,  while 
the  emperor  had  redonbled  his  efforts  to  meet  him,  knowing  how 
all-important  were  the  results  of  the  impending  conflict. 

When  the  armies  met,  the  alliance  no  longer  existed;  the  French 
subsidies  were  not  paid;  the  English  succors  arrived  too  late;  the 
imperial  troops  were  more  disciplined  and  warlike  than  their  ad- 
versaries; it  followed  that  the  king  of  Denmark  lost  the  battle  of 
Lutter,  and  was  compelled  to  fall  back  upon  his  own  conntry;  and 
that  Mansfield  was  driven  as  a  fugitive  into  those  Austrian  pro- 
vinces, which  he  had  hoped  to  traverse  as  a  conqueror  and  re- 
storer. 


The  effects  of  this  event  were  of  necessity  as  manifold  as  its 
causes. 

In  the  first  place,  as  regarding  the  imperial  dominions.  These 
may  be  described  in  a  word.  The  last  movement  set  on  foot  there 
in  the  cause  of  protestantism — in  the  hope  of  the  general  combina- 
tion we  alluded  to — was  crushed;  and  the  nobles,  who  had  hitherto 
escaped  vexation,  were  now  forced  into  conversion.  On  St.  Igna- 
tius' day,  1627,  the  emperor  proclaimed,  that  after  the  lapse  of  six 
months,  he  would  tolerate  no  one,  not  even  of  the  degree  of  lord 
or  knight,  in  his  hereditary  kingdom  of  Bohemia,  who  did  not 
agree  with  himself  and  with  the  apostolical  church  in  the  only  true 
faith.*  Similar  edicts  were  published  in  Upper  Austria,  and  in  the 
year  1628,  in  Carinthia,  Carniola,  and  Syria,  and  after  some  time, 
in  Lower  Austria  also.  It  was  useless  to  entreat  even  for  respite; 
the  nuncio  Caraffa  represented  that  such  entreaties  were  to  be  as- 
cribed only  to  the  liope  of  a  general  change.  From  that  time 
these  countries  once  more  became  thoroughly  catholic.  What  re- 
sistance had  the  nobility  opposed  to  the  house  of  Austria  eighty 
years  before!  Now,  the  sovereign  hereditary  powers  rose,  orthodox, 
victorious,  and  uncontrolled,  above  every  obstacle. 

And  still  more  extensive  were  the  effects  of  the  recent  victory 
in  the  rest  of  Germany.  Lower  Saxony  was  completely  subdued; 
the  imperial  troops  had  penetrated  to  the  Cattegat;  they  had 
possession  of  Brandenburg  and  Pomerania;  Mecklenburg  was  in 

*  Caraffa,  Relatione  MS.  "  Havendo  il  S""  cardinale  ed  io  messo  in  consi- 
deratione  a  S.M",  che  come  non  si  riformassero  i  baroni  e  nobili  eretici,  si  poteva 
poco  0  nulla  sperare  della  conversione  delli  loro  siidditi  e  per  conseguenza  hav- 
riano  potuto  ancora  infcttare  pian  piano  gli  altri,  piacque  a  S.  M'»  di  aggiun- 
gere  al  Si'C'''  ed  agli  altri  commissarj  autorita  di  riformare  anche  11  nobili." 


92  CONFLICTING  [BOOK  VII. 

the  hands  of  the  imperial  general;  all  these  chief  seats  of  protest- 
antism were  in  the  power  of  a  cathoUc  army. 

It  became  immediately  evident  how  the  catholic  party  intended 
to  profit  by  this  state  of  things,  A  prince  of  the  imperial  house 
was  appointed  bishop  of  Halberstadt;  and  the  pope,  in  virtue  of 
his  apostoUcal  power,  nominated  iiim  also  archbishop  of  Magde- 
burg. There  was  no  question,  that  if  a  cathoHc  archducul  govern- 
ment could  succeed  in  planting  itself  there,  it  would  urge  on  the 
restor.ition  of  Catholicism  throughout  the  see  with  the  zeal  and  rigor 
of  the  other  ecclesiastical  princes. 

Meanwhile  the  anti-reformation  proceeded  with  fresh  ardor  in 
upper  Germany,  Caratfa's  catalogue  of  proclamations,  issued 
from  the  imperial  chancery  in  the  course  of  these  years,  is  most 
curious;  containing  numerous  admonitions,  decrees,  decisions,  com- 
mands— all  in  favor  of  Catholicism.*  The  young  count  of  Nassau- 
Siegen,  the  younger  counts  palatine  of  Neuburg,  and  the  grand 
master  of  the  Teutonic  order,  undertook  new  reformations;  in  the 
Upper  Palatinate  even  the  nobility  was  forced  into  Catholicism, 

The  old  legal  proceedings  instituted  by  spiritual  lords  against  the 
temporal  estates  for  the  recovery  of  confiscated  church  property, 
now  assumed  a  different  character  from  their  former  one.  Wurtem- 
berg  was  thrown  into  a  state  of  the  greatest  alarm.  All  the  old 
complainants,  the  bishops  of  Constance  and  Augsburg,  the  abbots 
of  Monchsreit  and  Kaisersheim,  prosecuted  their  claims  against  the 
ducal  houses,  whose  very  existence  was  endangered. t  The  bishops 
in  every  case  gained  their  cause  against  the  cities;  the  bishop  of 
Eichstadt  against  Narnberg,  the  chapter  of  Strasburg  against  the 
city  of  Strasburg;  while  Schwabisch-Hall,  Memmingen,  Ulm,  Lin- 
dau,  and  many  other  cities,  were  compelled  to  restore  to  the  catho- 
lics the  churches  they  had  taken  from  them. 

If  on  every  hand  the  protestants  appealed  to  the  letter  of  the 
treaty  of  Augsburg,  they  had  a  much  stronger  interest  in  a  more 
general  application  of  its  principles,  as  they  were  now  understood.  J 

"  After  the  battle  of  Lutter,"  says  Caraffa,  "  the  emperor  ap- 
peared to  wake  as  from  a  long  sleep:  freed  from  a  great  fear  which 
had  enthralled  him  and  his  predecessors,  he  conceived  the  project 
of  restoring  all  Germany  to  the  form  marked  out  by  the  terms  of 
the  peace  of  Augsburg."  Not  only  Magdeburg  and  Halberstadt, 
but  Bremen,  Verden,  Minden,  Camin,  Havelberg,  Schwerin,  and 
almost  all  the  North  German  ecclesiastical  endowments,  were  re- 
stored to  Catholicism.  This  had  ever  been  the  distant  aim  upon 
which  the  pope  and  the  Jesuits,  in  the  most  brilliant  moments  of 

*  Brevis  enumeratio  aliqnorum  negotiorum  qux in  puncto  reformationis 

in  cancellaria  imperii  tractata  sunt  ab  anno  1G20  ad  annum  1G29,  in  the  Appen- 
dix to  the  Germania  sacra  restaurata,  p.  34, 

f  SaUler,  Geschichte  von  Wiirtembcrg  unter  den  Herzogen,  vol.  vi,  p,  226. 

jf.  Senkenberg,  Fortsetzung  der  Haberlinschen  Reichsgeschichte,  vol.  xxv,  p. 
633. 


CH.  III.]  POLITICAL  RELATIONS.  93 

prosperity,  had  fixed  their  eyes.  For  this  very  reason  it  was  mat- 
ter of  some  anxiety  to  the  emperor.  '"He  was  doubtful,"  says 
Caralfa,  "not  of  tlie  justice  of  the  measure,  but  of  tlie  possibility  of 
its  execution."  But  the  zeal  of  the  Jesuits,  especially  of  his  con- 
fessor Lamormain;  the  favorable  opinions  of  the  four  catholic  elec- 
tors; the  unwearied  solicitations  of  the  papal  nuncio,  who  himself 
informs  us  that  it  cost  him  the  labor  of  a  month  to  prevail,  at  length 
overcame  all  scruples.  As  early  as  August  162S,  the  edict  of  resti- 
tution was  framed  in  the  same  form  in  which  it  afterwards  ap- 
peared.* Before  it  was  published,  it  was  once  more  submitted  to 
the  consideration  of  the  catholic  electors. 

But  a  more  extensive  plan  was  connected  with  this:  the  catho- 
lics indulged  the  hope  of  winning  over  the  Lutheran  princes  by 
measures  of  conciliation.  This  was  not  to  be  attempted  by  theolo- 
gians, but  by  the  emperor,  or  by  some  of  the  catholic  princes  of  the 
empire.  The  arguments  which  they  meant  to  urge  were,  that  the 
conception  entertained  of  Catholicism  in  North  Germany  was  erro- 
neous; that  the  deviation  of  the  unaltered  Augsburg  confession 
from  the  catholic  creed  was  very  slight;  they  hoped  to  propitiate 
the  elector  of  Saxony  by  leaving  him  the  patronage  of  the  three 
great  chapters  of  his  dominions:!  they  did  not  even  despair  of  ex- 
citing the  hatred  of  the  Lutherans  against  Calvinism,  which  might 
then  be  made  subservient  to  a  complete  re-establishment  of  Catholi- 
cism. This  idea  was  eagerly  embraced  at  Rome,  and  worked  out 
into  a  feasible  project.  Urban  VIII  had  not  the  slightest  intention 
of  resting  satisfied  with  the  articles  of  the  peace  of  Augsburg,  which, 
had  never  been  sanctioned  by  a  pope. J  Nothing  less  than  a  com- 
plete restitution  of  all  churcli  property — nothing  less  than  a  com- 
plete gathering  together  of  all  protestants  within  the  fold  of  the 
church,  would  satisfy  him. 


But  Urban,  intoxicated  by  his  present  prosperity,  aspired  to  a  yet 
more  daring  project — an  attack  upon  England.     This  plan  from 

*  That  this  was  the  epoch  of  the  drawing  up  of  the  edict,  appears  from  Ca- 
raffa,  Commentar.  de  Germ,  sacra  restaurata,  p.  350.  He  remarks,  that  the 
edict  was  drawn  up  in  1628,  and  published  in  1629:  he  then  proceeds  to  say, 
"  Annuit  ipse  Deus,  dum  post  paucos  ab  ipsa  deliberatione  dies  Caesarem  insigni 
victoria  remuneratus  est."  He  spealis  of  the  victory  of  Wolgast,  obtained  on 
the  22d  of  August, 

f  As  early  as  1624  hopes  were  nourished  in  Rome  of  the  conversion  of  this 
prince.  Instruttione  a  Monsf  Caraffa.  "  Venne  ancora  qualche  novella  della 
sperata  riunione  con  la  chiesa  cattolici  del  sig''  duca  di  Sassonia,  ma  ella  svani 
ben  presto:  con  tutto  cio  il  vaderlo  non  infenso  a'  cattolici  e  nemicissimo  de' 
Calvinisti  ed  amicissimo  del  iVIagontino  e  convenuto  nell'  elettorato  di  Baviera 
ci  fa  sperare  bene:  laonde  non  sara  inutile  che  S.  S'  tenga  proposito  col  detto 
Magontino  di  questo  desiderato  acquisto." 

X  "  A  ciii,"  says  the  pope  of  the  treaty  of  Passau,  in  a  letter  te  the  emperor, 
"non  haveva  giammai  assentito  la  sede  apostolica." 

9* 


94  CONFLICTING  [BOOK  VII. 

time  to  time  reappeared,  by  a  sort  of  necessity,  in  the  grand  catho- 
lic schemes.  Tlie  pope  now  hoped  to  avail  himself  of  the  renewed 
good  understanding  between  England  and  France  for  that  pur- 
pose.* 

He  first  represented  to  the  French  ambassador,  how  offensive  it 
was  to  France,  that  the  English  by  no  means  adhered  to  the  pro- 
mises made  at  the  marriage.  Either  Louis  XIII  ought  to  compel 
the  English  to  fulfil  their  engagements,  or  to  wrest  the  crown  from 
a  prince  who  showed  himself,  as  a  heretic  before  God,  and  a  viola- 
tor of  his  word  before  men,  unworthy  to  wear  it."t 

He  next  addressed  himself  to  the  Spanish  ambassador  Ofiate. 
The  pope  said  that,  were  it  merely  from  his  duty  as  a  knight, 
Philip  IV  was  bound  to  succor  the  queen  of  England,  his  near 
kinswoman,  who  was  now  suffering  oppression  on  account  of  her 
religion. 

As  soon  as  the  pope  perceived  that  he  might  indulge  any  hope 
of  a  favorable  result,  he  committed  the  negotiation  to  Spada,  the 
nuncio  at  Paris.  Among  the  influeutial  men  of  France,  cardinal 
BeruUe,  who  had  conducted  the  negotiations  concerning  the  mar- 
riage, embraced  this  idea  with  the  greatest  eagerness.  He  calculated 
how  the  English  trading  vessels  might  be  captured  on  the  French 
coasts,  and  the  English  fleets  burnt  in  their  own  harbors.  OUvarez 
adopted  the  plan,  and  took  immediate  measures  for  its  execution. 
Former  perfidies  of  France  might  indeed  have  made  him  pause 
and  doubt,  and  another  great  statesman,  cardinal  Bedmar,  opposed 
it  on  that  ground;  but  the  idea  was  too  grand  and  comprehensive 
to  be  rejected  by  Olivarez,  who  in  all  things  loved  the  dazzling  and 
magnificent. 

The  negotiation  was  carried  on  with  the  utmost  secrecy;  even 
the  French  ambassador  in  Rome,  to  whom  the  first  disclosures  had 
been  made,  learned  nothing  of  its  further  progress.  The  articles  of 
the  treaty  were  drawn  up  by  Richelieu,  corrected  by  Olivarez,  and 
adopted,  with  his  amendments,  by  Richelieu.  On  the  20th  of  April, 
1627,  they  were  ratified.  The  French  engaged  immediately  to  begin 
their  armament,  and  to  put  their  ports  in  a  state  of  defence.  The 
Spaniards  were  ready  that  same  year  to  commence  the  attack,  and 

*  In  Siri,  Memorie,  vi,  257,  some  account,  though  very  imperfect,  is  given  of 
this  affair.  That  given  in  the  Memoires  de  Richelieu,  xxiii,  is  merely  partial. 
The  statement  in  Nicoletti,  of  which  we  here  make  use,  is  much  more  circum- 
stantial and  authentic.     (Concerning  Nicoletti's  work,  see  App.  No.  120) 

f  According  to  Nicoletti,  the  pope  says,  "  Essere  il  re  di  Francia  offeso  nello 
stato  pel  fomento  che  I'Inghilterra  dava  agli  Ugonotti  ribelli:  nelJa  vita,  rispetto 
agli  incitamenti  e  fellonia  di  Sciales,  il  quale  haveva  indotto  il  duca  di  Orleans 
a  niacchinare  contro  S.  M'*,  per  lo  cui  delitto  fu  poscia  fatto  morire:  nella  ripu- 
tazione,  rispetto  a  tanti  mancamonti  di  promesse:  efinalmente  nel  proprio  sangue, 
rispetto  agli  strapazzi  fatti  alia  regina  sua  sorella:  ma  quello  che  voleva  dir 
tutio,  nell'  anima,  insidiando  I'lnglese  alia  salute  di  quella  della  regina  ed  insi- 
eme  a  quella  del  christianissimo  stesso  e  di  tulti  coloro  che  pur  troppo  hebbero 
voglia  di  (are  quello  infelice  matrimonio." 


CH.  Ill,]  POLITICAL  RELATIONS.  95 

it  was  agreed  that  the  French  sliould  come  to  their  aid  with  all  their 
forces  ill  the  following  spring.* 

It  does  not  appear  very  clearly  from  our  accounts,  how  Spain 
and  France  intended  to  divide  the  spoil;  but  thus  much  is  evident, 
that  even  in  this  matter  the  pope  was  not  forgotten.  Berulle  dis- 
closed to  the  nuncio  in  the  profoundest  secrecy,  that  if  they  were 
successful,  Ireland  was  to  fall  to  the  share  of  the  holy  see;  in  which 
case  the  pope  would  probably  govern  it  by  a  viceroy.  The  nuncio 
received  this  communication  with  extreme  satisfaction;  he  however 
recommended  his  holiness  not  to  allow  the  least  rumor  of  it  to  get 
wind;  lest  it  should  appear  as  if  their  schemes  for  the  advancement 
of  religion  were  in  any  degree  mixed  witli  worldly  considerations. 

The  interests  of  Germany  and  Italy  were  also  kept  in  view. 

It  seemed  yet  possible  to  destroy  the  superiority  of  the  naval 
power  of  England  and  Holland  by  means  of  a  general  combina- 
tion. The  idea  was  suggested  of  tbrming  an  armed  company,  un- 
der the  protection  of  which  a  direct  communication  between  the 
]3altic  Flanders,  the  French  coast,  Spain  and  Italy  might  be  main- 
tained, without  the  participation  of  the  two  maritime  powers.  The 
emperor  even  made  proposals  to  that  effect  to  the  Hans  towns;  and 
the  Infanta  at  Brussels  wished  that  a  port  of  the  Baltic  might  be 
ceded  to  the  Spaniards.!  Negotiations  were  also  set  on  foot  with 
the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  to  the  end  that  the  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  trade  might  pass  through  Leghorn.  J 

Things  did  not  indeed  go  the  length  proposed.  In  consequence 
of  the  intricacy  of  the  relations,  events  took  a  far  difierent  turn,  yet 
one  which  eventually  led  to  a  result  extremely  favorable  to  the 
cause  of  Catholicism. 

While  the  catholic  powers  were  devising  this  vast  plan  of  an 
attack  on  England,  it  fell  out  that  they  themselves  were  surprised 
by  an  attack  from  England. 

In  July,  1627,  Buckingham  appeared  off  the  coast  of  France 
with  a  stately  fleet;  he  landed  in  the  isle  of  Rhe,  and  occupied  it 

*  Lettere  del  nunzio,  9  Aprile,  1C27:  "Torno  a  Parigi  il  prefato  corriere  di 
Spagna  con  avvisi  che  il  re  cattolico  contentavasi  di  niuoversi  il  primo,  come 
veniva  desiderato  da  Francesi,  purche  da  questi  si  concedessero  unitamente  le 
due  offerte  altre  volte  alternativamente  proposte,  cioe  che  il  christianissimo  si 
obligasse  di  muoversi  nel  mese  di  maggio  o  di  giugno  dell'  anno  seguenle  e  die 
presentemente  accomodasse  I'armata  cattolica  di  alcune  galere  ed  altri  leo-ni. — 
Porto  anche  nuova  il  medesimo  corriere  che  il  conte  duca  haveva  in  Ispagna 
staccata  la  pratica  e  dato  ordine  che  se  ne  staccasse  una  simile  in  Fiandra  col  re 
d'lnghilterra  il  quale  offriva  al  cattolico  sospensione  d'armi  per  tre  anni  o  altro 
pivl  lungo  tempo  tanto  a  nome  del  re  di  Danimarca  quanto  degli  Olandesi." 

f  Pope  Urban  says  this  in  a  letter  of  instruction  to  Ginetii,  in  Siri,  Mercuric, 
ii,  984. 

:{:  Scrittura  sopra  la  compagnia  militante,  MS.  in  the  Archivio  Mediceo,  con- 
tains a  discussion  of  the  practicability  of  this  plan:  "  Si  propone  che  i  popoli 
delle  citta  anseatiche  entreranno  nella  compagnia  militante  per  fame  piacere  all' 
imperatore  e  che  i  Toscani  non  abbino  a  ricusare  come  chiamati  da  si  gran  mon- 
archi." 


96  CONFLICTING  [BOOK  VII. 

all  except  the  citadel  of  St.  Martin,  to  which  he  immediately  laid 
siege,  and  called  upon  the  Huguenots  to  make  a  fresh  effort  in  de- 
fence of  their  liberties  and  their  religious  independence,  which  were 
daily  more  imminently  threatened. 

The  English  historians  usually  attribute  this  expedition  to  a  ro- 
mantic passion  of  Buckingham  for  Anne  of  Austria.  Whether  he 
really  entertained  any  such  passion  or  not,  a  very  different,  but 
doubtless,  a  more  substantial,  ground  of  his  enterprise  is  to  be 
found  in  the  grand  course  of  events.  Was  Buckingham  to  await 
in  England  the  projected  attack?  It  was  doubtless  better  to  antici- 
pate it,  and  to  carry  the  war  into  France.*  A  more  favorable  mo- 
ment could  not  be  found;  Louis  XIII  was  dangerously  ill,  and 
Richelieu  involved  in  a  struggle  with  powerful  factions.  After  some 
delay,  the  Huguenots  actually  took  up  arms  anew,  and  their  valiant 
and  veteran  leaders  appeared  once  more  in  the  field. 

Had  Buckingham  followed  up  the  war  with  more  energy  and 
been  better  supported,  he  must  have  succeeded;  but  king  Charles  I 
admits  in  all  his  letters,  that  this  was  not  the  case.  Things  were 
so  conducted  that  the  English  were  soon  no  match  for  Cardinal 
Richelieu,  whose  genius  unfolded  its  resources  with  redoubled  vigor 
in  moments  of  difficulty,  and  who  had  never  shown  himself  more 
resolute,  firm  and  indefatigable,  than  in  the  present  exigency. 
Buckingham  saved  himself  by  a  retreat.  His  enterprise,  which 
might  have  brought  the  French  government  into  extraordinary 
peril,  had  in  fact  no  other  consequence  than  to  let  loose  the  whole 
power  of  the  country,  wielded  by  the  cardinal,  with  new  violence 
on  the  Huguenots. 

The  focus  of  the  Huguenot  force  was  unquestionably  La  Ro- 
chelle.  Years  before,  when  Richelieu  resided  at  his  see  of  Lugon, 
in  that  neighborhood,  he  had  meditated  on  the  possibility  of  con- 
quering that  place;  he  now  saw  himself  called  upon  to  conduct 
sucli  an  undertaking,  and  determined  to  execute  it,  cost  what  it 
would. 

It  happened  most  strangely,  that  nothing  contributed  so  much  to 
his  success  as  the  fanaticism  of  an  English  puritan. 

Buckingham  had  at  last  prepared  to  relieve  La  Rochelle;  his 
honor  was  engaged;  his  position  in  England  and  the  world  de- 
pended upon  this  enterprise,  and  doubtless  he  Avould  have  strained 

*  We  might  ask  whether  Buckingham  had  not  come  to  the  knowledge  of 
this  secret  design:  it  is  at  any  rate  highly  probable,  considering  how  very  sel- 
dom a  secret  is  kept  so  entirely,  that  some  portion  does  not  transpire.  We  cer- 
tainly know  that  it  immediately  came  to  the  ears  of  the  Venetian  ambassador, 
Zorzo  Zorzi,  who  arrived  in  France  at  the  time  those  arrangements  were  in 
coarse  of  conclusion.  "Si  aggiungeva  che  le  due  corone  tenevano  insieme 
machinatione  e  trattati  di  assalire  con  pari  forzo  e  dispositioni  I'isola  d'lnghil- 
terra."  It  seems  very  improbable  that  the  affair  should  not  have  been  known  in 
England;  the  Venetians  were  on  the  best  understanding  with  England,  and  had 
even  fallen  under  the  suspicion  of  having  advised  the  expedition  against  the  isle 
of  Rhe.     (Rel.  di  Francia,  1628.) 


CH.  III.]  POLITICAL  RELATIONS.  97 

every  nerve  to  accomplish  it:  this  was  the  moment  chosen  by  a 
fanatic,  goaded  by  revenge  and  inflamed  by  mistaken  zeal  for  reli- 
gion, to  assassinate  him. 

In  gn-at  conjunctures,  it  is  necessary  that  powerful  men  should 
make  a  public  undertaking  their  own  personal  affair.  The  siege 
of  La  Rochelle  was  a  duel  between  the  two  ministers.  Richelieu 
was  now  the  survivor.  There  was  no  one  in  England  to  occupy 
Buckingham's  place,  no  one  to  adopt  the  defence  of  his  honor;  the 
English  fleet  appeared  in  the  roads,  but  struck  no  decisive  blow. 
It  was  said  that  Richelieu  knew  that  this  would  be  the  case.  He 
persevered  with  unshaken  firmness,  and  in  October  1628,  La  Ro- 
chelle surrendered. 

After  the  principal  fortress  had  fallen,  the  neighboring  places 
despaired  of  being  able  to  hold  out — their  only  solicitude  was  to 
make  tolerable  terms.* 

Thus,  out  of  all  these  political  complexities,  which  at  first  ap- 
peared favorable  to  the  protestants,  sprang  in  the  end  decisive 
victories  and  enormous  advances  on  the  side  of  Catholicism.  The 
northeast  of  Germany  and  the  southwest  of  France,  which  had 
so  long  resisted,  were  both  subdued.  Nothing  seemed  now  to  be 
necessary  but  to  subject  the  conquered  foe  for  ever  by  laws  and  by 
institutions  of  permanent  influence, 

The  assistance  which  Denmark  had  aftorded  to  the  Germans, 
and  England  to  the  French,  proved  injurious  ratlier  than  useful; 
they  had  brought  upon  them  a  resistless  enemy;  and  these  powers 
were  now  themselves  endangered,  or  even  attacked.  The  imperial 
troops  penetrated  as  far  as  Jutland,  and  negotiations  were  actively 
renewed  between  France  and  Spain,  with  a  view  to  the  projected 
combined  attack  upon  England  (A.  D.  1028). 

*  Zorzo  Zorzi,  Relatione  di  Francia,  1629:  "  L'  acquisto  di  Rocella  ultimato 
sugli  occhi  dell'  armata  Inorlese,  che  professava  di  scioffliere  I'asspdio  et  intro- 
durvi  il  soccorso,  I'impresa  contro  Roano,  capo  etanima  di  questa  fattione,  i  pro- 
gressi  contra  gli  Ugonotti  nella  Linguadocca  colla  ricuperatione  di  ben  50  piazze 
hanno  sgomentato  i  cuori  e  spozzato  la  fortuna  di  quel  partito,  clie  perdute  le 
forze  interne  e  mancategli  le  intelligenze  straniere  si  e  intieramente  rimessoalla 
volontd  e  clemenza  del  re."  He  notices  that  the  Spaniards  came  certainly  at  a 
late  hour,  and  then  but  with  fourteen  vessels,  but  that  still  they  did  come  to  take 
part  in  the  siege  of  La  Rochelle.  He  ascribes  their  accession  to  the  "certezza 
del  fine,"  and  to  the  desire  "participar  agli  onori," 


98 


CHAPTER  IV. 

MANTUAN  WAR— THIRTY  YEARS'  WAR. 


REVOLUTION    IN    THE    STATE    OF    THINGS. 

At  the  first  glance,  the  course  of  human  events,  the  march  of 
the  human  mind  in  any  direction  it  has  once  taken,  present  an 
aspect  of  undeviating  progression. 

But  Oil  a  nearer  observation,  we  not  unfrequently  perceive  that 
the  fundamental  circumstance  which  determines  the  whole  progress 
of  things,  is  but  slight  and  feeble — often  little  more  than  personal 
sympathy  or  antipathy,  which  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  disturb. 

If  we  inquire  what  were  the  main  causes  of  the  recent  amazing 
successes  of  the  catholic  restoration,  we  find  that  they  were  not  so 
much  the  armies  of  Tilly  and  Wallenstein,  or  the  military  superi- 
ority of  Richelieu  over  the  Huguenots,  as  the  renewed  alliance  be- 
tween France  and  Spain,  without  which  neither  nation  would 
have  been  able  to  accomplish  anything  of  moment. 

From  the  year  1626  protestantism  no  longer  made  any  indepen- 
dent resistance,  and  was  only  emboldened  to  attempt  it  again  by 
the  disunion  of  the  catholic  powers;  their  reconciliation  therefore 
caused  its  downfall. 

But  it  required  no  extraordinary  sagacity  to  perceive  how  slight 
a  cause  would  suffice  to  disturb  their  union. 

Within  the  pale  of  Catholicism  even,  two  distinct  and  opposite 
impulses  had  arisen  by  an  equal  and  inevitable  necessity — the  one 
religious,  the  other  political. 

The  former  demanded  union,  propagation  of  the  faith,  and  disre- 
gard of  all  other  considerations;  the  latter  incessantly  stimulated 
the  rivalry  of  the  great  powers  for  precedence  in  dignity  and  au- 
thority. It  could  not  be  said  that  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe 
had  been  disturbed  by  the  course  of  events.  The  balance  of  power 
in  those  times  depended  on  the  hostile  interests  of  France  and  Aus- 
trian-Spain, and  recent  occurrences  had  greatly  increased  the 
strength  of  France  and  had  placed  her  more  nearly  on  an  equality 
with  her  rival. 


I 


CH.  IV.  §  I.]  MANTUAN  SUCCESSION.  99 

But  nations  are  excited  to  action  no  less  by  the  anticipation  of 
future  clangers,  than  by  the  pressure  of  present  evils;  and  it  now 
seemed  as  if  the  natural  course  of  things  was  pregnant  with  general 
insecurity  and  confusion. 

The  north  of  Germany,  the  ancient  seat  of  protestantism  was 
overrun  by  Wallenstein's  troops;  and  this  opened  the  possibility  of 
restoring  the  imperial  sovereignty  over  the  whole  of  Germany, 
(which,  with  tiie  exception  of  a  short  period  in  the  life  of  Charles 
V,  had  for  centuries  been  a  mere  shadow,)  to  real  power  and  sub- 
stantial importance.  If  the  catholic  restoration  went  on  in  the 
way  it  had  begun,  this  result  was  inevitable. 

The  king  of  France,  on  the  other  hand,  had  no  equivalent  to  ex- 
pect;— when  once  he  had  subdued  the  Huguenots,  he  had  nothing 
more  to  gain.  But  the  Italians  had  the  greatest  cause  for  anxiety; 
the  renovation  of  a  powerful  iujperial  government  which  had  such 
manifold  claims  in  Italy,  and  was  so  immediately  connected  with 
the  hated  power  of  Spain,  was  in  their  eyes  perilous  and  insupport- 
able. 

The  question  once  more  arose,  whether  the  exertions  in  the  cause 
of  Catholicism  would  be  continued  without  regard  to  this  state  of 
things,  and  would  again  carry  all  before  them?  or  whether  political 
considerations  would  preponderate,  and  would  put  a  stop  to  these 
exertions? 

Whilst  the  torrent  of  the  catholic  restoration  swept  with  full  force 
over  France  and  Germany,  an  event  occurred  in  Italy,  the  result  of 
which  was  to  decide  this  question. 


§   1.    MANTUAN  SUCCESSION. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1627,  died  Vincenzo  II,  Duke  of  Mantua, 
of  the  house  of  Gonzaga,  without  issue.  His  nearest  agnate  was 
Carlo  Gonzaga,  Due  de  Nevers. 

The  succession  was  in  itself  subject  to  no  ditiiculties,  since  no 
doubt  existed  as  to  the  rights  of  the  agnate.  But  it  involved  a  po- 
litical change  of  great  importance. 

Charles  de  Nevers  was  born  in  France,  and  was  of  course  re- 
garded as  a  Frenchman;  and  it  was  thought  that  the  Spaniards 
would  not  suffer  a  Frenchman  to  acquire  power  in  the  north  of 
Italy,  which  they  had  aUyays  striven  with  especial  jealousy  to 
guard  from  all  French  influence. 

If,  after  the  lapse  of  so  many  ages,  we  endeavor  to  obtain  an 
accurate  understanding  of  this  affair,  we  find  that  neither  the  court 
of  Spain  nor  that  of  Austria  had  at  first  any  thought  of  excluding 
him  from  the  succession.  He  was  related  to  the  imperial  house, 
since  the  empress  was  a  INIantuan  princess,  and  always  warmly 
attached  to  his  interests.     "At  first,"  says  Khevenhiller,  who  was 


100  MANTUAN  SUCCESSION.  [BOOK  VII. 

employed  in  Mantuan  affairs,  "nothing  hostile  to  his  interests  was 
required  of  him;  on  the  contrary,  they  deliberated  how  to  conciliate 
his  devotion  to  the  imperial  liouse,"*  Olivarez,  too,  expressly 
affirms  the  same  thing;  he  relates  that  when  the  news  arrived  of 
the  dangerous  illness  of  Don  Vincenzo,  it  was  determined  that  a 
courier  should  be  immediately  despatched  to  the  Duke  de  Nevers, 
to  offer  him  the  protection  of  Spain  in  a  pacific  occupation  of  Mantua 
and  Montferrat.t  It  is  indeed  possible  that  conditions  would  have 
been  imposed  on  him,  and  guarantees  demanded,  but  there  was 
no  thought  of  depriving  him  of  his  rights. 

The  mode  in  which  this  natural  course  of  things  was  arrested,  is 
very  remarkable. 

The  Italians  did  not  give  the  Spaniards  credit  for  so  much  justice 
as  would  have  been  evinced  by  this  line  of  conduct.  They  had 
never  believed  all  the  former  assurances  of  Sjiain,  that  she  would 
respect  Gonzaga's  rights  and  make  no  resistance  to  his  succession. if 
The  Spanish  governors  in  Italy  had  brought  upon  themselves  the 
suspicion  of  grasping  at  boundless  power,  even  by  unjust  and  un- 
lawful means;  nor  were  people  now  to  be  persuaded  that  they 
would  not  try  to  raise  some  member  of  the  house  of  Gonzaga  more 
devoted  to  their  interests,  to  the  dukedom  of  Mantua. 

We  will,  however,  admit  that  the  wish  of  the  Italians  to  see  a 
prince  naturally  allied  to  France,  and  independent  of  Spain,  on  the 
throne  of  Mantua,  had  a  great  deal  to  do  with  this  opinion.  They 
would  not  believe  that  Spain  would  relinquish  a  thing  which  would 
have  been  welcome  to  themselves,  precisely  in  proportion  as  it  was 
injurious  to  Spanish  interests.  They  persuaded  the  rightful  heir  to 
think  as  they  did,  and  he  accordingly  deemed  it  best  to  enter  upon 
possession  in  whatever  way  he  could.  The  political  was  now  like 
the  animal  body.  The  internal  disease  only  waited  for  some  occa- 
sion— for  some  wounded  pari — to  break  out. 

Even  before  the  decease  of  Vicenzo,  the  young  Gonzaga  Nevers, 
due  de  Rethel  arrived  in  the  profoundest  secrecy  in  Mantua,  wliere 
a  Mantuan  minister,  named  Striggio,  attached  to  the  anti-Spanish 
party,  had  prepared  everything  for  his  reception.     The  old  duke 

*  Annales  Ferdinandei,  xi,  p.  30. 

•j"  Francesco  deg-li  Albizi,  negotiate  di  Mons''  Cesare  Monte:  "  S.  M»,"  says 
Olivarez,  "  in  sentire  la  p-rave  indii?positione  del  duca  Vincenzo  ordino  che  si 
dispacciasse  corriero  in  Francia  al  medesimo  Nivers  promettendogli  la  protet- 
tione  sua  acciu  egli  potesse  pacificainente  oUenere  il  possesso  di  Mantova  e  del 
Monferrato:  ma  appena  consegnati  ali  ordini,  si  era  con  altro  corriere  venuto 
d'ltalia  intesa  la  niorte  di  Vincenzo,  il  matrimonio  di  Retel  senza  participatione 
del  re,"  etc. 

:):  "  Ne  si  deve  darcredenza,"  saysMulla,  the  Venetian  ambassador  at  Mantua 
in  1G15,  "  a  quello  che  si  e  lasciato  intender  piii  volte  il  raarchese  di  Iiioiosa, 
gia  governator  di  Milano,  che  Spagnoli  non  porterebhono,  qiiando  venisse  il  caso, 
raai  altri  alio  stato  di  Mantoa  die  il  duca  di  Nivers:" — why  not  however?  We 
have  only  the  fact:  the  governor  affirms  it,  the  Italians  do  not  believe  it;  never- 
theless, there  is  no  doubt  about  the  matter. 


CH.  IV.  §  I.]  MANTUAN  SUCCESSION.  lOl 

made  no  difficulty  of  acknowledging  the  rights  of  his  cousin.  There 
was  still  existing  a  female  descendant  of  the  direct  and  native  line — 
grand-daughter  of  Philip  11  of  Spain  by  his  youngest  daughter,  who 
had  married  into  the  house. of  Savoy — and  it  appeared  most  im- 
portant that  the  young  duke  should  marry  her.*  Accidental  cir- 
cumstances retarded  their  union,  and  it  was  not  till  after  the  death 
of  Vincenzo  that  the  young  princess  was  fetched  by  night  from  the 
convent  in  which  she  Iiad  been  educated,  and  conducted  to  the 
palace  where  the  marriage  was  immediately  solemnised.  Not  till 
then  was  the  death  of  the  prince  made  public,  and  Rethel  was 
saluted  as  Duke  of  Mantua,  and  received  the  homage  of  his  sub- 
jects. An  envoy  from  Milan  was  kept  at  a  distance  till  all  was 
completed,  and  then — not  without  a  sort  of  mockery — made  ac- 
quainted with  the  whole  transaction. 

The  news  of  the  marriage  and  accession  of  the  young  duke 
reached  Vienna  and  Madrid  simultaneously  with  that  of  Vincenzo's 
death. 

It  must  be  acknowledged  that  it  was  well  calculated  to  irritate 
and  incense  such  puissant  princes,  who  delighted  to  assume  a  cha- 
racter of  sacred  majesty.  Their  near  kinswoman  had  been  married 
without  their  consent,  or  even  knowledge — nay,  with  a  kind  of 
force;  and  possession  taken  of  a  considerable  fief  without  the 
smallest  deference  for  the  feudal  lords! 

The  measures  taken  by  the  two  courts  were,  however,  different. 

Olivarez,  proud  as  a  Spaniard,  prouder  as  minister  of  so  mighty 
a  king,  and  filled  with  the  most  arrogant  sense  of  his  own  import- 
ance, was  little  disposed  to  make  any  advances  to  the  duke;  he 
determined,  if  he  could  do  no  more,  at  least,  to  use  his  own  ex- 
pression, to  mortify  him.t  His  demeanor  was  indeed  openly  hostile; 
nor  could  the  important  city  of  Montferrat,  regarded  as  the  out- 
work of  JNlilan,  be  entrusted  to  him  after  such  evidence  of  his  dis- 
positions. The  Duke  of  Guastalla  laid  claim  to  Mantua;  the 
Duke  of  Savoy  to  JNIontferrat,  and  the  Spaniards  now  entered 
mto  an  alliance  with  both  these  princes;  both  parties  took  up 
arms;  the  Duke  of  Savoy  marched  upon  Montferrat  from  the 
one  side,  don  Gonzalez  de  Corduba,  governor  of  Milan,  from  the 
other.  The  French  had  already  retreated  to  Casale,  which  don 
Gonzalez  hastened  to  besiege.  He  was  confident  of  speedily  re- 
ducing it — tlie  more  so,  as  he  reckoned  on  co-operation  within, 

*  Nani,  Storia  Veneta,  1,  7,  p.  350,  and  Siri,  Memcfrie  recondite,  vi,  309,  both 
state  this  fact;  the  latter  takes  it  from  a  letter  of  Sabran  to  the  French  court. 

f  Nicoletti,  Vita  di  papa  Urbano,  from  a  despatch  of  the  nuncio  Pamfilio  : 
•' Dichiaravasi  il  conte  duca  die  per  lo  raeno  voleva  raortificare  il  duca  diNivera 
per  lo  poco  rispetto  portato  al  re  nella  conclusione  del  matrimonio  senza  parte- 
ciparlo:  ma  a  qual  segno  potesse  giungere  la  niortificatione,  non  poteva  il  nun- 
tio  fame  congettura,  e  tanto  piu  che  le  ragioni  che  avevano  mosso  il  papa  a 
concedere  la  dispensa,  erano  acerbamente  impugnate  dal  medesi  mo  conte 
duca." 

VOL.  II.  — 10 


102  MANTUAN  SUCCESSION.  [BOOK  VII. 

The  emperor  acted  with  less  precipitation.  He  was  persuaded, 
he  said,  that  God  would  defend  him,  since  he  trod  the  paths  of 
justice.  He  disapproved  the  proceedings  of  the  Spaniards,  and 
caused  his  disapprobation  to  be  form.illy  notified  to  don  Gonzalez. 
On  the  other  hand  he  was  determined  to  exercise  his  functions  as 
supreme  judge  without  the  smallest  reserve.  He  uttered  sentence 
of  sequestration  against  Mantua,  till  he  should  have  decided  to 
which  of  the  several  pretenders  the  succession  belonged.  As  the 
new  duke  of  Mantua,  who  had  now  arrived  in  person,  would  not 
submit,  the  severest  mandates  were  issued  against  him.*  But 
whatever  might  be  the  ditference  in  the  origin  and  spirit  of  these 
measures,  they  conspired  to  produce  the  same  effect.  Nevers  was 
not  less  formidably  menaced  by  the  legal  claims  of  the  German 
line  of  the  house  of  Austria,  than  by  the  open  hostilities  of  the 
Spanish;  in  thinking  to  elude  the  danger,  he  had  drawn  it  down 
upon  his  head. 

At  first  his  prospects  were  very  bad.  Some  of  the  cities  of  Italy 
it  is  true,  regarded  his  cause  as  their  own,  and  left  no  means  untried 
to  keep  him  steady  to  his  determination  of  resistance;  but  they  had 
not  strength  to  give  him  any  effectual  succor. 

Richelieu  had  also  prouiised  that  he  would  not  suffer  him  to  fall 
if  he  would  only  hold  out  till  France  could  come  to  his  aid.  But 
the  question  was,  when  that  would  be. 

The  situation  of  Mantua  was  rendered  much  more  critical  by 
the  siege  of  La  Roclielle,  before  the  fall  of  which  Richelieu  could 
not  move  a  step.  He  did  not  dare  again  to  engage  in  hostilities 
with  Spain,  so  long  as  they  might  give  rise  to  another  dangerous 
insurrection  of  the  Huguenots. 

But  his  previous  experience  also  compelled  him  to  attend  to 
other  considerations.  On  no  account  dared  he  quarrel  with  the 
rigid  catholic  party  in  his  own  country.  He  dared  not  venture  to 
break  with  the  pope,  nor  even  to  adopt  a  line  of  policy  displeasing 
to  him. 

Here  too  the  inclinations  of  the  pope  were  once  more  of  the  last 


*  Theviews  of  the  imperial  court  maybe  gathered  from  the  report  of  Pallotta, 
10th  of  June,  1628,  an  extract  of  which  is  given  by  Nicoletti:  "11  nunzio  ogni 
di  piu  accorgevasi,  che  era  malissima  I'impressione  contro  il  duca  di  Nivers, 
che  havesse  disprezzato  11  re  di  Spagna  e  molto  piu  Timperatore  conchiudendo 
matrimonio  sensa  sua  participazione  col  possesso  dello  stato  senza  investitura, 
anzi  senza  Indulto  imperiale,  che  fosse  nemico  della  casa  d'Austria,  che  avesse 
iutelligenza  e  disegno  co'  Francesi  di  dare  loro  mano  nell'  invasione  dello  stato 
di  Milano;  e  che  non  di  meno  S.  M'»  Ces^  havesse  grandissima  inclinatione  alia 
pace,  e  con  questo  fine  havesse  fatto  il  decreto  del  sequestro  per  levare  I'armi 
dalle  mani  di  Spagnuoli  e  di  Savojardi  stanti  le  ragioni  che  pre'endevano  Guas- 
talla,  Savoja,  Lorena  e  Spagna  negli  stati  di  Mantova  e  Monferrato:  che  dapoi 
il  duca  havesse  di  nuovo  offeso  rimperatore  col  disprezzo  de'conimissarj  non 
dando  loro  la  mano  dritta  e  non  gli  ammettendo  in  Mantova  e  sopra  tutto  col 
appellazione  e  protesta  che  I'imperatore  fosse  caduto  dalla  ragione  e  superiority 
di  detti  feudi." 


CH.  IV.  §  II.]  URBAN  VIII.  103 

importance.  His  position,  and  the  nature  of  his  office,  reqnired 
him  to  use  every  effort  for  the  maintenance  of  the  peace  of  the 
catholic  world;  as  an  Italian  prince  he  had  an  incontestable  in- 
fluence on  his  neighbors,  while  tlie  measures,  even  of  France,  must 
as  we  have  seen,  be  determined  by  those  he  rniglit  think  fit  to  pur- 
sue. Every  thing  depended  upon  wliether  he  would  avert  the 
outbreak  of  a  quarrel,  or  would  himself  become  a  party  to  it. 

In  the  former  political  involvements,  Urban  VIII  had  found  his 
line  of  policy  already  marked  out,  his  course  prescribed.  On  tliis 
occasion  his  own  character  and  sentiments  first  came  to  view  more 
com[)letely,  and  at  the  same  time  with  more  authoritative  influence 
on  the  affairs  of  the  world. 


§  2.    URBAN  VIII. 

Among  the  foreigners  who  acquired  considerable  wealth  by  the 
connnerce  of  Ancona,  during  the  prosperity  it  enjoyed  in  the  16th 
century,  the  Florentine  house  of  Barberini  distinguished  itself  by 
capacity  for  and  success  in  business.  A  scion  of  this  house,  Mafleo, 
born  in  the  year  1568,  at  Florence,  was  taken  after  the  early  death 
of  his  father,  to  Rome,  where  an  uncle  of  his  had  raised  himself  to 
a  certain  station  in  the  curia.  MafTeo  also  entered  upon  the  same 
career;  in  which  he  was  not  only  supported  by  the  opulence  of  his 
family,  but  distinguished  by  his  own  rare  talents.  At  every  step 
of  his  rise,  his  fellow-laborers  recognised  his  superiority;  but  he 
was  chiefly  led  to  entertain  loftier  views  by  his  success  in  concilia- 
ting the  full  confidence  and  regard  of  the  court  of  France,  during 
a  nuntiatura  which  he  held  in  that  country.  After  the  death  of 
Gregory  XV,  the  French  party  immediately  fixed  their  eyes  on 
Mafleo  as  his  successor. 

The  character  of  this  conclave  differed  from  the  former  ones  in 
consequence  of  the  shortness  of  the  late  pope's  reign.  Although 
he  had  nominated  a  considerable  number  of  cardinals,  yet  the  crea- 
tures of  his  predecessor  were  not  less  numerous;  and  the  two 
nephews,  of  the  last  pope  and  of  his  predecessor,  stood  opposed 
with  nearly  equal  forces.  It  appears  that  Maffeo  Barberini  gave 
each  of  them  to  understand  that  he  was  the  enemy  of  the  other; 
and  it  is  asserted  that  he  was  in  consequence  supported  by  each, 
out  of  hatred  to  the  other.  But  he  doubtless  acquired  still  greater 
influence  by  appearing  as  the  constant  assertor  of  the  jurisdictional 
claims  of  the  Roman  curia,  and  thus  gaining  the  good-will  of  the 
majority  of  the  cardinals.  In  short,  by  the  aid  at  once  of  his  own 
merit  and  of  the  support  of  others,  Maffeo  Barberini  triumphed 
over  all  obstacles,  and  at  the  early  age  of  fifty-five  rose  to  the  dig- 
nity of  the  papacy. 

The  court  very  soon  perceived  a  wide  difference  between  him 


104  URBAN  VIII.  [book  VII. 

and  his  predecessor.  Clement  VIII  was  generally  found  busied  in 
the  study  of  St.  Bernard,  Paul  V  in  that  of  Justinian  of  Venice; 
but  the  table  of  Urban  VIII  was  covered  with  the  newest  poems, 
or  with  plans  of  fortifications. 

It  may  generally  be  observed,  that  the  period  in  a  man's  life  in 
which  his  character  takes  a  decided  bent,  is  that  of  the  first  bloom 
of  manhood;  it  is  then  that  he  begins  to  take  an  independent  share 
in  literature  or  public  affairs.  The  youth  of  Paul  V,  born  in  1552; 
that  of  Gregory  XV,  born  in  1554,  belonged  to  an  epoch  in  which 
the  principles  of  the  catholic  restoration  strode  onwards  with  full 
and  uninterrupted  career;  and  by  these  principles  their  minds  were 
completely  subjugated  and  fashioned.  The  first  active  years  of  the 
life  of  Urban  VIII,  born  in  156S,  fell,  on  the  contrary,  in  the  times 
of  the  opposition  of  the  papal  government  to  Spain,  and  the  re- 
establishment  of  Catholicism  as  the  dominant  religion  of  France. — 
We  find  that  his  inclinations  now  followed  the  bent  thus  impressed 
upon  them. 

Urban  VIII  regarded  himself  mainly  in  the  light  of  a  temporal 
prince. 

His  favorite  notion  was,  that  the  States  of  the  Church  must  be 
secured  by  fortifications,  and  become  formidable  by  their  own  arms. 
When  the  marble  monuments  of  his  predecessors  were  pointed  out 
to  him,  he  said  he  would  erect  one  for  himself  of  iron.  On  the 
Bolognese  frontier  he  built  Castel-Franco,  also  called  Fort  Urbano; 
although  its  military  aim  was  so  little  clear  and  obvious,  that  the 
Bolognese  suspected  it  was  built  rather  to  overawe  than  to  protect 
them.  In  Rome  (in  the  year  1625)  he  fortified  Castel  St.  Angelo 
with  new  breast-works,  and  immediately  stored  it  with  munitions 
of  war  and  provisions,  as  if  the  enemy  had  been  at  the  gates;  he 
constructed  the  high  walls  which  inclose  the  papal  gardens  on 
Monte  Cavallo,  without  heeding  the  destruction  of  the  magnificent 
remains  of  antiquity  in  the  Colonna  gardens.  A  manufactory  of 
arms  was  established  at  Tivoli;*  the  vaults  under  the  Vatican  library 
were  used  as  an  arsenal;  soldiers  swarmed  in  the  streets,  and  the 
centre  of  the  supreme  spiritual  power  of  Christendom,  the  peaceful 

*  A  Contarini,  Rel"'  di  1635:  "  Quanto  alle  armi,  i  papi  n'  erano  per  I'addie- 
tro  totalmente  sprovoduti,  perche  confidavano  piu  nell'  obligarsi  i  principi  con 
le  gratie  che  nelle  difese  temporal!.  Hora  si  e  niutato  registro,  et  il  papa  pre- 
sente  in  particolare  vi  sta  applicatissimo.  A  Tivoli  egli  ha  condotto  un  tal  Ripa 
Bresciano,  suddito  di  V.  Ser's  il  quale  poi  di  tempo  in  tempo  e  andato  sviando 
molti  operai  della  terra  di  Garden.  Quivi  cestui  fa  lavorare  gran  quantita  d' 
arme,  prima  facendo  condurre  il  ferro  grezzo  dal  Bresciano  et  hora  lavorandone 
qualche  portione  ancora  di  certe  miniere  ritrovate  nell'  Umbria:  di  che  tutto  diedi 
avviso  con  mielettere  a  suo  tempo,  che  m'imajrino  passassero  senza  riflessione. 
Di  quests  armi  ha  il  papa  sotto  la  libreria  del  Vaticano  accomodato  un'arsenale, 
dove  con  buon  ordine  stanno  riposti  moschetti,  picche,  carabine  e  pistole  per 
armare  trentamila  fanti  e  cinquemila  cavalli  oltre  buon  numero  che  dalla  mede- 
sima  fucina  di  Tivoli  si  e  mandato  a  Ferrara  e  Castelfranco  in  queste  ultime  oc- 
correnze."     See  App.  No.  115. 


CH.  IV.  §  II.]  URBAN  VIII.  105 

inclosares  of  the  Eternal  City,  resounded  witli  the  din  of  arms. — 
It  was,  he  said,  indispensable  too  to  a  well-ordered  state  to  have  a 
free  port,  and  accordingly  Civita  Vecchia  was,  at  great  cost,  adapted 
to  that  end.  But  the  results  were  more  answerable  to  the  situation 
of  things  than  to  the  views  of  the  pope.  The  Barbary  corsairs  sold 
at  Civita  Vecchia  the  plunder  they  had  taken  from  Christian  mer- 
chants and  travellers.  Such  was  the  result  of  the  exertions  of  the 
sovereign  pastor  of  Christendom. 

In  all  these  things  pope  Urban  acted  with  unlimited  and  auto- 
cratic power;  at  least  in  the  first, years  of  his  reign,  he  even  sur- 
passed his  predecessors  in  the  absoluteness  of  his  sway. 

If  it  was  proposed  to  him  to  take  counsel  of  the  college,  he  re- 
plied, that  he  understood  more  than  all  the  cardinals  put  together. 
Consistories  were  but  rarely  held,  and  even  then,  few  had  courage 
to  express  their  opinions  freely.  The  congregations  assembled  in 
the  accustomed  manner,  but  no  important  question  was  laid  before 
them,  and  their  decisions  were  little  heeded.*  Nor  did  Urban  form 
any  regular  consiilta  for  the  administration  of  the  civil  government 
such  as  had  been  established  by  his  predecessors.  His  nephew, 
Francesco  Barberino,  was  perfectly  right  in  refusing,  during  the 
first  ten  years  of  the  pontificate,  to  take  the  responsibility  of  any 
measure  that  had  been  adopted,  let  its  nature  be  what  it  might. 

The  foreign  atubassadors  were  distressed  at  the  impossibility  of 
transacting  business  with  the  pope.  At  the  audiences  he  talked 
more  than  anybody,!  lectured,  and  continued  with  one  the  conver- 
sation he  had  begun  with  another.  All  present  must  listen  to  him, 
admire  him,  and  address  him  with  an  air  of  the  greatest  reverence, 
even  when  he  refused  their  requests.  Other  popes  often  gave  un- 
favorable answers  to  petitions,  but  from  some  principle,  either  reli- 
gious or  political;  in  LFrban  this  was  evidently  the  result  of  humor 
and  caprice. 

People  never  knew  whether  to  expect  a  yes  or  a  no  from  him.  The 
shrewd  and  acute  Venetians  found  out  that  he  loved  contradiction, 
and  that  he  had  an  almost  involuntary  proneness  towards  the  oppo- 
site of  what  was  proposed  to  him;  when,  therefore,  they  had  a  point 
to  carry,  they  resorted  to  the  expedient  of  starting  objections  to  it 

*  "  Le  congregationi  servono,"  says  Aluise  Contarini,  "per  coprire  talvolta 
qualche  errore." 

f  Pietro  Contarini,  Rel"«  di  1627.  "Abbonda  con  grande  facondia  nelli  discorsi, 
e  copioso  nelli  suoi  ragionamenti,  di  cose  varie  argomenta,  e  tratta  nelli  nogotj 
con  tutte  le  ragioni  che  intende  e  sa,  a  segno  che  le  audienze  si  rendono  altret- 
tanto  e  piii  lunghe  di  quelle  de'  precessori  suoi:  e  nelle  congregationi  dove  inter- 
viene  segue  pur  il  medesimo  con  grande  disavantaggio  di  chi  tratta  seco,  mentre 
togliendo  egli  la  maggior  parte  del  tempo  poco  ne  lascia  agli  altri;  et  ho  udito  io 
dire  ad  un  card'^  che  andava  non  per  ricever  I'audienza  ma  per  darla  al  papa, 
poiche  era  serto  che  la  S'*  S.  piu  avrebbe  voluto  discorrere  che  ascoltarlo;  e 
molte  volte  e  accaduto  che  alcuni  entrati  per  esporre  le  proprie  loro  istanze,  pos- 
tosi  egli  nei  discorsi,  se  ne  sono  usciti  senza  poter  de'  loro  interessi  dirle  cosa 
alcuna."     See  App.  No.  HI. 

10* 


106  URBAN  VIII.  [book  VII. 

themselves.  The  pope,  in  seeking  about  for  arguments  to  confute 
them,  fell  himself  upon  propositions  which  no  persuasions  in  the 
world  would  ever  have  induced  him  to  listen  to. 

This  is  a  sort  of  temper  which  we  sometimes  find  in  subordinate 
stations,  and  was  not  unfrequent  at  that  time  among  Spaniards  and 
Italians.  Such  men  regard  a  public  post  as  a  tribute  due  to  their 
personal  merits;  and  consequently,  in  the  administration  of  their 
office,  they  attend  far  more  to  their  personal  feelings  and  impulses, 
than  to  the  exigencies  of  the  case.  The  conduct  is  not  unlike  that 
of  an  author,  who,  filled  with  the  consciousness  of  his  talent,  does 
not  confine  himself  to  the  subject  before  him,  but  gives  free  course 
to  the  sports  of  his  fancy. 

Urban  belonged  in  fact  to  this  class  of  authors.  The  poems  of 
his  which  are  extant  give  evidence  of  wit  and  talent;  but  how 
strangely  are  sacred  subjects  handled  in  them!  The  songs  and 
apophthegms  of  both  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament  are  forced 
into  Horatian  metres;  the  song  of  praise  of  the  aged  Simeon  into 
two  Sapphic  strophes !  No  trace,  of  course,  remains  of  the  peculiar 
characteristics  of  the  text;  the  matter  is  compelled  to  assume  a  form 
utterly  discordant  with  it,  merely  in  compliance  with  the  whim  of 
the  author. 

But  these  talents,  the  brilliancy  with  which  they  invested  the 
person  of  the  pope,  nay,  even  the  athletic  health  he  enjoyed,  all 
tended  to  increase  that  self-complacency,  and  to  raise  those  per- 
sonal pretensions  with  which  his  lofty  station  was  of  itself  sufficient 
to  inspire  him.* 

It  appears  to  me  that  no  pope  ever  raised  such  arrogant  claims 
to  personal  respect.  An  objection  drawn  from  the  old  papal  con- 
stitutions was  once  made  to  some  argument  of  his;  he  replied,  "that 
the  judgment  of  a  living  pope  was  worth  more  than  the  maxims  of 
a  hundred  dead  ones." 

He  abrogated  the  resolution  of  the  Roman  people  never  again  to 
erect  a  statue  to  a  living  pope,  by  saying,  "  that  such  a  resolution 
could  not  apply  to  such  a  pope  as  he  was." 

The  conduct  of  one  of  his  nuncios  in  a  difficult  affair  being  once 
commended  to  him,  he  replied,  "  that  the  nuncio  had  acted  upon 
his  instructions." 

Such  a  man  was  Urban;  so  filled  with  the  idea  of  being  a  mighty 
prince;  so  attached  to  France,  both  in  consequence  of  his  former 
occupations  and  of  the  support  he  had  received  from  that  country; 
so  self-willed,  energetic,  and  full  of  his  own  importance;  such  was 
the  man  upon  whom  at  this  moment  the  conduct  of  the  highest 
spiritual  power  of  catholic  Christendom  had  devolved.. 

*  This  had  been  remarked  from  the  beginning.  Relatione  de'  quattro  amba- 
sciatori,  1624:  "  Ama  le  proprie  opinioni  e  si  lascia  usingare  dal  suo  genio,  a 

che  conseguita  una  salda  tenacita  dei  proprj  pensim: e  sempre  intento  a 

quelle  cose  che  possono  ringrandire  il  concetto  della  sua  persona."  See  App. 
No.  104. 


CH.  IV.  §  II.]  URBAN  VIII.  107 

His  decisions,  and  the  attitude  which  he  might  assume  in  the 
centre  of  the  catholic  powers,  were  of  infinite  consequence  to  the 
progress  or  the  interruption  of  the  universal  restoration  wliich  now 
occupied  mankind. 

Frequently,  however,  people  had  thought  they  remarked  in  the 
pontiff  an  antipathy  to  Spanish  Austria.* 

No  later  than  the  year  1625,  cardinal  Borgia  complained  of  his 
harshness  and  severity;  he  said  "that  the  king  of  Spain  could  not 
obtain  the  smallest  concession:  everything  was  refused  him." 

Cardinal  Borgia  maintained  that  pope  Urban  VIII  did  not  will- 
ingly terminate  the  affair  of  the  Valtelline;  that  the  king  had  offered 
to  abandon  the  contested  passes,  and  that  the  pope  never  chose  to 
take  any  notice  of  the  offer. 

Nor  indeed  is  it  to  be  denied  that  Urban  was  in  part  the  cause 
of  the  failure  of  the  project  of  an  alliance  between  the  houses  of 
Austria  and  England.  When  executing  the  dispensation  which 
had  been  prepared  by  his  predecessor,  he  added  to  the  existing 
conditions,  the  stipulation  that  there  should  be  in  every  county  of 
England  public  churches  erected  for  catholic  worship;  a  demand 
which  the  majority  of  an  excited  protestant  population  rendered  it 
absolutely  impossible  to  comply  with,  and  which  the  pope  himself 
subsequently  abandoned  on  occasion  of  the  French  marriage.  In 
truth,  he  seemed  to  see  with  repugnance  the  augmentation  of  power 
which  Spain  would  have  acquired  by  the  connection  with  England. 
The  nuncio,  at  that  time  resident  at  Brussels,  carried  on  secret  ne- 
gotiations with  a  view  to  a  marriage  of  the  electoral  prince  pala- 
tine, not  with  an  Austrian  but  with  a  Bavarian  princess.t 

Nor  had  the  pope  a  less  material  share  in  the  complicated  affairs 
of  the  Mantuan  succession.  The  secret  marriage  of  the  young 
princess  with  Rethel,  on  which  every  thing  turned,  could  not  have 
been  effected  without  a  papal  dispensation.  This  pope  Urban 
granted,  without  having  so  much  as  asked  her  nearest  relations,  the 
emperor  or  the  king;  and  granted  it,  too,  exactly  at  the  critical 
moment. 

These  circumstances  were  quite  sufficient  to  show  the  sentiments 
of  the  pope.  Like  the  other  Italian  powers,  his  first  wish  was  to 
see  a  prince  independent  of  Spain  on  the  throne  of  Mantua. 

Nor  did  he  wait  for  any  attack  from  Richelieu,  As  his  applica- 
tion to  the  imperial  court  produced  no  effect;  as,  on  the  contrary, 
the  proceedings  of  that  court  were  more  and  more  hostile,  and  the 
siege  of  Casale  continued,  the  pope  now  turned  to  France. 

*  Marquemont  (Lettres  in  Aubery,  Memoires  de  Richelieu,  i,  p.  65)  notices 
this  from  the  very  beginning.  It  will  not  be  very  difficult,  he  says,  to  manage 
the  pope:  his  inclinations  are  on  the  side  of  the  king  and  France;  from  prudence, 
however,  he  will  try  to  satisfy  the  other  sovereigns.  The  pope  became  imme- 
diately aware  of  the  aversion  of  the  Spaniards. 

f  The  emissary  of  the  nuncio  was  a  capuchin,  Francesco  della  Rota.  Russ- 
dorf,  Negotiations,  i,  205,  dwells  with  great  minuteness  upon  his  transactions. 


108  URBAN  VIII.  [book  VII. 

He  sent  the  most  earnest  entreaties  that  the  king  would  bring  an 
army  nito  the  field,  even  before  La  Rochelle  should  be  taken;  he 
urged  that  an  enterprise  in  the  cause  of  Mantua  was  not  less 
pleasing  in  the  sight  of  God,  than  the  siege  of  that  grand  citadel  of 
the  Huguenots:  if  the  king  would  only  appear  in  Lyons,  and  de- 
clare himself  for  the  freedom  of  Italy,  he,  the  pope,  also  would  im- 
mediately bring  an  army  into  the  field,  and  would  unite  his  forces 
with  those  of  the  king."* 

Richelieu  had  therefore  at  present  nothing  to  fear  from  this  side, 
if  he  should  see  fit  to  resume  that  opposition  to  Spain  which  had 
proved  abortive  three  years  before.  But  he  determined  to  proceed 
with  perfect  security;  he  was  not  in  the  same  haste  as  the  pope, 
nor  would  he  be  in  any  degree  diverted  from  the  siege,  success  in 
which  at  that  moment  enchained  his  ambition. 

But  he  appeared  only  the  more  resolute  as  soon  as  La  Rochelle 
had  fallen.  "  Monsignore,"  said  he  to  the  papal  nuncio,  whom  he 
instantly  sent  for,  "  now  we  will  not  lose  another  moment;  the  king 
will  enter  upon  Italian  affairs  with  all  his  might."! 

That  enmity  to  Spain  and  Austria  which  had  so  often  agitated 
Europe,  thus  burst  forth  with  greater  force  than  ever.  The  jea- 
lousy of  Italy  once  more  stimulated  the  ambition  of  France.  The 
stale  of  things  appeared  so  urgent,  that  Louis  XIII  would  not  wait 
the  return  of  spring;  in  the  middle  of  January  1629,  he  quitted 
Paris,  and  took  the  road  towards  the  Alps.  In  vain  did  the  Duke 
of  Savoy,  who,  as  we  have  said,  adhered  to  the  side  of  Spain,  offer 
resistance;  his  passes,  which  he  caused  to  be  barricaded,  were 
stormed  at  the  first  assault,  and  Susa  taken;  no  later  than  March 
he  was  forced  to  make  terms,  and  the  Spaniards  found  themselves 
compelled  to  raise  the  siege  of  Casale.J 

The  two  leading  powers  of  catholic  Christendom  were  thus  once 
more  arrayed  in  arms  against  each  other,  and  Richelieu  resumed 
his  most  daring  schemes  against  the  joint  power  of  Spain  and 
Austria. 

But  if  we  institute  a  comparison  between  the  times,  we  shall  find 
that  he  now  stood  upon  a  far  more  solid  and  tenable  ground,  than 
at  the  period  of  his  projects  with  regard  to  the  Orisons  and  the 
Palatinate.  Then,  the  Huguenots  might  have  seized  the  moment 
to  renew  intestine  wars.  Now,  they  were  not  indeed  completely 
subjugated,  but  since  they  had  lost  La  Rochelle,  they  could  no 
longer  inspire  alarm  or  solicitude;  they  sustained  an  uninterrupted 
series  of  losses  and  defeats,  nor  were  they  strong  enough  even  to 
make  a  diversion.  It  was  perhaps  still  more  important,  that  Riche- 
lieu now  had  the  pope  on  his  side.     In  his  former  enterprise  he 

*  Extracts  from  the  despatches  of  Bethune,  of  the  23d  Sept.  and  the  8th  Oct. 
1628,  in  Siri,  Memorie,  vi,  p.  478. 

t  Dispaccio  Bagni,  2  Nov.  1628. 

q:  Recueil  de  diverses  relations  des  guerres  d'ltalie,  1629 — 31.  Bourg  en 
Bresse,  1632. 


CH.  IV.  §  II.]       THE  POWER  OF  FERDINAND  II  IN  1629.  109 

endangered  even  his  position  in  France,  by  running  counter  to  the 
policy  of  Rome;  whereas  the  present  was  instigated  by  Rome  itself, 
for  the  interests  of  the  Roman  temporal  sovereignty.  Richelieu 
deemed  it  generally  expedient  to  attach  himself  as  closely  as  pos- 
sible to  the  papacy;  thus,  in  the  contest  between  Roman  and  Gai- 
lican  doctrines,  he  adhered  to  the  Roman,  and  renounced  the 
Galilean. 

The  momentous  consequences  of  the  hostility  of  Urban  VIII  to 
the  house  of  Austria  now  became  evident. 

With  the  development  of  religious  opinions  and  the  progress  of 
the  catholic  restoration,  were  implicated  political  changes,  the  prin- 
ciple of  which  became  more  and  more  powerful  and  active,  and 
now  opposed  a  formidable  resistance  to  the  ecclesiastical  principle. 

The  pope  entered  the  lists  against  that  very  power  which  had 
evinced  the  greatest  zeal  in  the  re-establishment  of  Catholicism. 

The  question  was,  what  attitude  this  power  (and  the  emperor 
Ferdinand  more  especially,  in  whose  hands  the  work  of  that  re- 
establishment  chiefly  rested)  would  assume  in  presence  of  so  potent 
and  so  menacing  an  opposition? 


§  3.    THE  POWER  OF  FERDINAND  II  IN  THE  YEAR  1629. 

The  emperor  appeared  as  if  nothing  had  happened. 

It  is  true,  that  under  the  existing  circumstances  he  could  promise 
himself  no  favor  from  the  pope.  He  experienced  resistance  to  his 
will  in  the  most  trifling  things;  for  instance,  in  an  affair  relating  to 
the  abbey  of  St.  Maximian;  nay,  even  in  the  most  pious  proposals 
— among  which  was  his  earnest  desire  to  have  St.  Stephen  and  St. 
Wenceslaus  received  into  the  Roman  calendar  on  account  of  the 
great  veneration  paid  to  the  one  in  Hungary  and  to  the  other  in 
Bohemia.  All  his  requests  were  refused.  But  notwithstanding 
these  discouragements,  he  issued  the  edict  of  restitution  on  the  sixth 
of  March,  1629.  It  may  be  regarded  as  the  final  sentence  in  a 
great  suit  which  had  been  going  on  for  more  than  a  century.  The 
protestants  were  condemned  without  appeal,  and  judgment  given 
absolutely  in  favor  of  the  catholics.  "Nothing  remains  for  us," 
says  the  emperor,  "but  to  give  our  support  and  assistance  to  the 
injured  party,  and  to  command  our  commissioners  to  reclaim  from 
their  present  unauthorised  possessors,  all  archbishoprics,  bishoprics, 
prelatures,  monasteries,  and  other  ecclesiastical  property,  confis- 
cated since  the  treaty  of  Passau."  The  commissions  instantly 
made  their  appearance,  and  a  special  one  for  each  circle  of  the  em- 
pire entered  upon  its  functions,  which  were  executed  in  the  most 
resolute  and  arbitrary  manner. 

One  would  have  thought  that  the  pope  would  at  all  events  be 
appeased  by  these  manifestations  of  zeal  for  the  church,  and  would 


110  THE  POWER  OF  FERDINAND  II  [BOOK  VII. 

be  moved  to  some  favor  and  kindness.  Pope  Urban  received  them 
as  the  simple  fulfihnent  of  a  duty.  The  emperor  begged  for  the 
privilege  of  nominating  at  least  the  first  occupants  of  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal oifices  recovered  by  means  of  the  edict  of  restitution;  but  the  pope 
refused  him  even  this,  alleging  that  he  could  not  violate  the  concor- 
dats, which  were  observed  even  in  France."*  There  is  a  sort  of  bit- 
ter h'ony  in  this  refusal,  for  the  French  concordat  secured  to  the  king 
the  very  right  solicited  in  vain  by  the  emperor.  The  emperor  wished 
to  have  power  to  transform  the  restored  monasteries  into  Jesuits' 
colleges:  the  pope  answered  that  the  monasteries  must  be  accounted 
for  directly  to  the  bishops. 

Meanwhile  the  emperor,  who  looked  upon  himself  as  the  great 
champion  of  the  catholic  church,  pursued  his  own  course,  regardless 
of  the  displeasure  of  the  pope. 

He  brought  into  the  field  three  armies  at  once. 

The  first  came  in  aid  of  the  Poles  against  the  Swedes,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  restoring,  to  some  extent,  the  fortunes  of  the  former.  But 
this  was  not  the  only  object;  this  campaign  was  designed  at  the  same 
time  to  restore  Prussia  to  the  empire  and  the  Teutonic  order,  from 
which  it  had  been  w rested. t 

Another  army  marched  upon  the  Netherlands,  toco-operate  with 
the  Spaniards  in  the  reduction  of  those  provinces.  The  troops 
poured  themselves  across  the  plain  of  Utrecht  towards  Amsterdam, 
and  it  was  only  the  accident  of  a  surprise  they  encountered  at  Wesel, 
which  prevented  great  results  from  this  combination. 

Meanwhile  a  third  army  assembled  at  Memmingen  and  Lindau, 
destined  to  proceed  into  Italy  and  to  decide  the  Mantuan  question 
by  the  sword.  The  Swiss  could  not  be  prevailed  on  to  allow  the 
troops  a  passage;  it  was  therefore  forced:  at  the  same  moment 
Luciensteig,  Cliur  and  all  the  Grison  passes  to  the  lake  of  Como 
were  occupied,  and  the  army,  to  the  number  of  35,000  men,  de- 
scended the  valleys  of  the  Adda  and  the  Oglio. 

The  Duke  of  Mantua  was  once  more  summoned  to  submit.  He 
replied  that  he  was  under  the  protection  of  the  king  of  France,  and 
that  any  denmnds  or  conditions  must  be  addressed  to  that  monarch. 
While  the  Germans  moved  upon  Mantua  and  the  Spaniards  upon 
Montferrat,  the  French  likewise  appeared  a  second  time  in  the 
field.  This  time,  too,  they  obtained  some  successes;  tliey  took 
Saluzzo  and  Pinerolo,  but  they  accomplished  nothing  decisive  of 

*  Lettera  di  segreteriadi  stato  al  nuntio  Pallottali  28  Aprile,  1629.  The  pope 
destined  his  nuncio  at  Cologne,  Pier  Liiicri  Caraffa,  for  Lower  Saxony,  "con 
titolo  per  la  reslitutione  de'  beni  ecclesiastici,  edeliberodi  darijli  anche  la  facolta 
a  parte  se  fosse  stato  bisogno  di  usarle  nelle  controversie  fra  ecclesiastici  ed  eccle- 
siastici." 

f  Memoires  et  negotiations  de  Rusdorf,  ii,  724:  "Comiti  Negromontano 
(Schwarzpiiberg)  Viennae  nuper  claris  verbis  a  consiliariis  et  ministris  C^esaris 
dictum  fuit,  imperatorem  scilicet  sibi  et  imperio  subjecturum  quidquid  milite  suo 
in  Borussia  occuparit  et  ceperit." 


CH.  IV.  §  III.]  IN  1629.  HI 

the  matter  at  issue;  nor  were  they  even  able  to  bend  the  Duke  of 
Savoy  again  to  their  will. 

The  Spaniards  laid  siege  to  Casale;  the  Germans,  after  a  short 
truce,  to  Mantua,*  and  had  a  decided  superiority. 

It  was  no  wonder  if  this  state  of  things  suggested  recollections  of 
the  ancient  supremacy  of  the  emperor,  or  thai  these  were  cinrently 
expressed  in  Vienna.  "We  will  show  the  Italians,"  said  they, 
"  tliat  there  is  still  an  emperor,  and  that  he  will  call  them  to  ac- 
count." 

Venice  iiad  more  especially  drawn  upon  herself  the  haired  of  the 
house  of  Austria.  It  was  judged  at  Vienna,  that  wiien  once  Man- 
tua had  surrendered,  the  terra-firma  of  Venice  could  no  longer 
resist.  In  a  few  months  it  must  fall  into  the  hands  of  Austria,  who 
would  then  demand  the  restitution  of  the  imperial  fiefs.  The 
Spanish  ambassador  went  still  further.  He  compared  the  Spanish- 
Austrian  power  with  that  of  Rome,  and  the  Venetian  with  that  of 
Carihage.  "  Aut  Roma,"  exclaimed  he,  "  aut  Carthago  delenda 
est." 

Here,  too,  the  temporal  rights  of  the  empire,  as  against  the 
papacy,  were  called  to  mind. 

Ferdinand  II  desired  to  he  crowned,  and  requested  that  the  pope 
would  meet  him  for  that  purpose  at  Bologna  or  Ferrara:  the  pope 
did  not  venture  either  to  promise  or  to  refuse  absolutely,  and  sought 
to  extricate  himself  from  his  difficulty  by  a  mental  reservation. t — 
'I'he  feudal  rights  of  the  empire  over  Urbino  and  Montefeltro  next 
came  under  discussion,  and  the  papal  nmicio  was  unceremoniously 
told,  that  Wallensiein  would  inform  himself  more  accurately  about 
them  when  he  came  to  Italy.  This  was,  in  fact,  Wallenstein's  in- 
tention. He  had  originally  been  opposed  to  an  Italian  war;  but 
now  that  he  saw,  as  he  declared,  that  the  pope  and  his  allies  wanted 
to  crush  the  house  of  Austria,  he  was  for  it.J  He  hinted  that  it 
was  a  iunidred  years  since  Rome  had  been  sacked,  and  that  it  must 
be  much  richer  now  than  then. 

*  The  Ilth  book  of  the  Istoria  di  Pietro  Giov.  Capriata  investigates  the  par- 
ticular importance  of  each  of  these  events. 

f  "  Se  bene  Urbano  una  volta  usci  coll'  ambasclatore  Savelli  che  bisognando 
si  saria  trasferito  a  Bologna  o  Ferrara,  non  intese  pero  dire  in  correspeltivita 
di  qnello  che  espresse  11  principe  di  Eckenberg." 

X  A  letter  by  Pallotta  on  the  10th  of  August,  1628,  shows  what  was  the 
general  opinion  of  the  pope  at  Vienna:  "  E  stato  qui  rappresentato  da'  maligni, 
che  son  quelU  che  vogliono  la  guerra,  che  lo  stato  di  Milano  sta  in  grandissimo 
pericolo,  essendo  cosa  sicura  che  papa  Urbano  havendo  vastissimi  pensieri  sia 
di  cattivo  aninrio  verso  la  casa  d' Austria,  che  percio  si  habbia  da  temere  di  S.  S'* 
non  meno  che  di  Veneziani  e  di  Francesi  havendo  gli  stati  cosi  vicini  al  ducato 
di  Milano  e  potendo  in  un  tratto  mettere  potente  esercito  in  campagna:  e  di  pivi 
gli  stessi  maligni  hanno  rappresentato  per  cosa  gia  stabilita  che  S.  S'  vuole  in 
ogni  modo  far  fare  re  de'  Romani  il  re  di  Francia,  ed  in  confermazione  di  cio 
hanno  allegato  che  essendo  la  S'  S.  nunzlo  In  Francia  dicesse  alia  regina  che 
s'egli  arrivava  ad  esser  papa,  voleva  procuraredi  fare  re  de'  Romani  il  suo  figli- 
ulo,  il  quale  ancora  era  fanciullo." 


112  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  SWEDEN.  [BOOK  VII. 

Neither  was  France  to  be  spared.  The  emperor  thought  to  re- 
cover the  three  ahenated  bishoprics  by  force  of  arms.  His  plan 
was  to  invade  France  with  Cossack  troops  from  Poland;  and  the 
quarrels  of  Louis  XIII  with  his  brother  and  his  mother  seemed  to 
offer  a  tempting  opportunity. 

The  house  of  Austria  thus  occupied  a  position  which  enabled  it 
boldly  to  pursue  its  designs  against  the  protestants,and  at  the  same 
time  to  exercise  a  potent  check  on  the  catholic,  opposition  and  on 
the  pope  himself. 


§  4.     NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  SWEDEN. ELECTORAL  DIET  OF 

RATISBON. 

In  former  ages,  whenever  a  conjuncture  like  that  which  we  have 
just  described  had  been  foreseen  or  feared,  even  in  a  distant  futurity, 
every  power  in  Europe  possessing  the  least  remaining  independence 
had  combined.  It  was  now  actually  present.  The  catholic  oppo- 
sition looked  around  for  help  beyond  the  pale  of  Catholicism;  not, 
as  before,  from  jealousy,  but  for  defence  and  salvation.  But  to 
whom  could  this  party  turn?  England  had  ample  employment  at 
home, in  the  quarrels  between  the  king  and  the  parliament,  and  more- 
over was  engaged  in  fresh  negotiations  with  Spain.  The  Nether- 
lands were  overrun  by  the  enemy;  the  German  protestants  either 
beaten  or  overawed  by  the  imperial  troops,  and  the  king  of  Den- 
mark compelled  to  accede  to  a  disadvantageous  peace.  There  re- 
mained only  the  king  of  Sweden. 

While  the  protestants  were  defeated  on  every  hand,  Gustavus 
Adolphus  alone  had  been  victorious.  He  had  conquered  Riga,  the 
whole  of  Livonia  as  far  as  Dunamlinde,  and,as  the  Poles  expressed 
it,  "as  much  of  Lithuania  as  he  had  pleased;"  in  162G  he  appeared 
in  Prussia,  chiefly,  as  he  said,  to  inspect  the  state  of  the  clergy  in 
the  diocese  of  Ermeland;  he  had  taken  the  two  chief  seats  of  re- 
stored Catholicism  in  that  country,  Frauenburg  and  Braunsberg, 
and  had  thus  opened  a  new  and  strong  asylum  to  oppressed  pro- 
testantism. All  eyes  were  turned  upon  him.  "  Above  all  men," 
writes  Rusdorf,  as  early  as  the  year  1624,  "I  revere  and  admire 
this  victorious  hero;  I  honor  him  as  the  sole  prop  of  our  cause,  as 
the  terror  of  our  common  foes;  my  prayers  accompany  the  career 
of  his  fame,  which  soars  far  above  the  reach  of  envy."*  Gustavus 
Adolphus  had  indeed  suflercd  some  loss  in  the  battle  of  the  plain 
of  Stumm,  where  he  himself  was  in  imminent  danger  of  being  taken 
prisoner;  but  the  chivalrous  valor  with  which  he  cut  his  way 

*  Unsdorf,  Memoires,  ii,  2:  "Ejus  gloriam  invidiaj  metas  eluctatam,  excelsam 
infract!  aiiimi  magnitudinem,  et  virtutis  magis  ac  magis  per  merita  cnitescentis 
et  assurgcntis  invictum  robur  cum  stupore  adoro  et  supplici  voto  prosequor." 


CH.  IV.  §  IV.]  DIET  OF  RATISBON.  113 

through  the  enemy,  cast  an  addhional  lustre  over  his  reputation, 
and  he  kept  tlie  field  in  spile  of  this  reverse. 

To  this  heroic  prince  the  Frencli  now  addressed  themselves. 
They  first  negotiated  a  truce  between  him  and  the  Poles,  and  it  is 
very  possible  that  the  views  of  the  emperor  upon  Prussia,  to  which 
we  have  alluded,  conduced  to  inspire  the  magnates,  if  not  the  king, 
of  Poland,  with  an  inclination  for  peace.*  They  thus  made  some 
advance  towards  the  attainment  of  their  chief  aim — that  of  drawing 
the  king  of  Sweden  to  Germany;  and  in  case  they  succeeded,  the 
only  reservation  they  contemplated  was,  to  introduce  into  the  treaty 
some  stipulations  in  favor  of  Catholicism,  With  this  condition  they 
declared  themselves  ready  to  aid  the  king,  who  was  to  bring  a  con- 
siderable army  into  the  field,  with  answerable  supplies  in  money. 
After  some  hesitation,  king  Gustavus  consented  to  their  proposals. 
In  his  instructions  he  avoids  all  allusion  to  religion;  alleging  only 
as  the  objects  of  the  alliance,  the  restoration  of  the  ancient  rights  of 
the  estates  of  Germany,  the  removal  of  the  imperial  troops,  and  the 
security  of  commerce  and  of  the  sea.t  A  compact  was  drawn  out, 
in  which  the  king  engaged  to  tolerate  the  catholic  mode  of  worship 
wherever  he  found  it,  and  in  the  affairs  of  religion  to  abide  by  the 
laws  of  the  empire  (to  use  the  exi)ression  employed).  This  was 
necessary  also  on  account  of  the  pope,  to  whom  it  was  immediately 
announced.  The  ratification  of  the  treaty  was  indeed  retarded  by 
some  formalities,  but  in  the  summer  of  1630  it  was  regarded  as 
definiiive.J  The  papal  nuncio  in  France  maintained  that  Venice 
had  pledged  herself  to  pay  a  third  of  the  subsidies.§  I  have  not 
been  able  to  niake  out  what  foundation  there  is  for  this  assertion, 
but  it  is  certainly  rendered  probable  by  the  general  state  of  affairs. 

But  could  it  be  hoped  that  Gustavus  Adolphus  would  be  able 
single-handed  to  break  the  might  of  the  imperial  allied  armies,  and 
to  conquer  them  in  the  field?  Nobody  believed  it  possible.  It  ap- 
peared, therefore,  extremely  desirable  to  excite  a  movement  ia 
Germany  itself,  calculated  to  favor  his  undertaking. 

For  this  end  the  protestants  might  doubtless  be  reckoned  upon. 

*  Rusdorf,  1.  i,  724;  "  Polonioe  proceres,  si  unquam,  vel  nunc  maxime  pacera 
desiderabunt." 

f  "Tenor  mandatorum  quaj  S.  R.  Maj.  Sueciss  clementer  vult  ut  consiliarius 

ejus Dn.  Carnerarius  observare  debeat,  UpsaliaB,  18  Dec.  1G29."     Mosera 

patriotisches  Archiv.,  vol.  vi,  p.  133. 

^  Bagni,  18  Giugno,  1630.  He  gives  in  the  following  form,  with  slight  va- 
riations, ihe  article  which  also  appears  in  the  treaty  of  the  6th  Jan.  1631:  "  Si 
rex  aliquos  progressus  faciet,  in  captis  aut  deditis  locis,  quantum  ad  ea  quae  re- 
ligionem  spectant,  observabit  leges  imperii."  He  also  shows  what  construction 
was  put  upon  if..  "  Le  quali  leggi,"  he  adds,  "dicevano  dovereintendersi  delta 
religione  cattolica  e  delta  confessione  Augustana."  Thus  Calvinism  would 
have  remained  excluded. 

§  Bagni,    16   Luglio,   1630.     "  Sopragiunsero,"  it  is   said   in  the   extract, 
"  nuove  lettere  del  Bagni  coll'  aviso  che  alia  prefata  confederatione  fra  il  re  di 
Francia  e  lo  Sueco  erasi  aggiunta  la  republica  di  Venetia,  la  quale  obligavasi  a 
contribuire  per  la  terza  parte." 
VOL.  II. — 11 


114  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  SWEDEN.  [bOOK  VII. 

Whatever  might  be  the  poUcy  suggested  to  individual  princes  by 
personal  considerations  or  by  fear,  yet  that  fermentation  which  pe- 
netrates to  the  very  core  of  social  life,  and  which  is  the  harbinger 
of  mighty  convulsions,  had  seized  upon  all  minds.  As  a  proof  of 
this  1  will  mention  only  one  thought  which  was  rife  at  that  time. 
When  attempts  were  made  in  some  places  to  carry  into  effect  the 
edict  of  restitution,  and  the  Jesuits  intimated  their  intention  of  not 
even  recognising  the  treaty  of  Augsburg,  the  protestants  gave  out 
that  before  this  could  come  to  pass,  the  German  empire  and  nation 
should  be  utterly  shattered  and  overthrown:  "rather  woilld  they 
cast  away  all  law  and  order,  and  restore  Germany  once  more  to 
the  solitude  and  the  wildness  of  her  ancient  forests." 

But  this  was  not  all.  Discontents  and  divisions  appeared  on  the 
catholic  side  also. 

It  is  impossible  to  describe  the  agitation  occasioned  by  the  design 
of  the  Jesuits  to  take  possession  of  the  lands  of  the  restored  monas- 
teries. The  Jesuits  were  said  to  have  declared  that  there  were  no 
benedictines  remaining;  that  they  had  all  fallen  otf  from  the  disci- 
pline of  their  order,  and  were  not  competent  to  resume  possession 
of  the  property  they  had  lost.  They  contested  even  their  claims 
on  the  score  of  service;  they  would  not. hear  of  conversions  having 
been  wrought  by  them;  what  appeared  such,  they  said,  were  only 
the  work  of  force.*  Thus  even  before  any  restoration  of  the  church 
lands  had  taken  place,  they  excited  discord  and  contention  between 
the  orders  for  the  right  of  possession,  and  between  the  emperor  and 
the  pope  for  the  right  of  collation. 

To  these  religious  differences  were  now  added  secular  ones  of  a 
yet  more  extensive  nature.  The  imperial  troops  were  an  insup- 
portable burthen  to  the  country;  they  exhausted  its  resources,  and 
those  of  its  inhabitants;  and  the  princes  had  no  better  treatment  at^ 
the  hands  of  the  general,  than  the  citizen  or  the  peasant  at  those  of 
the  soldier.  Wallenstien  held  the  most  insolent  language.  The 
old  allies  of  the  emperor,  the  heads  of  the  league,  above  all  Maxi- 
mihan  of  Bavaria,  were  dissatisfied  with  the  present  and  anxious 
about  the  future. 

*  The  violent  controversial  writings,  attacks  and  replies  produced  by  this 
affair,  give  us  insight  into  the  subject  of"  dispute,  but  none  into  the  truth  of  the 
facts.  "  E  verissimo,"  says  the  papal  nuncio  in  a  letter  written  in  cipher,  "che 
i  padri  Gesuiti  hanno  procurato  e  procurano  col  favore  dell'  imperatore,  che  non 
puo  esser  maggiore,  di  non  solo  soprastare  agli  altri  religioso,  ma  di  escluderli 
dove  essi  v'hanno  alcun  interesse  o  politico  o  spirituals"  J  find,  nevertheless, 
that  the  emperor,  however  great  at  that  time  his  devotion  to  the  Jesuits,  was 
inclined  in  the  year  1G29  to  make  entire  restitution  of  their  possessions  to  the 
older  orders.  This  is  stated  by  Pier  Luigi  Carafta,  nuncio  at  Cologne.  But 
the  Jesuits  had  already  gained  their  point  at  Rome,  where  in  July,  1629,  a  de- 
cree was  issued,  "che  alcuna  parte  (dei  beni  ricuperati)  potesse  convertirsi  in 
erezioni  di  seminarj,  di  alunnati,  di  scuole  e  di  collegj  tanto  de'  padri  Gesuiti, 
qnali  in  gran  parte  furono  motori  dell'  editto  di  Cesare,  come  di  altri  religiosi." 
'J  he  schools  of  the  Jesuits  would  thus  have  spread  overall  the  north  of  Germany. 


CH.  IV.  §  IV.]  DIET  OP  RATISBON.  115 

In  this  situation  of  things  it  happened  that  Ferdinand  assembled 
the  cathoHc  electors  at  Ratisbon  in  the  summer  of  1630,  with  a  view 
to  procure  the  election  of  his  son  as  king  of  the  Romans.  On  such 
an  occasion  it  inevitably  followed,  that  all  other  public  affairs  came 
under  discussion. 

The  emperor  plainly  saw  that  he  must  concede  something.  His 
private  intention  was  to  give  way  on  some  points  of  German  alTairs; 
he  showed  himself  disposed  to  prolong  the  suspension  of  the  edict 
of  restitution  as  it  regarded  the  territories  of  Brandenburg  and  the 
electorate  of  Saxony;  to  come  to  some  definitive  accommodation  con- 
cerning the  palatinate  and  Mecklenburg,  to  appease  and  conciliate 
Sweden  (for  which  purpose  negotiations  were  already  opened),  and 
in  the  meantime  to  turn  all  his  torces  upon  Italy,  in  order  to  bring 
the  Mantuan  war  to  a  termination,  and  to  extort  from  the  pope  a 
recognition  of  his  ecclesiastical  claims.* 

He  probably  believed  that  since  he  had  to  deal  with  German 
princes,  he  should  obtain  most  by  conciliation  and  concession  in 
German  affairs.     But  the  position  of  things  was  not  so  simple. 

The  spirit  of  the  Italico-French  opposition  had  already  insinuated 
itself  amongst  the  catholic  electors,  and  its  leaders  sought  to  turn  the 
discontents  prevailing  among  the  latter  to  their  own  ends. 

First  appeared  the  papal  nuncio  Rocci  in  Ratisbon,  and  as  an  inevi- 
table consequence  of  his  cliaracter  and  function,  used  every  means 
to  thwart  the  execution  of  the  Italian  and  anti-papal  schemes. 

The  pope  had  charged  him  to  make  it  his  first  care  to  be  upon  a 
good  understanding  with  the  elector  of  Bavaria;  in  a  short  time  he 
announced  that  this  understanding  was  maintained  in  theprofoundest 
secrecy;t  he  produced  a  declaration  of  the  catholic  electors,  that 
they  v/ould  preserve  a  strict  union  with  him  in  all  ecclesiastical 
affairs,  and  especially  would  maintain  inviolate  the  jurisdiction  and 
dignity  of  the  papal  see.  But  to  give  a  decisive  turn  to  affairs, 
father  Joseph,  the  confidant  of  Richelieu  came  to  his  aid.  On  no 
occasion  was  the  consummate  cunning  of  that  capuchin,  more  busy, 
more  successful,  or  more  obvious  to  all  acquainted  with  the  transac- 
tions, than  on  this.  His  companion  in  Ratisbon,  Monsierde  Leon, 
who  lent  his  name  to  this  embassy,  is  reported  to  have  said,  that 

*  Dispaccio  Pallotta,  2  Ag.  1630,  gives  the  following  amongst  the  points 
which  were  to  be  taken  into  consideration:  1°.  "  Se  si  doveva  sospendere  o  tirare 
avanti  I'editto  della  ricuperatione  de'beni  eccl=';  2°.  se  havendosi  da  procedere 
avanti,  si  avesse  da  sospendere  quanto  a  qiielli  che  erano  negli  stati  dell'  elettori 
di  Sassonia  e  di  Brandenburgo:  ed  inclinavcm  a  sospenderh;  3°.  quanto  ai  bene- 
ficii  e  beui  eccl«'  che  si  erano  ricuperati,  pretendevasi  che  alii  imperatori  spet- 

tasse  la  nominazione 6°.  trattavasi  di  restituire  il  ducatodi  Mechelburgh 

agli  antichi  padroni,  siccome  il  palatinato  almeno  inferiore  al  palatino  con  per- 
petuo  pregiuditio  dclla  religione  cattolica  come  era  seguito  con  Danimarca." 

I  Dispaccio  Rocci,  9  Sett.  1630:  "  E  questa  corrispondenza  riusci  moltofrut- 
tuosa,  perche  Baviera  di  buon  cuore  opero  che  in  quel  convento  nonsi  tratto  delle 
operationi  sopra  mentovate." 


116  SWEDISH  WAR.  [BOOK  VII. 

father  Joseph  had  no  soul,  but  in  its  stead  shallows  and  quicksands, 
into  which  every  one  must  fall  who  had  any  dealings  witii  him. 

By  the  instrumentality  of  such  mediators  the  Itahco-French  op- 
position quickly  won  over  the  emperor's  German  confederates. 
Nothing  was  done  for  the  reconciliation  of  the  empire  with  Sweden, 
or  for  the  pacification  of  the  prolestants;  nor  had  the  pope  ever 
given  his  consent  to  the  suspension  of  the  edict  of  restitution.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  electors  pressed  for  the  restoration  of  peace  in 
Italy;  they  demanded  the  dismissal  of  the  imperial  commander-in- 
chief,  who  had  assumed  the  bearing  of  an  absolute  dictator;  and  so 
mighty  was  this  influence,  so  adroitly  was  it  exercised,  that  the 
puissant  emperor,  at  the  zenith  of  his  power,  yielded  without  re- 
sistance and  without  conditions. 

While  these  negotiations  were  carrying  on  in  Ratisbon,  liis  troops 
had  conquered  Mantua;  he  might  regard  himself  as  master  of  Italy, 
when  at  this  moment,  he  consented  to  cede  Mantua  to  the  Duke  of 
Nevers,  in  exchange  for  the  empty  formality  of  an  apology.  But 
the  other  demands  made  upon  liim  afforded  perhaps  yet  more 
striking  evidence  of  the  relative  address  of  the  parties.  The  German 
princes,  France,  and  the  pope,  were  all  equally  overawed  by  the 
general,  on  whose  personal  qualities  the  whole  fortune  of  the  im- 
perial arms  depended.  It  is  no  cause  of  wo)ider  if  they  hated  him 
and  desired  to  be  rid  of  him.  The  emperor,  for  peace'  sake,  gave 
him  up. 

At  the  very  moment  when  he  might  have  obtained  the  sove- 
reignty of  Italy,  he  let  it  slip  through  his  hands.  At  the  very  mo- 
ment when  the  most  formidable,  most  warlike  enemy  attacked  him 
in  Germany,  he  dismissed  the  captain  who  alone  was  capable  of 
defending  him.  Never  did  policy  and  diplomacy  obtain  a  more 
solid  or  a  more  brilliant  triumph. 


§  5.    SWEDISH  WAR — SITUATION  AND  POLICY  OP  THE  POPE. 

This  was  the  true  commencement  of  the  war.  It  cannot  be  de- 
nied that  Gustavus  Adolphus  opened  it  under  the  uiost  favorable 
circumstances.  For  the  imperial  army  drawn  together  by  the  name 
of  Wallenstein  was  personally  devoted  and  bound  to  that  great 
commander.  The  emperor  had  disbanded  a  part  of  it,  and  had 
subjected  the  contributions  levied  by  the  generals,  which  had 
hitherto  been  left  to  their  own  discretion,  to  the  arbitration  of  the 
circles  of  the  empire,*  and  at  length,  by  the  act  of  dismissing  his 
general,  he  had  destroyed  his  army  and  robbed  it  of  its  moral  force. 
With  troops  thus  disgusted  and  disheartened,  Torqualo  Conti,  an 

*  Adizreitter,  iii,  xv,  48:  "  Caesar  statuit  ne  in  posterum  stipcndia  pro  tribu- 
norum  arbitrio,  sed  excirculorum  praescripta  moderatione  penderentur." 


CH.  IV.  §  v.]  SITUATION  OF  THE  POPE.  117 

Italian  who  had  formerly  been  in  the  pope's  service,  had  to  make 
head  against  the  emboldened  and  zealous  enemy.  As  might  have 
been  anticipated,  his  failure  was  complete;  the  imperial  army  ap- 
peared no  longer  the  same;  nothing  was  seen  but  indecision,  terror, 
and  disaster;  Gustavus  Adolphus  completely  routed  it  and  took  up 
a  strong  position  on  the  lower  Oder. 

At  first  it  v\^as  thought  in  southern  Germany  that  this  was  of 
little  importance  to  the  rest  of  the  empire;  and  Tilly  meanwhile 
continued  his  operations  on  the  Elbe  with  perfect  coolness.  The 
conquest  he  at  lengdi  achieved  of  Magdeburg  appeared  to  the  pope 
a  great  victory  and  inspired  the  highest  hopes.  A  commissary  was 
actually  appointed  at  Tilly's  suggestion,  to  arrange  the  affairs  of 
the  archbishopric  according  to  the  laws  of  the  catholic  church. 

But  it  was  this  very  measure  which  determined  the  protestant 
princes  who  had  hitherto  been  wavering,  to  join  Gustavus  Adolphus, 
and,  while  Tilly  sought  to  prevent  them,  to  declare  an  enmity  to 
the  league  which  rendered  it  impossible  any  longer  to  discriminate 
between  the  leaguers  and  the  imperialists.  Tiie  battle  of  Leipzig 
followed.  Tilly  was  completely  routed,  and  the  protestant  armies 
overran  the  territories  of  the  leagued  princes,  as  well  as  those  of 
the  emperor.  Wurzburg  and  Bamberg  fell  into  the  king's  hands; 
the  protestants  of  the  far  north  encountered  on  the  banks  of  the 
Rhine  the  ancient  champions  of  Roman  Catholicism,  the  troops  of 
Spain;  their  skulls  lie  mingled  at  Oppenheim.  Mayence  was  con- 
quered; all  the  oppressed  princes  joined  the  king,  and  the  expelled 
count  palatine  appeared  in  his  camp. 

Thus  was  the  necessary  result  of  an  enterprise,  which  had  been 
excited  and  approved  by  the  catholic  opposhion  from  political 
views,  advantageous  to  protestantism.  The  party  that  had  been 
utterly  overpowered  found  itself  once  more  victorious.  It  is  true, 
the  king  extended  his  protection  to  the  catholics  generally,  as  he 
was  bound  to  do  by  the  terms  of  his  alliance;  but  he  at  the  same 
time  declared  that  he  was  come  to  rescue  his  fellow-believers  from 
the  violence  offered  to  their  consciences;*  he  took  the  Lutheran 
ministers  who  lived  under  catholic  governments  under  his  special 
protection — as  for  instance  those  of  Erfurt;  he  also  everywhere 
proclaimed  the  Augsburg  confession;  the  ejected  pastors  returned 
to  the  Palatinate,  and  the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  worship  once  more 
traversed  the  empire  under  the  banners  of  the  victorious  army. 

Such  were  the  strange  and  perplexed  results  of  the  policy  of 
Urban  VIII.  In  so  far  as  the  king  attacked  and  overcame  the 
Austrian  power,  he  was  the  natural  ally  of  the  pope,  and  this  was 
immediately  evident  in  the  affairs  of  Italy;  for  disheartened  by  the 
disasters  in  Germany,  the  emperor  acquiesced  in  more  unfavorable 
terms  in  the  affair  of  Mantua,  in  the  year  1631,  than  had  been  pro- 

*  Letter  from  the  king  to  the  town  of  Schweinfurt,  given  in  Chemnitz,  Schwe- 
discher  Krieg,  part  i,  p.  231. 

11* 


118  SWEDISH  WAR.  [BOOK  VII. 

posed  to  him  the  year  before  at  Ratisbon.  Nay,  there  even  sub- 
sisted indirect,  if  not  direct,  ties  between  the  papal  see  and  the 
protestant  powers  which  were  once  more  engaged  in  a  successful 
struggle.  "  I  speak  with  good  grounds,"  says  Ahhse  Contarini, 
who  had  been  first  at  the  French  and  then  at  the  Roman  court, 
"for  I  was  present  at  all  the  negotiations;  the  pope's  nuncios 
always  favored  RicheHeu's  undertakings,  both  when  they  had  for 
their  object  his  own  safety,  and  when  they  aimed  at  uniting  Bavaria 
and  the  League  with  France;  with  regard  to  his  alUance  with 
Holland  and  the  protestant  powers  generally,  they  held  their  peace, 
that  they  might  not  say  they  had  sanctioned  it.  Other  popes  would 
perhaps  have  had  this  connivance  upon  their  conscience,  but  the 
nuncios  of  Urban  VIII  found  this  the  road  to  greater  consideration 
and  to  personal  advancement."* 

The  emperor  made  loud  and  bitter  complaints;  he  said  that  the 
Roman  court  had  first  persuaded  him  to  publish  the  edict  of  resti- 
tution and  now  deserted  him  in  the  war  which  it  had  occasioned; 
that  the  pope  had  thwarted  the  election  of  his  son  as  king  of  the 
Romans;  that  he  had  encouraged  the  elector  of  Bavaria  by  word 
and  deed  to  follow  a  separate  policy  and  to  ally  himself  with 
.France;  that  it  was  in  vain  to  apply  to  Urban  for  those  succors  in 
money  and  troops  which  other  popes  had  so  often  afforded;  and 
that  he  even  refused  to  pronounce  condemnation  on  the  alliance 
of  the  French  with  heretics,  or  to  proclaim  this  war  to  be  a  war  of 
religion. t  In  the  year  1632,  we  find  the  imperial  ambassadors  in 
Rome  reiterating  with  peculiar  emphasis  the  last  charge.  The  de- 
claration of  his  holiness,  they  say,  may  still  produce  the  greatest 
effect;  it  is  still  not  absolutely  impossible  to  drive  out  the  king  of 
Sweden,  who  has  not  more  than  thirty  thousand  men.  The  pope 
replied  with  frigid  pedantry,  "  With  thirty  thousand  men  Alexander 
conquered  the  world."  He  persisted  in  asserting  that  it  was  not  a 
war  of  religion — that  it  concerned  only  affairs  of  state;  and  that 
moreover  the  papal  treasury  was  exhausted  and  he  could  do  no 
more. 

The  members  of  the  curia,  and  the  inhabitants  of  Rome  were 
amazed.  "Amidst  the  conflagration  of  churches  and  monasteries," 
said  they,  "  the  pope  remained  stiff  and  cold  as  ice.     The  king  of 

*  Al.  Contarini,  Relatione  di  Roma,  1635.     See  App.  No.  115. 

if  Aluise  Contarini:  "  Gli  Alemanni  si  pretendono  delusi  dal  papa,  perche 
dopo  aver  egli  reiteratnente  persuaso  I'imperatore  di  ripetere  dagli  eretici  i  beni 
ecclesiastic!  d'Alemagna  cli'  erano  in  loro  niani,  origine  di  tante  guerre,  resist- 
esse  S.  S'»  poi  alle  reiterate  spedizioni  di  card^'  e  d'amb"^'  nelle  assistenze  di  da- 
naro,  nel  mandar  gente  e  bandiere  con  I'esempio  de'  precessori,  nel  publicar  la 
guerra  di  religione,  nell'  impedire  coUe  scomuniclie  gli  appoggi  ai  medesimi  he- 
retici  della  Francia:  anzi  nel  medesimo  tempo  ritardata  I'eletlione  del  re  de'  Ro- 
raani,  confortato  il  duca  di  Baviera  con  la  lega  cattolica  all'  unione  di  Francia, 
assistendo  lo  medesimo  di  danari  e  di  consiglio  per  sostenersi  in  corpo  separato. 
II  papa  si  lagna  d'esser  tenuto  eretico  et  amatore  di  buoni  progressi  de'  protes- 
tant!, come  tal  volta  in  effetto  non  li  ebbe  discari," 


CH.  IV.  §  v.]  SITUATION  OF  THE  POPE.  11& 

Sweden  had  more  zeal  for  his  Lutheranism,  than  the  holy  father 
for  the  only  true  faith." 

The  Spaniards  once  more  proceeded  to  a  protest.  Cardinal  Bor- 
gia now  appeared  before  Urban  VIII  as  Olivarcz  had  done  before 
Sixtus  V,  to  protest  solemnly  against  the  conduct  of  his  lioliness. 
A  scene  ensued  even  more  violent  than  on  that  occasion.  Whilst 
the  pope  broke  out  into  furious  anger  and  interrupted  the  envoy, 
the  cardinals  present  took  part  on  one  side  or  the  other.  The  envoy 
was  forced  to  content  himself  with  giving  in  a  written  protest.* — 
But  this  did  not  satisfy  the  zealously  religious  party,  and  the  idea 
of  summoning  a  council  in  opposition  to  the  pope  was  already  sug- 
gested, especially  by  cardinal  Ludovisio,  the  nephew  and  minister 
of  the  former  pope.t 

But  what  a  fire  would  such  a  measure  have  lighted  up!  Events 
already  took  a  turn  which  left  no  doubt  as  to  their  nature,  and 
which  would  of  necessity  give  another  direction  to  papal  policy. 

Urban  VIII  flattered  himself  for  a  time  that  the  king  would  con- 
clude a  treaty  of  neutrality  with  Bavaria,  and  would  restore  the 
ejected  spiritual  princes  to  their  dominions.  But  this  attempt  at  a 
reconcilement  of  interests  so  directly  at  variance,  soon  utterly  failed. 
The  Swedish  troops  inundated  Bavaria,  Tilly  fell;  Munich  was 
conquered,  and  Duke  Bernard  threatened  the  Tyrol. 

These  things  left  no  room  for  doubt  as  to  what  the  pope  and 
Catholicism  had  to  expect  from  Sweden.  How  utterly  was  the 
situation  of  things  changed  in  a  moment!  While  perhaps  the 
catholic  party  had  cherished, the  hope  of  restoring  the  protestant 
endowments  in  North  Germany  to  Catholicism,  Gustavus  now  con- 
ceived the  plan  of  transforming  the  South-German  endowments 
which  were  in  his  power,  into  secular  principalities.  He  already 
began  to  talk  of  his  duchy  of  Franconia,  and  seemed  to  intend  to 
fix  his  royal  court  at  Augsburg. 

Two  years  before  the  pope  had  had  to  fear  a  descent  of  the  Aus- 
trians  upon  Italy,  and  had  been  menaced  with  an  attack  on  Rome 
itself  Now,  the  Swedes  ajipeared  on  the  frontiers  of  Italy,  and 
under  the  conduct  of  a  victorious  leader  whose  very  title — the  king 
of  the  Swedes  and  Goths — suggested  to  either  party  a  crowd  of 
recollections. J 

*  "  Nella  quale,"  sa)'^s  cardinal  Cecchini  in  his  autobiography,  "  concludeva 
che  tutti  11  danni  che  per  le  presenti  turbolenzeerano  per  venire  allachristianitd, 
sariano  stati  attribuiti  alia  negllgenza  del  papa."     See  App.  No.  121. 

f  Al.  Contarini  speaks  of  the  "  orecchio  che  si  prestava  in  Spagna  alle  prati- 
che  di  Ludovisio  per  un  concilio." 

ij:  Al.  Contarini  asserts  nevertheless  that,  "  L'opinione  vive  tuttavia  che  a 
S.  S "  sia  dispiaciuta  la  morte  del  re  di  Suezia  e  che  piii  goda  o  per  dir  meglio 
manco  tema  i  progressi  de'  protestanti  che  degli  Austriaci." 


120  BALANCE  OF  THE  [BOOK  VII. 


§   6.    RESTORATION  OF  THE  BALANCE  OF  THE  TWO  CONFESSIONS. 

I  have  no  intention  of  tracing  the  course  of  that  struggle  which 
for  sixteen  years  longer  desolated  Germany.  It  is  sufficient  if  we 
have  remarked  how  that  mighty  torrent  of  Catholicism  which 
seemed  likely  to  overspread  Germany  forever,  just  as  it  was  pre- 
paring to  sweep  away  the  protestant  faith  at  its  very  sources,  was 
checked  in  its  career,  and  triumphantly  forced  back.  It  may  be 
observed  generally,  that  Catholicism,  viewed  as  one  body,  was  un- 
able to  sustain  its  own  victories.  Even  the  head  of  the  church  be- 
Ueved  himself  compelled  by  political  considerations  to  oppose  the 
very  powers  which  were  the  foremost  champions  and  propagators 
of  his  spiritual  authority.  Catholics,  acting  in  accordance  with  the 
pope,  evoked  the  yet  unsubdued  forces  of  protestantism,  and  pre- 
pared the  way  for  their  success. 

Plans  so  vast  as  those  conceived  by  Gustavus  Adolphus  in  the 
plenitude  of  liis  power,  could  not  indeed  be  executed  after  the  early 
death  of  that  prince;  for  the  triumphs  of  protestantism  were  by  no 
means  to  be  ascribed  to  its  own  intrinsic  strength.  Yet  neither 
was  Catholicism,  even  when  it  had  concentrated  its  forces,  when 
Bavaria  once  more  allied  herself  to  the  emperor,  and  Urban  VIII 
contributed  fresh  subsidies,  sufficiently  strong  again  to  overpower 
protestantism. 

This  conviction  soon  obtained,  at  least  in  Germany,  and  indeed 
gave  rise  to  the  treaty  of  Prague.  The  emperor  suffered  his  edict 
of  restitution  to  drop,  while  the  elector  of  Saxony  and  the  states  in 
alliance  with  him,  gave  up  the  hope  of  the  re-establishment  of  pro- 
testantism in  the  hereditary  dominions  of  Austria. 

The  pope,  it  is  true,  opposed  every  measure  at  variance  with  the 
edict  of  restitution,  and  in  the  emperor's  spiritual  council  he  had 
the  Jesuits  on  his  side,  particularly  father  Lamormain,  who  was  con- 
stantly eulogised  on  that  account,  as  "a  worthy  father  confessor,  a 
man  swayed  by  no  temporal  considerations:"*  but  the  majority 
were  against  him;  the  capuchins  Quiroga  and  Valerian,  the  cardi- 
nals Dietrichstein  and  Pazmany,  among  others,  maintained  that  if 
the  catholic  faith  was  upheld  in  its  purity  in  the  hereditary  domi- 
nions, religious  freedom  might  safely  be  granted  in  the  empire. 
The  peace  of  Prague  was  announced  from  every  pulpit  in  Vienna; 
the  capuchins  boasted  of  their  share  in  this  "  honorable  and  holy 
work,"  and  instituted  special  solemnities  in  its  celebration;  scarcely 
indeed  could  the  nuncio  prevent  the  singing  of  Te  Deum.t 

*  Lettera  del  card'  Barberino  al  nuntio  Baglione,  17  Marzo  1635:  "Essendo 
azione  da  generoso  Christiano  e  degno  confessore  di  un  pio  imperatore  cio  clie 
egli  ha  fatto  rimirando  piii  il  ciele  die  il  mondo." 

f  From  the  correspondence  of  Baglioni,  as  extracted  in  the  6th  vol.  of  Nico- 
letti;  e.  g.  14th  of  April,  1635.     "  Disse  un  giorno  il  conte  di  Ognate  che  asso- 


CH.  IV.  §  VI.]  TWO  CONFESSIONS.  121 

Urban  VIII,  though  in  practice  he  had  contributed  so  much  to 
the  defeat  of  all  the  projects  of  cathoHcism,  had  yet  abandoned  no 
claim  in  theory,  and  had  thus  deprived  the  papacy  of  any  partici- 
pation in  the  vital  and  active  interest  of  the  world.  Nothing 
aflbrds  stronger  evidence  of  this  than  the  instruction  wliich  he  gave 
his  legate  Ginetti  on  his  departure  for  Cologne,  in  the  year  1636,  to 
negotiate  a  general  peace.  Precisely  on  all  those  points  upon 
which  every  thing  absolutely  depended,  the  hands  of  the  ambassa- 
dor were  tied.  For  example,  one  of  the  most  urgent  necessities 
was  the  re-establishment  of  the  palatinate,  yet  the  legate  was  en- 
joined to  oppose  the  restitution  of  the  palatinate  to  a  non-catholic 
prince.*  What  had  already  appeared  inevitable  even  during  the 
negotiations  at  Prague,  viz.  to  make  some  concessions  to  the  pro- 
testants  in  reference  to  church  property,  was  now  become  yet  tnore 
SO;  nevertheless  th.e  legate  was  admonished  "to  especial  zeal  in 
yielding  nothing  which  might  be  for  the  advantage  of  the  protes- 
tants  in  respect  of  church  property."  Nor  would  the  pope  accede 
to  any  treaty  of  peace  with  protestant  powers.  His  envoy  was 
not  to  give  his  sanction  to  any  project  for  including  the  Dutch  in 
the  peace;  he  was  to  oppose  any  transfer  or  cession  to  Sweden 
(this  related  only  to  some  pending  discussion  about  a  sea-port); 
"  the  divine  mercy  would  find  means  to  remove  that  nation  out  of 
Germany." 

The  Roman  see  could  no  longer  entertain  any  reasonable  hope 
of  subjugating  the  protestants;  it  is,  however,  most  remarkable 
and  important,  that  Urban— involuntarily  indeed,  but  by  his  stub- 
born pertinacity  in  urging  inipracticable  claims — himself  rendered 
it  impossible  to  exercise  any  material  influence  on  the  relations  of 
catholic  states  to  Rome. 

The  pope  continued  indeed  to  send  his  ambassadors  to  the  con- 
gress which  was  met  for  the  negotiation  of  a  peace;  Ginetti  was 
succeeded  by  Macchiavelli,  Rosetti,  Chigi.     Ginetti  was  accused 

lutamente  il  re  di  Spagna  non  havrebbe  dato  ajuto  alcuno  all'  imperatore  se  non 
in  caso  che  seguisse  la  pace  con  Sassonia:  di  chemaravigliandosi  il  nunzio  disse 
die  la  pieta  del  re  eattolico  richiedeva  che  si  cumulasserogliajuti  non  seguendo 
deUa  pace,  la  quale  doveva  piuttosto  disturbarsi  trattnndosi  con  ereticl,  ed  appli- 
care  I'animo  alia  pace  universale  coi  principi  cattolici.  Fiilli  risposto  che  cio 
seguirebbe  quando  la  guerra  si  fosse  fatta  per  la  salute  delle  aniine  e  non  per  la 
ricuperazione  de'  beni  ecclesiastici,  ed  il  padre  Quirogasoggiunse  al  nunzio  che 
I'imperatore  era  stato  gabbato  da  quelli  che  I'havevano  persuaso  a  fare  I'editto 
delta  ricuperazione  de'  beni  ecclesiastici,  volendo  intendere  de'  Gesuiti,  e  che 
tutto  erasi  fatto  per  interesse  proprio:  ma  avendo  il  nunzio  lisposto  che  la  per- 
suasione  era  stata  interposta  con  buona  intenzione,  il  padre  Quiroga  si  accese 
in  maniera  che  proruppe  in  termini  esorbitanti,  sicche  al  nunzio  fu  difficile  il 
ripigliarlo  perche  maggiormente  non  eccedesse.  Ma  Ognate  passo  piu  oltre, 
diceiido  che  i'imperatore  non  poteva  in  conta  alcuno  ritirarsi  dalla  pace  con  Sas* 
sonia  per  la  necessitd  in  cui  trovavasi,  non  potendo  resistere  a  tanti  nemici,  e  che 
non  era  obbligato  a  rimettervi  I'havere  de'  suoi  stati  hereditarj  ma  solamente 
quelli  del'  imperio,  che  erano  tenuissimi,  e  che  non  compliva  di  tirare  avanti  con 
pericolo  di  perdere  gli  uni  e  gli  altri. 
*  Siri:  Mercuric,  ii,  p.  987. 


122  BALANCE  OF  THE  [BOOK  VII. 

of  being  frugal  to  a  degree  which  was  prejudicial  to  his  utility, 
Macchiavelli,  of  regarding  his  mission  solely  as  a  means  of  ac- 
quiring rank — as  giving  him  a  quahfication  for  a  higher  post; 
Rosetti  was  disagreeable  to  the  Frencli; — such  are  the  reasons 
assigned  for  the  insignificance  of  their  influence.*  The  truth  is, 
that  the  thing  itself — the  position  which  the  pope  had  taken  up  — 
rendered  any  effective  interference  on  the  part  of  the  nuncios  im- 
possible. Chigi  was  able  and  popular;  yet  he  eff'ected  nothing.  A 
peace  was  concluded  before  his  eyes  of  the  very  nature  the  pope 
had  denounced  and  forbidden.  The  elector-palatine  and  all  the 
expelled  princes  were  restored;  so  far  from  any  possibility  of  think- 
ing of  the  edict  of  restitution,  many  religious  endowments  were 
secularised  without  hesitation,  and  given  up  to  the  proteslants. 
Spain  determined  at  length  to  recognise  the  independence  of  those 
rebels  to  pope  and  king — the  Dutch;  the  Swedes  kept  a  consider- 
able portion  of  the  empire.  Even  the  peace  between  the  emperor 
and  France  was  not  such  as  the  curia  could  approve,  containing,  as 
it  did,  stipulations  concerning  Metz,  Toul,  and  Verdun,  by  which 
its  rights  were  invaded.  The  papacy  found  itself  under  the  melan- 
choly necessity  of  protesting;  it  chose  at  least  to  give  utterance  to 
the  principles  which  it  had  been  unable  to  enforce.  But  even  this 
had  been  foreseen.  The  spiritual  articles  of  the  peace  of  West- 
phalia were  prefaced  by  the  declaration,  that  the  contracting  parties 
would  not  regard  the  opposition  of  any  one  soever,  whether  of 
temporal  or  spiritual  estate.! 

By  this  peace  the  grand  struggle  between  catholics  and  protest- 
ants  was  at  length  brought  to  a  close,  though  to  a  far  different  one 
from  that  which  the  edict  of  restitution  was  intended  to  etTect. 
Catholicism  preserved  vast  acquisitions,  since  the  year  1G24  was 
regarded  as  the  normal  year  to  which  the  relative  situation  of  the 
two  parties  was  to  be  referred;  on  the  other  hand,  the  protestant 
party  obtained  that  parity  in  the  diet  which  was  so  indispensable  to 
their  safety,  and  had  been  so  long  withheld.  All  the  relations  of 
the  empire  were  henceforth  governed  by  this  principle. 

It  is  obvious  that  an  end  was  now  for  ever  put  to  such  schemes 
as  had  formerly  been  undertaken,  and  had  formerly  succeeded. 

The  results  of  the  German  contest  re-acted  immediately  on  the 
neighboring  countries. 

Although  the  emperor  had  been  able  to  maintain  the  ascendency 
of  Catholicism  in  his  hereditary  dominions,  he  was  obliged  to  make 
concessions  to  the  protestants  in  Hungary;  in  the  year  IfMS  he 
found  himself  constrained  to  restore  to  them  no  inconsiderable 
number  of  churches. 

After  the  vast  and  sudden  elevation  of  Sweden  to  the  dignity  and 
importance  of  a  great  power,  Poland  could  hardly  think  of  renew- 

*  Pallavicini:  Vita  di  papa  Alessandro  VII,  MS.  '  See  App.  No.  130. 
I  Treaty  of  peace  of  Osnabriick.     Article  V,  §  1. 


CH.  IV.  §  VI.]  TWO  CONFESSIONS.  123 

ing  her  old  claims  to  that  country.  Wladislaus  IV  did  not  imitate 
the  proselyting  zeal  of  his  fatiier,  and  was  a  gracious  king  to  his 
dissident  subjects. 

Even  in  France,  Richelieu  favored  the  Huguenots  after  they 
were  stripped  of  their  political  independence.  He  rendered,  liovv- 
ever,  a  far  more  important  service  to  the  protestant  principle  by 
that  mortal  combat  which  he  continued  to  wage  against  the  pre- 
eminently catholic  power  of  Spain;  a  combat  which  shook  the 
Spanish  monarchy  to  its  very  foundations.  This  discord  was  the 
only  one  which  the  pope  might  have  allayed  without  a  scruple. 
But  while  all  others  were  in  fact  appeased,  this  remained  still  active, 
and  incessantly  agitated  the  bosom  of  the  catholic  world. 

The  Dutch,  until  the  peace  of  Westphalia,  had  taken  the  most 
successful  part  in  the  war  against  Spain.  This  was  the  golden  age 
of  the  power  and  the  prosperity  of  Holland.  I3ut  from  the  time 
they  aspired  to  domination  in  the  East,  they  came  into  violent  col- 
lision there  with  the  successful  catholic  missions. 

In  England  alone,  Catholicism,  or  somethmg  having  an  analogy 
with  its  outward  forms,  seemed  to  find  acceptance.  We  remark 
envoys  from  the  English  court  in  Rome,  and  papal  agents  in  Eng- 
land; the  queen,  of  whom  a  sort  of  official  recognition  obtained  in 
Rome,*  exercised  an  influence  over  her  husband  which  appeared 
inevitably  to  extend  to  religion  also;  and  in  many  of  its  usages  and 
ceremonies  the  church  of  England  closely  approximated  to  that  of 
Rome.  But  these  symptoms  were  only  the  forerunners  of  the  very 
reverse  of  what  they  seemed  to  promise.  It  is  highly  improbable 
that  Charles  I  ever  in  his  heart  dissented  from  the  protestant  faith; 
but  even  the  slight  approximations  to  the  catholic  ritual  in  which 
he  indulged,  were  decisive  of  his  ruin.  It  seemed  as  if  the  violent 
excitement  which  had  caused  such  long,  universal,  and  perpetually 
recurring  conflicts  in  the  protestant  world  at  large,  was  now  con- 
centrated in  the  English  puritans.  In  vain  did  Ireland  strive  to 
withdraw  herself  from  their  despotism,  and  to  organise  herself  as  a 
catholic  country;  the  subjection  to  which  she  was  reduced  was  but 
the  more  absolute.  The  aristocracy  and  the  commons  of  England 
constituted  a  power,  the  rise  of  which  marks  the  restored  prosperity 
of  protestantism  in  Europe. 

13y  these  events  eternal  barriers  were  erected  against  the  progress 
of  Catholicism,  which  has  now  its  assigned  and  definite  limits;  nor 
can  its  most  ardent  or  sanguine  partisans  enteriain  any  serious 
thought  of  that  conquest  of  the  world  which  they  once  contempla- 
ted and  projected. 

*  Nani:  Relatione  di  Roma,  1640.  "  Con  la  regina  d'Inghilterra  passa  com- 
municatione  de'  minislri  con  officii  e  donativi  di  cortesia,  e  si  concede  a  quella 
M"'  nominatione  di  cardinale  a  pare  degli  aUri  re."  Spada:  Relatione  delta 
nunziatura  di  Francia,  1G41:  "  II  S''  Conte  Rosetti,  residente  in  quel  regno,  bene 
corrisponde  nell'  ossequio  gli  ordini  del  S'  card'  Barberini  protettore  tuUi  pieni 
deir  ardore  e  zelo  di  S.  Em'^'. 


124  BALANCE  OF  THE  [BOOK  VII. 

Indeed  the  intellectual  development  of  Europe  has  rendered  this 
impossible. 

A  current  of  opinions  and  of  tastes  dangerous  to  the  lofty  unity 
claimed  by  the  church,  has  set  in,  and  bears  all  before  it;  the  reli- 
gious element  is  become  powerless;  political  considerations  rule  the 
world. 

For  it  was  not  by  their  own  arms  that  the  protestants  were  saved. 
The  main  cause  of  their  deliverance  was  a  schism  in  the  bosom  of 
Catholicism,  which  enabled  them  to  re-establish  themselves.  In  the 
\j  year  1631  we  find  the  two  groat  catholic  powers  in  alliance  with 
the  protestants;  France  undisguisedly,  Spain  in  secret.  It  is  certain 
that  the  Spaniards  had  at  that  time  established  an  understanding 
with  the  French  Huguenots. 

But  the  protestants  were  as  little  united.  Not  only  did  Luthe- 
;  rans  and  Calvinists  attack  each  other — this  had  always  been  the 
^  case — but  the  ditierent  sects  of  Calvinists,  although  unquestionably 
contending  for  a  common  cause,  took  opposite  sides  in  this  war. 
The  naval  power  of  the  Huguenots  was  broken,  solely  by  the  sup- 
port which  their  co-religionists  and  ancient  allies  were  induced  to 
afford  to  the  crown  of  France. 

The  head  of  Catholicism  himself,  the  pope  of  Rome,  who  had 
hitherto  directed  the  attacks  on  tlie  protestants,  at  length  put  aside 
these,  the  highest  interests  of  the  spiritual  authority.  He  took  part 
against  those  who  had  labored  most  zealously  for  the  restoration  of 
Catholicism;  his  conduct  was  guided  by  the  views  and  considerations 
incident  to  his  temporal  sovereignty.  He  returned  to  that  line  of 
policy  which  had  been  abandoned  ever  since  the  reign  of  Paul  HI, 
We  may  remember  that  in  the  earlier  half  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
nothing  contributed  so  much  to  advance  the  cause  of  protestantism 
as  the  political  efforts  of  the  popes:  to  these,  as  far  as  human  views 
can  reach,  did  protestantism  now  owe  its  salvation  and  its  stability. 

}3ut  this  example  could  not  fail  to  work  upon  the  other  powers, 
German-Austria,  which  had  so  long  remained  unshaken  in  iier  or- 
thodoxy, at  length  embraced  the  same  policy;  and  the  position  she 
assumed  subsequently  to  the  peace  of  Westphalia,  rested  on  her 
intimate  alliaiice  with  North  Germany,  F^ngland,  and  Holland, 

If  we  inquire  what  were  the  deeper  causes  of  this  phenome- 
non, we  should  look  for  it  amiss,  solely  in  the  deadening  of  religious 
impulses,  or  the  embittering  of  religious  differences.  It  appears  to 
me  that  we  must  seek  elsewhere  the  substance  and  the  significance 
of  the  fact. 

In  the  first  place,  the  great  spiritual  battle  had  accomplished  its 
work  in  the  minds  of  men.  In  earlier  times  Christianity  had  been 
rather  an  aflair  of  surrender  of  the  heart  and  understanding,  of 
simple  unquestioning  acceptance,  of  faith  untouched  by  a  doubt; 
now  it  was  become  a  matterof  conviction,  of  conscious  compliance. 
Still  more  important  was  it  that  men  had  to  choose  between  two 
different  creeds;  that  they  had  to  reject,  abjure,  to  change.     Men 


CH.  IV.  §  VI.]  TWO  CONFESSIONS.  125 

were  personally  addressed  and  solicited;  their  freedom  of  judgment 
was  invoked.  Hence  it  happened  that  ideas  connected  with  Chris- 
tianity penetrated  more  deeply  and  more  perfectly  into  every  de- 
partment of  life  and  thought. 

To  this  is  to  be  added  another  important  consideration. 

It  is  indeed  true  that  the  prevalence  of  internal  differences  dis- 
turbed the  unity  of  collective  Christendom;  but,  if  we  do  not  de- 
ceive ourselves,  it  is  another  universal  law  of  human  things  that 
this  disturbance  prepared  a  higher  and  a  larger  developement  of 
the  human  mind.  ^ 

In  the  press  of  the  universal  struggle,  religion  was  conceived  by 
different  nations  after  the  different  varieties  of  its  dogmatical  forms. 
The  peculiar  dogma  adopted  was  incorporated  with  the  feeling  of 
nationality,  as  a  possession  of  the  community — of  the  state  or  the 
people.  It  was  won  by  the  sword,  maintained  amidst  a  thousand 
dangers — it  had  become  part  of  the  life's  blood  of  the  nation. 

Hence  it  has  come  to  pass,  that  the  states  on  either  side  have 
grown  into  great  ecclesiastico-political  bodies,  whose  individuality 
is  marked,  on  the  catholic,  by  the  measure  of  their  devotedness  to 
the  Roman  see,  and  of  the  degree  of  toleration  or  exclusion  of  non- 
catholics;  but  still  more  strongly  on  the  protestant,  where  the  de- 
parture from  the  symbolical  books  adopted  as  tests,  the  mixture  of 
the  Lutheran  and  the  Calvinistic  creeds,  the  greater  or  less  approxi- 
mation to  an  episcopal  constitution  of  the  church,  form  so  many 
striking  and  obvious  distinctions.  The  first  question  in  every 
country  is,  what  is  its  dominant  religion?  Christianity  appears  un- 
der various  forms;  but  however  great  be  the  discrepancies  between 
them,  no  parly  can  deny  to  another  the  possession  of  the  funda- 
mentals of  faith.  On  the  contrary  these  several  forms  are  guaran- 
teed by  compacts  and  by  treaties  of  peace,  to  which  all  are  parties, 
and  which  are,  as  it  were,  the  fundamental  laws  of  a  universal 
republic. 

Never  more  can  the  thought  of  exalting  the  one  or  the  other  con- 
fession to  universal  supremacy  find  place  among  men.  The  only 
consideration  now  is,  how  each  state,  each  people,  can  best  proceed 
from  the  basis  of  its  own  politico-religious  principles,  to  the  deve- 
lopment of  its  intellectual  and  moral  powers. 

On  this  depends  the  future  condition  of  the  world. 


VOL.  n.  — 12 


BOOK     VIII. 

1590—1630. 


129 


BOOK  VIII. 

1590—1630. 


INTRODUCTION. 

After  the  attempt  made  by  the  popes  to  regain  their  dominion 
over  the  world,  which,  triumphant  as  had  been  its  success  for  a 
while,  yet  ended  in  defeat  and  failure,  their  position,  and  the  inte- 
rest \yhich  their  history  is  calculated  to  inspire,  were  essentially 
altered.  The  relations  of  Rome  as  a  political  state,  its  administra- 
tion, and  its  internal  progress  now  chiefly  claim  our  attention. 

Like  travellers  who  quit  some  range  of  lofty  mountains  com- 
manding a  wide  and  magnificent  prospect,  to  enter  a  valley  which 
circumscribes  their  view  within  its  narrow  boundaries,  we  pass 
from  the  survey  of  the  great  events  of  the  world's  history  in  which 
the  papacy  played  so  important  a  part,  to  the  observation  of  the 
occurrences  peculiar  to  the  States  of  the  Church. 

The  States  of  the  Church  first  attained  to  their  complete  consti- 
tution in  the  times  of  Urban  VIII.  At  this  epoch  let  us  begin  their 
history. 


§   I.    THE  ESCHEAT  OF  URBINO. 

The  duchy  of  Urbino  included  seven  towns  and  three  hundred 
castles.  It  consisted  of  a  fruitful  plain,  bordered  on  the  one  side 
by  the  sea,  and  advantageously  placed  for  commerce,  and  on  the 
other,  crowned  by  the  salubrious  and  picturesque  range  of  the 
Apennines. 

The  dukes  of  Urbino,  like  those  of  Ferrara,  had  been  celebrated 
for  their  feats  in  arms,  their  patronage  of  literature,  and  for  the 
liberal  splendor  of  their  court.*     In  the  year  1570  we  find  four 

*  Bernardo  Tasso  has  addressed  a  splendid  panegyric  to  them  in  the  47th 
book  of  the  Amadigi: 

"  Vedete  i  quattro  a  cui  il  vecchio  Apennino 
Ornera  il  petto  suo  di  fiori  e  d'  erba," 
12* 


130  ESCHEAT  OF  URBINO.  [BOOK  VIII. 

court-households  established  by  Guidobaldo  II;  for  his  consort,  for 
the  prince,  and  for  the  princess,  besides  his  own;  all  of  them  were 
brilliant,  aHke  frequented  by  the  nobility  of  the  country,  and  open 
to  strangers.*  Every  foreigner,  according  to  ancient  custom,  was 
lodged  in  the  palace.  The  revenues  of  the  country  would  not 
have  sufficed  for  such  an  expenditure,  since  even  in  the  most 
flourishing  state  of  the  corn  trade  in  Sinigaglia,  they  did  not  amount 
to  more  than  100,000  scudi.  But  the  princes  were  always  nomi- 
nally in  the  service  of  some  foreign  potentate;  and  the  fortunate 
position  of  the  country  in  the  centre  of  Italy  led  the  princes  of  the 
neighboring  states  to  vie  with  each  other  in  endeavors  to  secure 
its  attachment  by  demonstrations  of  favor  and  grants  of  money.  It 
was  a  common  remark  in  the  country,  that  the  prince  brought  in 
more  money  than  he  cost. 

Here  too,  as  everywhere  else,  attempts  were  indeed  made  to 
augment  the  taxes;  but  the  difficulties  which  arose,  especially  in 
Urbino  itself,  were  so  great,  that,  partly  from  good  feeling  and 
partly  from  necessity,  the  government  contented  itself  with  its  cus- 
tomary income.  Ancient  privileges  and  statntes  likewise  remained 
inviolate.  Under  the  protection  of  this  house  San  Marino  preserved 
its  inoffensive  freedom.t  Whilst  in  all  the  rest  of  Italy  the  power 
of  the  prince  became  more  absolute  and  uncontrolled,  it  remained 
here  confined  within  its  ancient  limits. 

Hence  arose  the  strong  attachment  of  the  inhabitants  for  their 
dynasty:  they  were  the  more  devoted  to  it,  because  they  knew  that 
a  union  with  the  States  of  the  Church  would  infallibly  be  attended 
with  the  dissolution  of  all  their  ancient  relations,  and  the  loss  of  their 
ancient  liberties. 

The  lineal  continuation  of  the  ducal  family  was  therefore  an  affair 
of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  country. 

Francesco  Maria,  the  prince  of  Urbino,  resided  for  some  time 
at  the  court  of  Philip  1 1,  J  where  he  formed,  it  is  said,  a  very  serious 
attachment  to  a  Spanish  lady,  whom  he  pnrposed  to  marry.  But 
his  father  Guidobaldo,  positively  opposed  the  match ;  he  was  resolved 

*  Relatione  di  Lazzaro  Mocenigo  ritornato  da  Guidubaldo  duca  d'Urbino, 
1570:  "  Vuole  alloggiar  tutti  li  personaggi  che  passano  per  il  suo  stato,  il  numero 
de'  quali  alia  fine  dell'  anno  si  trova  esser  grandissimo." 

f  "  Ha  humore  d'esser  republica,"  says  S.  of  Marino  in  a  "  Discorso  a  N.  S. 
Urbano  VIII  sopra  lo  stato  d'Urbino."  On  its  transfer  to  the  States  of  the 
Church,  it  acquired  fresh  privileges. 

ij:  In  the  Amadigi  there  is  a  very  pretty  description  of  him  while  yet  a  boy: 

"  Quel  piccolo  fanciul,  che  gli  occhi  alzando 
Par  che  si  speccbi  nell'  avo  e  nel  padre 
E  I'alta  gloria  lor  quasi  pensando." 

Mocenigo  describes  him  at  the  time  of  his  marriage:  "  Giostra  leggiadramente, 
stadia  et  e  intclligente  delle  matematiche  e  delle  fortificationi:  tanto  gagliardi 
sono  i  suoi  esercilii — come  giuocare  alia  balla,  andare  alia  caccia  a  piedi  per 
habituarsi  all'  incomodo  della  guerra — e  cosi  conlinui  che  molti  dubitanoche  gli 
abbino  col  tempo  a  nuocere." 


§  I.]  ESCHEAT  OF  URBINO.  131 

to  admit  into  his  house  none  but  a  daughter-in-law  of  equal  rank. 
He  compelled  his  sou  to  return,  and  to  give  his  hand  to  Lucrezia 
d'Este,  a  princess  of  the  house  of  Ferrara. 

In  many  respects  they  appeared  to  be  well  matched.  The  prince 
was  agile  and  strong,  accustomed  to  athletic  sports,  and  not  un- 
learned, especially  in  the  art  of  war:  the  princess  was  intelligent, 
majestic,  and  graceful.  The  people  indulged  the  hope  that  this 
marriage  would  secure  the  perpetuation  of  the  reigning  family;  and 
the  towns  rivalled  each  other  in  the  triumphal  arches  and  splendid 
presents  with  which  they  welcomed  the  arrival  of  the  princely 
couple. 

But  the  misfortune  was,  that  the  prince  had  only  numbered  five- 
and-twenty  years,  while  the  princess  had  nearly  completed  forty. 
The  father  had  overlooked  this  drawback,  in  order  to  color  his  re- 
jection of  the  Spanish  lady  (which  however  had  produced  an  un- 
favorable impression  at  the  court  of  Philip),  by  so  high,  so  brilliant, 
and  so  wealthy  an  alliance.  The  marriage  turned  out,  however, 
worse  than  he  could  have  imagined.  After  Guidobaldo's  death, 
Lucrezia  was  compelled  to  return  to  Ferrara,  and  all  hope  of  pos- 
terity was  at  an  end.* 

In  a  former  part  of  this  history  we  have  seen  what  a  decisive  in- 
fluence Lucrezia  d'Este  exercised  upon  the  fate — the  dissolution — 
of  the  duchy  of  Ferrara.  We  now  find  her  most  unhappily  impli- 
cated in  the  affairs  of  Urbino. 

As  soon  as  Ferrara  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  pope,  the 
escheat  of  Urbino  appeared  inevitable,  and  the  more  so  as  there 
were  no  agnates  who  could  claim  the  succession.  Nevertheless, 
the  face  of  affairs  was  once  again  changed.  In  February,  1598, 
Lucrezia  died,  and  Francesco  Maria  was  free  to  contract  a  new 
marriage. 

The  people  of  Urbino  were  soon  afterwards  overjoyed  at  the  in- 
telligence that  the  good  prince,  who  had  ruled  them  for  so  many 
years  with  so  mild  and  peaceful  a  sway,  and  who  was  the  object 
of  universal  love,  had  hopes,  although  he  was  already  advanced  in 
life,  that  his  race  would  not  end  with  himself.  The  vows  of  all 
were  offered  up  for  the  safe  delivery  of  the  new  duchess;  when  the 
time  drew  near,  the  nobles  of  the  land  and  the  magistrates  of  the 
cities  assembled  in  Pesaro,  where  she  was  residing,  and  during  her 
labor  the  square  before  the  palace  and  the  nearest  streets  were 
crowded  with  people.  At  length  the  duke  showed  himself  at  the 
window,  and  cried  with  a  loud  voice,  "  God  has  vouchsafed  to  us 
a  boy."  The  news  was  received  with  indescribable  joy  and  exul- 
tation. The  cities  built  churches  and  founded  pious  endowments 
in  fulfilment  of  their  vows.t 

*  Mathio  Zane,  Relatione  del  Duca  d'  Urbino,  1574,  says  that  Lucrezia  is  al- 
ready a  "  Signora  di  bellezza  manco  che  mediocre,  ma  si  tien  ben  acconcia 

si  dispera  quasi  di  peter  veder  da  questo  matrimonio  figliuoli." 

f  "  La  devoluzione  a  S.  chiesa  degli  stati  di  Francesco  Maria  II  della  Rovere 


133  ESCHEAT  OF  URBINO.  [BOOK  VIII. 

But  how  treacherous  are  the  hopes  that  are  set  upon  men! 

The  prince  was  extremely  well  brought  up,  and  gave  evidence 
of  talent,  at  least  of  a  literary  kind.  The  old  duke  had  the  pleasure 
of  marrying  him  to  a  princess  of  Tuscany,  after  which  he  withdrew 
to  the  quiet  retreat  of  Castel-durante,  and  made  over  the  govern- 
ment to  his  son. 

But  no  sooner  was  the  prince  his  own  master,  and  the  master  of 
the  country,  than  he  was  seized  by  the  intoxication  of  power.  It 
was  just  then  that  the  taste  for  the  theatre  became  strong  and  pre- 
valent in  Italy,  and  the  young  prince  was  the  more  completely 
hurried  away  by  it,  in  consequence  of  a  passion  he  conceived  for 
an  actress.  By  day  he  indulged  in  the  Neronian  pleasure  of  driving 
chariots;  in  the  evening  he  appeared  himself  upon  the  stage,  and 
indulged  in  a  thousand  other  disgraceful  excesses.  The  respect- 
able citizens  looked  sorrowfully  at  each  other.  They  hardly  knew 
whether  to  lament  or  to  rejoice,  when,  in  the  year  1623,  the  prince, 
after  a  night  spent  in  the  wildest  orgies,  was  found  in  the  morning 
dead  in  his  bed. 

Hereupon  the  aged  Francesco  Maria  was  compelled  once  more 
to  resume  the  government;  full  of  deep  grief  that  he  was  now  the 
last  of  the  line  of  Rovere,  and  that  his  house  verged  to  its  extinc- 
tion; oppressed  and  dejected  at  having  to  take  upon  himself  the 
burthen  of  public  business,  and  to  bear  up  against  the  bitter  inju- 
ries and  insults  of  the  Roman  pontiff.* 

From  the  first,  he  saw  reason  to  apprehend  that  the  Barberini 
would  get  possession  of  the  surviving  daughter  of  his  son,  a  child 
of  a  year  old.  To  secure  her  for  ever  from  their  suit,  he  betrothed 
her  to  a  prince  of  Tuscany,  and  removed  her  immediately  into  the 
adjacent  state. 

But  this  was  no  sooner  concluded  than  another  calamity  arose. 
The  emperor  laid  claim  to  some  parts  of  the  territory  of  Urbino; 
while  on  the  other  hand  Urban  VIII  demanded  a  declaration  from 
the  duke,  that  he  held  all  his  possessions  as  a  fief  of  the  papal  see. 
Francesco  Maria  hesitated  a  longtime;  this  declaration  appeared 
to  him  against  his  conscience;  at  last  he  consented  to  make  it,  but 
"  from  that  day,"  says  our  chronicler,  "  he  was  never  cheerful 
more;  he  felt  his  soul  oppressed  by  it." 

He  was  soon  afterwards  obliged  to  concede  that  the  governors  of 
his  fortified  towns  should  swear  allegiance  to  the  pope.  At  length 
— it  was,  in  fact,  the  best  thing  he  could  do — he  surrendered  the 
government  of  the  country  entirely  to  the  authorities  appointed  by 
the  pope. 

Weary  of  life,  enfeebled  by  age,  bowed  down  by  sorrow,  after 
he  had  seen  all  his  confidential  friends  die  around  him,  the  duke 

ultimo  duca  d'Urbino,  descritta  dall'  ill™  S''  Antonio  Donati  nobile  Venetiano." 
(Inff.  Politt.,  which  also  is  already  printed.) 

*  P.  Contarini:  "  Trovandosi  il  duca  per  gli  annie  per  1' indispositione  gia 
adente  prosternato  et  avvilito  d'  anirao." 


§  II.]  INCREASE  OF  THE  PUBLIC  DEBT.  133 

found  his  only  consolation  in  the  practices  of  devotion.  He  died 
in  the  year  1631. 

Taddeo  Barberini  instantly  hastened  to  take  possession  of  the 
country.  The  allodial  inheritance  went  to  Florence;  the  territory 
of  Urbino  was  placed  on  the  footing  of  the  other  districts  of  the 
papal  states,*  and  soon  resounded  with  the  complaints  which  the 
government  of  priests  called  forth  wherever  it  existed. 

We  now  come  to  treat  of  their  general  administration;  and  first, 
of  that  point  of  highest  importance,  on  which  all  the  rest  depend — 
finance. 


§    2.    INCREASE    OP    THE    PUBLIC    DEBT    OF    THE    ECCLESIASTICAL 

STATES. 

Although  Sixtus  V  limited  the  public  expenditure  and  amassed 
treasure,  he  at  the  same  time  increased  the  imposts  and  the  revenue, 
and  created  a  great  mass  of  debts. 

It  is  not  every  man  who  has  the  resolution  to  practise  rigid  eco- 
nomy and  to  accumulate  money.  The  necessities  both  of  church 
and  state  became,  too,  every  year  more  urgent.  Occasionally  the 
government  had  recourse  to  the  reserved  treasure;  but  such  rigor- 
ous conditions  were  attached  to  its  application,  that  it  could  only 
be  touched  on  rare  emergencies.  By  a  strange  provision,  it  was 
much  easier  to  raise  loans,  than  to  use  the  money  which  was  lying 
in  the  treasury.  To  the  former  expedient,  therefore,  the  popes 
rushed  with  reckless  precipitation. 

It  is  very  remarkable  to  observe  the  relation  which  the  revenues 
bore  to  the  total  amount  of  the  debt,  and  the  interest  on  it  in  differ- 
ent years,  of  which  we  possess  authentic  accounts. 

In  the  year  15S7  the  revenue  amounted  to  1,358,456  scudi,  and 
the  debts  to  seven  millions  and  a  half  sc.  About  the  half  of  the 
revenue,  715,913  sc.  was  assigned  to  pay  the  interest  of  the  debt. 

In  the  year  1592  the  revenue  rose  to  1,585,520  sc.  the  debts  to 
12,242,620  sc.  The  increase  of  the  debt  was  already  much  greater 
than  that  of  the  revenue;  and  1,088,600  sc.  i.  e.  nearly  two-thirds  of 
the  revenue,  was  assigned  to  pay  the  interest  of  the  debt  in  the  form 
of  vendible  places  and  luoghi  di  monte.t 

This  state  of  things  was  too  embarrassing  not  to  excite  great  anx- 
iety. The  government  would  willingly  have  immediately  proceeded 
to  a  reduction  of  the  rate  of  interest;  the  proposal  was  made,  to  take 

*  In  the  year  1635,  Aluise  Contarini  finds  the  inhabitants  extremely  discon- 
tented: "  Quei  sudditi  s'  ag-gravano  molto  della  mutatione,  chiamando  tirannico 
11  governo  de'  preti,  i  quali  altro  interesse  che  d'  arrichirsi  e  d'  evanzarsi  non  vi 
tengono." 

f  Detailed  account  of  the  papal  finances  in  the  first  year  of  Clement  VIII, 
without  any  particular  title.     Bibl.  Barb.  No.  1699,  on  80  leaves. 


134  INCREASE  OF  THE  DEBT  [BOOK  VIII. 

a  million  out  of  the  castle  and  to  pay  off  the  principal  of  those  who 
might  oppose  a  reduction  of  the  interest.  The  net  income  would 
have  been  raised  by  this  means  very  considerably.  Nevertheless, 
the  bull  of  Sixtus  V,  and  the  precautions  taken  lest  the  treasure 
should  be  squandered,  prevented  that  being  done;  the  pope  was 
forced  to  follow  the  beaten  track. 

It  might  have  been  conjectured  that  the  acquisition  of  so  produc- 
tive a  territory  as  the  duchy  of  Ferrara  would  have  afforded  the 
popes  some  relief;  such,  however,  was  not  the  case. 

Even  in  1599  the  interest  swallowed  up  nearly  three-fourths  of 
the  net  revenue. 

In  the  year  1605,  however,  at  the  commencement  of  the  reign  of 
Paul  V,  the  whole  amount  of  the  taxes  paid  into  the  papal  treasury 
were  assigned  to  the  payment  of  interest  with  the  exception  of 
70,000  sc*  Cardinal  du  Perron  states  that  the  pope  could  not  live 
half  the  year  upon  his  regular  annual  income,  although  the  expen- 
diture of  the  palace  was  very  moderate. 

It  is  therefore  obvious  that  the  pope  could  not  avoid  getting  deeper 
and  deeper  into  debt.  We  learn  from  the  most  authentic  sources, 
how  regularly  Paul  V  proceeded  in  this  course.  In  November 
1607  he  raised  loans;  in  January  1608  he  did  so  twice;  in  March, 
June  and  July,  1608,  twice;  also  in  September  of  the  same  year; 
and  so  on  during  every  year  of  his  reign.  The  loans  do  not  appear 
to  have  been  very  large;  but  the  small  expenses,  as  they  arose, 
were  covered  by  the  establishment  and  sale  of  new  luoghi  di  monte, 
in  greater  or  smaller  numbers.  At  one  time  the  payment  was  as- 
signed upon  the  customs  of  Ancona,  at  another  upon  the  dogana  of 
Rome,  or  of  some  province;  sometimes  on  an  increase  of  the  price 
of  salt,  or  on  the  revenues  of  the  post.  The  effect  was  a  gradually 
extensive  increase  of  these  luoghi  di  monte;  for  Paul  V  alone  added 
to  the  debt  by  above  two  millions.t 

This  however,  could  not  have  been  done  had  not  peculiar  cir- 
cumstances arisen  favorable  to  the  pope's  financial  schemes. 

Power  always  attracts  money;  so  long,  therefore,  as  the  Spanish 
monarchy  was  in  the  ascendant,  and  possessed  a  predominant  in- 
fluence over  Europe,  the  Genoese,  who  were  then  the  richest  mo- 
neyed men,  invested  their  capital  in  loans  to  the  king  of  Spain,  and 
were  not  prevented  from  doing  so  by  sundry  forcible  reductions 
and  seizures  of  Philip  11.  They  gradually,  however,  withdrew 
their  money,  as  the  necessity  for  it  decreased,  and  when  the  wars 
and   consequent  expenditure  ceased.      They  turned  their  views 

*  Per  soUevare  la  camera  apostolica,  discorso  di  M.  Malvasia,  1606:  "  Gli 
interessi  che  hog-gi  pag-a  la  sede  apostolica  assorbono  quasi  tutte  I'entrate,  di 
maniera  che  si  vive  in  continua  angustia  e  difficolta  di  provedere  alle  spece  ordi- 
iiarie  e  necessarie,  e  venendo  occasione  di  qualche  spesa  straordinaria  non  ci  6 
dove  voltarsi." 

t  Nota  de'  luoghi  di  monti  eretti  in  tempo  del  pontificato  dellafelice  memoria 
di  Paolo  V,  160G— 1618. 


§.  11.]  OF  THE  ECCLESIASTICAL  STATES.  135 

towards  Rome,  which  had  meanwhile  assumed  so  powerful  a  po- 
sition, and  the  treasures  of  Europe  were  again  poured  into  that 
city.  Under  Paul  V,  Rome  was  perhaps  the  first  money-market 
of  Europe.  The  Roman  luoghi  di  monte  were  sought  after  with 
extraordinary  eagerness,  and  their  price  rose  to  150  per  cent.,  as 
they  paid  considerable  interest  and  were  sufficiently  secure:  the 
pope,  therefore,  was  sure  of  finding  purchasers  for  as  many  as  he 
could  establish. 

Thus  it  happened  that  the  debts  went  on  perpetually  increasing. 
At  the  commencement  of  the  reign  of  Urban  VIII  they  amoimted 
to  eighteen  millions.  The  revenue  also,  in  consequence  of  the  sys- 
tem in  the  Roman  court,  increased  in  a  corresponding  ratio,  and 
was  reckoned  to  amount,  at  the  commencement  of  that  pope's  reign, 
to  1,818,104  sc.  96  baj.*  I  have  not  been  able  accurately  to  find 
what  amount  was  devoted  to  the  payment  of  interest;  the  greater 
portion,  however,  must  have  been  assigned  to  that  purpose.  If  we 
examine  the  diflerent  heads  of  revenue  separately,  we  find  that  the 
demands  often  exceed  the  revenue.  In  the  year  1592  the  Dogana 
di  Roma  produced  102,450  sc;  in  the  year  1625,  209,000  sc:  in  the 
former  year,  however,  16,956  sc.  had  been  paid  into  the  papal  ex- 
chequer; but  in  1625  the  assignment  of  revenue  exceeded  the  actual 
income  by  13,260  sc.  The  Salara  di  Roma  had,  during  the  same 
period,  risen  from  27,654  to  40,000  sc:  in  1592,  however,  a  surplus 
of  7482  sc.  had  remained;  in  1625,  on  the  contrary,  there  was  a 
deficit  of  2321  sc.  98  baj. 

It  is  obvious  that  little  could  be  effected  by  mere  household 
economy;  still  less  under  a  government  like  that  of  Urban  VIII, 
who  was  impelled  so  often  by  political  jealousy  to  arm  troops  and 
construct  fortifications. 

Urbino  indeed  was  annexed  to  the  Roman  states;  but  this  at  first 
produced  but  little.  After  the  loss  of  the  allodial  lands,  the  revenue 
amounted  only  to  40,000  sc.  On  the  other  hand,  the  forcible  seizure 
of  estates  and  the  important  concessions  necessarily  made  to  the 
heirs,  caused  a  great  outlay. t 

Urban  VIII  had  already,  in  the  year  1635,  increased  the  debt  to 
about  thirty  millions  of  scudi.  In  order  to  raise  the  necessary  means 
to  meet  these  demands,  he  had  levied  ten  new  taxes,  or  at  any  rate 
had  increased  old  ones.  But  even  these  by  no  means  met  the  exi- 
gencies of  the  case.  New  combinations  of  events  which  we  shall 
better  comprehend  after  a  review  of  other  circumstances,  caused 
him  to  proceed  much  further  in  this  disastrous  course. 

*  Entrata  et  uscita  della  sede  apostolica  del  tempo  di  Urbano  VIII. 
f  Remark  made  by  Francesco  Barberini  to  the  nuncio  in  Vienna,  when  the 
emperor  founded  claims  on  that  acquisition. 


136  FOUNDATION  OP  [BOOK  VIII. 


§  3.   FOUNDATION  OF  NEW  FAMILIES. 

If  we  inquire  whither  all  these  revenues  went,  and  to  what  they 
were  applied,  it  will  appear  indisputable  that  they  were  for  the 
most  part  rendered  subservient  to  the  general  cause  of  the  revival 
of  Catholicism. 

Armies  like  that  which  Gregory  XIV  sent  to  France,  and  which 
his  successors  were  compelled  for  a  time  to  keep  on  foot;  the  active 
co-operation  of  Clement  VIII  in  the  Turkish  war;  subsidies  like 
those  so  often  granted  to  the  German  league  and  to  the  house  of 
Austria  by  Paul  V,  doubled  by  Gregory  XV,  and  transferred,  in 
part  at  least,  by  Urban  VIII  to  Maximilian  of  Bavaria;  necessarily 
cost  the  Roman  see  enormous  sums. 

The  exigencies  of  the  States  of  the  Church  also  frequently  de- 
manded extraordinary  outlay;  such,  for  instance,  as  those  occa- 
sioned by  the  conquest  of  Ferrara  under  Clement  VIII;  Paul  V's 
projects  against  Venice,  and  all  the  warlike  preparations  of  Urban 
VIII. 

Another  source  of  expense  was  the  magnificent  public  buildings, 
either  for  the  embellishment  of  the  city  or  for  the  defence  of  the 
country,  in  which  every  new  pope  strove  to  eclipse  the  memory  of 
his  predecessor. 

But  an  institution  was  gradually  formed  which  contributed  not 
a  little  to  the  augmentation  of  this  mass  of  debts,  and  which  was 
indeed  advantageous  neither  to  Christendom,  nor  to  the  country, 
nor  to  the  city;  but  exclusively  to  the  several  families  of  the  popes. 
The  custom  had  universally  obtained  (and  indeed  was  connected 
with  the  relative  position  of  the  priesthood  to  a  very  extensive 
organisation  of  family  relations),  that  the  surplus  of  the  revenues 
of  the  church  should  devolve  on  the  kindred  of  each  individual 
ecclesiastic. 

The  popes  were  prohibited  by  bulls  of  their  predecessors  from 
anting  principalities  to  their  connections,  as  they  had  at  one  time 
attempted  to  do,  but  they  were  not  restrained  from  following  the 
practices  common  to  the  whole  body  to  which  they  belonged  ;  they 
rather  felt  it  the  more  incumbent  upon  them  to  secure  to  their  kins- 
men hereditary  dignity,  by  means  of  wealth  and  stable  possessions. 
They  were  not  slow  in  finding  arguments  to  justify  them  in  this 
mode  of  acting.  In  the  first  place  they  were  bound  by  no  vow  of 
])Overty  ;  and  as  they  inferred  that  they  had  a  right  to  regard  the 
surplus  of  the  profits  of  spiritual  offices  as  their  own  property,  they 
thought  they  had  a  consequent  right  to  make  a  present  of  this  sur- 
plus to  their  kindred. 

But  the  voice  of  family  and  blood,  and  the  natural  inclination 
of  man  to  leave  some  lasting  endowment  after  his  death,  were  in 
fact  more  powerful  than  any  such  theoretical  views. 


§  III.]  NEW  FAMILIES.  137 

The  first  pontiff  who  invented  the  form  which  the  others  followed 
was  Sixtus  V.  He  raised  a  nephew's  son  to  the  rank  of  cardinal, 
committed  to  him  a  share  of  public  business,  and  gave  him  an  ec- 
clesiastical income  of  100,000  sc.  The  other  he  married  to  a  lady 
of  the  house  of  Sommaglia,  and  created  him  Marquess  of  Mentana, 
to  which  estate  were  afterwards  added  the  principality  of  Venafro 
and  the  countship  of  Celano,  in  the  Neapolitan  territory.  The 
house  of  Peretti  long  maintained  a  high  rank  and  estate,  and  we 
find  members  of  it  several  times  hi  the  college  of  cardinals. 

But  the  Aldobrandini  were  far  more  powerful.*  We  saw  what 
an  influence  Pietro  Aldobrandino  possessed  during  the  govern- 
ment of  his  uncle.  As  early  as  the  year  1599,  he  had  not  less  than 
60,000  sc.  a  year  from  church  property,  and  we  may  imagine  how 
enormously  this  must  afterwards  have  increased.  Tiie  inheritance 
of  Lucrezia  d'Este  was  of  great  advantage  to  him;  not  only  did  he 
purchase  land,  but  we  find  that  he  had  money  deposited  in  the  bank 
of  Venice.  But  whatever  wealth  he  might  amass,  must  ultimately 
fall  to  the  family  of  his  sister  and  her  husband  Giovan-Francesco 
Aldobrandino,  who  held  the  offices  of  castellan  of  St.  Angelo,  go- 
venor  of  the  Borgo,  captain  of  the  pope's  guard,  and  general  of  the 
church.  So  early  as  the  year  1599  he  had  an  income  of  60,000  sc. 
a  year,  and  he  often  got  from  the  pope  sums  of  ready  money;  I  find 
an  account  showing  that  Clement  VIII,  in  the  course  of  the  thirteen 
years  of  his  reign,  gave  to  his  kinsmen  above  a  milHon  in  hard 
money.  Their  wealth  was  increased  by  the  good  management  of 
Giovan-Francesco;  he  bought  the  estates  of  Ridolfo  Pio  which  had 
hitherto  produced  only  3,000  sc.  a  year,  and  extracted  from  them  an 
income  of  12,000  sc.  The  marriage  of  his  daughter  Margareta  with 
IJainuccio  Farnese  was  not  effected  without  a  great  ouilay;  she 
brought  her  husband  400,000  sc.  as  dower,  besides  some  other 
advantages.t  This  union  was  not  however  so  happy  a  one  as  had 
been  hoped. 

The  Borghesi  followed  in  the  track  of  the  Aldobrandini,  but 
with  yet  more  reckless  speed. 

Cardinal  Scipione  Cafiirelli  Borghese  had  not  less  power  over 
Paul  V,  than  Pietro  Aldobrandino  over  Clement  VIII.  And  the 
riches  he  amassed  was  even  greater.  It  was  calculated  that  in  the 
year  1612,  the  benefices  which  had  been  conferred  upon  him  pro- 
duced an  income  of  150,000  sc.  Pie  tried  to  disarm  the  envy 
necessarily  attendant  on  power  and  wealth  by  kindness  and  by  a 
courteous  conciliating  manner,  but  it  will  excite  no  wonder  that  he 
did  not  perfectly  succeed. 

*  Niccolo  Contarini,  Storia  Veneta:  "  Clemente  VIII  nel  conferir  li  beneficii 
ecclesiastici  alii  nepoti  non  hebbe  alcun  termine,  et  ando  etiandio  di  gran  lunga 
superiore  a  Sisto  V  suo  precessore,  che  spalanco  questa  porta." 

I  Contarini:  "  II  papa  mostrando  dolore  di  esser  condotto  da  nepoti  da  far  cosi 
contro  la  propria  conscienza,  non  poteva  tanto  nasconder  nel  cupo  del  cuore  che 
non  dirompesse  la  soprabondanza  dell'  allegrezza." 
VOL.  II.  — 13 


138  FOUNDATION  DP  [BOOK  VIII. 

The  temporal  offices  were  given  to  Marc-Antonio  Borghese,  on 
whom  the  pope  also  bestowed  the  principahty  of  Suhnona  in 
Naples,  besides  palaces  in  Rome  and  the  most  beautiful  villas  in 
the  suburbs.  He  heaped  presents  upon  his  nephews.  We  have 
a  list  of  them  through  his  whole  reign  down  to  the  year  1620. — 
Sometimes  they  consist  of  jewels,  or  silver  vessels;  splendid  furni- 
ture was  taken  immediately  from  the  stores  of  the  palace  and  sent 
to  the  nephews;  sometimes  carriages  were  given  them,  sometimes 
muskets  and  falconets;  but  the  principal  thing  was  always  the  hard 
money.  It  appears  that  up  to  the  year  1620  they  had  received  in 
all  689,727  sc.  31  baj.  in  cash;  in  luoghi  dimonte,  24,600  sc,  accord- 
ing to  their  nominal  value;  in  places,  reckoning  them  at  the  sum 
which  they  would  have  fetched  by  purchase,  268,176  sc,  which 
together  amount,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Aldobrandini,  to  near  a  mil- 
lion.* 

The  Borghesi  too  did  not  neglect  to  invest  their  money  in  land. 
They  bought  eighty  estates  in  the  Campagna  di  Roma;  the  Roman 
nobility  being  tempted  by  the  great  prices  given  them,  and  by  the 
high  interest  borne  by  the  luoghi  dimonte  which  they  bought  with 
the  purchase  money,  to  sell  all  their  ancient  and  hereditary  property. 
The  Borghesi  also  established  themselves  in  many  other  districts  of 
the  States  of  the  Church,  which  the  pope  facilitated  by  granting 
them  peculiar  privileges.  In  some  cases  they  received  the  right  to 
restore  exiles;  in  others  to  hold  a  market;  or  their  vassals  were 
favored  by  certain  immunities;  they  were  exempted  from  toll,  and 
they  obtained  a  bull  in  virtue  of  which  their  property  could  never 
be  confiscated.  In  short  the  Borghesi  became  the  richest  and  most 
powerful  family  which  had  yet  arisen  in  Rome. 

The  system  of  nepotism  was  thus  so  thoroughly  organized,  that 
even  a  short  reign  provided  means  for  the  accumulation  of  a  bril- 
liant fortune.! 

Cardinal  Ludovico  Ludovisio,  the  nephew  of  Gregory  XV, 
reigned  more  absolutely  than  any  of  his  predecessors.  By  a  singular 
good  fortune,  during  his  administration  the  two  most  important 
places  in  the  curia,  the  vice-chancellorship  and  the  chamberlainship 
became  vacant  and  fell  into  his  hands.  He  acquired  an  income  of 
above  200,000  sc.  from  church  property.  As  regards  temporal 
power,  the  generalship  of  the  church  and  several  other  profitable 
places  devolved  on  the  pope's  brother,  Don  Orazio,  a  senator  of 
Bologna.  As  the  pope  gave  little  promise  of  a  long  life,  there  was 
the  greater  urgency  to  provide  for  liis  family.     In  a  very  short  time 

*  Noia  di  danari,  officii  e  mobili  donati  da  papa  Paolo  V,  a  suoi  parenli  e 
concessione  fattegli.  MS. 

-j-  Pietro  Contarini,  Relatione  di  IG27:  "  Quello  clie  possiede  lacasa  Peretta, 
Aldobrandina,  Borghese  e  Ludovisia,  li  loro  priiicipati,  le  grossissime  rendite, 
tante  eminentissime  fabriche,  superbissime  supcllettili  con  estraordinarii  orna- 
menti  e  delizie  non  solo  superano  le  conditioni  di  signori  e  principi  privati,  ma  s' 
uo-uawliano  e  s'  avanzano  a  quelle  dei  medesimi  re.*' 


§  ITI.]  NEW  FAMILIES.  139 

they  acquired  luoghi  di  monte  to  the  value  of  800,000  sc.  The 
duchy  of  Fiauo  was  bought  for  them  of  the  Sforze,  and  the  princi- 
pahty  of  Zagarolo  of  the  Farnesi.  The  young  Nicolo  Ludovisio 
was  ah'eady  entitled  to  aspire  to  the  most  brilliant  and  wealthy 
matrimonial  alliances,  and  he  accordingly  brought  into  his  family 
Venosa  by  a  first,  and  Piombono  by  a  second  marriage.  The  favor 
of  the  king  of  Spain  contributed  greatly  to  the  advancement  of  his 
fortune. 

Emulating  these  splendid  examples,  the  Barberini  now  entered 
upon  the  same  career.  By  the  side  of  Urban  VIII  stood  his  elder 
brother  Don  Carlo,  as  general  of  the  church;  a  taciturn,  sedate, 
practised  man  of  business,  who  did  not  suffer  himself  to  be  dazzled 
by  the  dawn  of  his  fortunes,  nor  seduced  into  empty  arrogance,  and 
who  now  steadily  kept  in  view  the  founding  of  a  great  family 
estate.*  "He  knows,"  says  a  report  of  1625,  ''that  the  possession 
of  money  distinguishes  a  man  from  the  mass,  and  does  not  think 
it  seemly  that  he  who  has  once  stood  in  the  relation  of  a  kinsman 
to  the  pope  should  appear,  after  his  death,  in  straitened  circum- 
stances.'^ Don  Carlo  had  three  sons,  Francesco,  Antonio,  and 
Taddeo,  who  now  necessarily  attained  to  high  consideration.  The 
two  elder  entered  the  service  of  the  churcli.  Francesco,  who  con- 
ciliated universal  confidence  by  his  modesty  and  benevolence,  and 
who  knew  how  to  adapt  himself  to  the  caprices  of  his  uncle,  gained 
possession  of  the  powers  of  government,  which,  although  he  used 
them  on  the  whole  with  moderation,  yet  in  so  long  a  course  of 
years  inevitably  led  to  the  accumitlation  of  considerable  wealth. 
In  the  year  1625  he  had  an  income  of  40,000  sc,  and  in  the  year 
1627  nearly  100,000  set  It  was  not  entirely  with  his  good-will 
that  Antonio  was  also  created  cardinal,  and  this  was  done  only 
under  the  condition  that  he  should  take  no  share  in  the  government. 
Antonio,  although  feeble  in  body,  was  aspiring,  obstinate,  and 
proud;  and  in  order  not  to  be  eclipsed  in  every  respect  by  his 
brother,  he  eagerly  possessed  himself  of  a  multitude  of  places, 
which,  in  the  year  1635,  gave  him  an  income  of  100,000  sc.  He 
united  in  his  own  person  six  commanderies  of  Malta,  which  could 
not  be  very  agreeable  to  the  knights  of  that  order;  he  also  took 
presents;  at  the  same  time  he  gave  away  a  great  deal,  and  was 
liberal  on  system,  that  he  might  gain  a  following  among  the  Roman 
nobles.     Don  Taddeo,  the  second  of  these  brothers,  was  the  one 


*  Relatione  de'  quattro  ambasciatori,  1G25.  "  Nella  sua  casa  e  buon  economo 
ethamira  di  far  danari,  assai  sapendo  egli  molto  bene  chel'oro  accresce  la  ripu- 
tatione  agli  uomini,  anzi  1'  oro  gli  inalza  e  gli  distingue  vantaggiossamente  nel 
cospetto  del  mondo." 

I  Pietro  Contarini,  1627:  "  E  di  ottimi,  virtuosi  e  lodevoli  costumi,  di  soave 
natura,  e  con  esempio  unico  non  vuole  ricever  donativi  o  presents  alcuno.  Sara 
nondimeno  vivendo  il  ponteficeal  pari  d'  ogni  altro  cardinale  grande  e  ricco.  Hor 
deve  aver  intorno  80,000  sc.  d'  entrata  de  benefici  iecc^',  e  con  li  governi  e  lega- 
tioni  che  tiene  deve  avvicinarsi  a  100"'  sc." 


140  FOUNDATION  OF  NEW  FAMILIES.  [BOOK  VIII. 

selected  to  found  a  family  by  the  acquisition  of  heritable  property. 
He  was  invested  with  the  rank  and  dignities  of  the  secular  nephew, 
and  after  his  father's  death,  succeeded  to  the  otHces  of  general  of 
the  church,  castellan  of  St.  Angelo,  and  governor  of  the  Borgo;  in 
the  year  1635  he  was  ah-eady  possessed  of  so  many  estates  that  he 
too  had  a  yearly  income  of  100,000  sc.,*  and  was  continually  adding 
to  his  property.  Don  Taddeo  lived  in  a  very  retired  manner,  and 
his  household  was  a  model  of  domestic  economy  and  order.  In  a 
short  time  the  incomes  of  the  three  brothers  were  estimated  at  a 
gross  sum  of  a  half  a  million  of  scudi  per  annum.  The  most  im- 
portant offices  were  held  by  them.  Not  only  was  the  chamberlain- 
ship  given  to  Antonio,  but  the  vice-chancellorship  to  Francesco, 
and  the  prefecture,  which  became  vacant  by  the  death  of  the  Duke 
of  Urbino,  to  Don  Taddeo.  It  was  commonly  thought  that  in  the 
course  of  this  pontificate,  the  incredible  sum  of  a  hundred  and  five 
million  scudi  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Barberini  family.t  "  The 
palaces,"  continues  the  author  of  this  account — "  for  example,  the 
Palazzo  alle  Quattro  Fontane,  a  royal  work — the  vineyards,  the 
pictures  and  statues,  the  wrought  silver  and  gold,  the  jewels,  which 
came  into  their  possession,  are  of  greater  value  than  can  be  be- 
lieved or  expressed."  It  appears  that  the  immense  wealth  amassed 
by  his  family  sometimes  startled  even  the  pope  himself.  In  the 
year  1640  he  appointed  a  commission  to  examine  into  the  legality 
of  the  means  by  which  it  was  acquired. f  This  commission  first 
enounced  the  principle  that  a  temporal  sovereignty  was  connected 
with  the  papacy,  from  the  surplus  revenue  or  the  savings  of  which 
the  pope  was  at  liberty  to  enrich  his  family  and  dependents.  It 
then  deliberated  on  the  nature  of  this  sovereignty,  in  order  to  de- 
termine how  far  the  pope  might  go.  After  mature  calculation, 
the  commissioners  decided  that  the  pope  might,  with  a  safe  con- 
science, found  a  majorat  of  80,000  sc.  net  income,  and  also  an  in- 
heritance for  the  second  son:  and  that  the  dowries  of  the  daughters 
of  the  house  might  amount  to  180,000  sc.  each.  And  as  the  Jesuits 
must  needs  have  a  hand  in  everything,  their  general  Vitelleschi 
was  asked  his  opinion;  he  declared  these  decisions  to  be  moderate 
and  gave  them  his  sanction. 

Thus  did  new  families  continually  rise,  from  pontificate  to  ponti- 

*  i.  e.  Such  was  the  amount  of  the  yearly  income  of  his  landed  property: 
"Per  li  novi  acquisiti,"  says  Al.  Contarini,  "  di  Palestrina,  Monterotondo  e 
Valmontone,  fatto  vendere  a  forza  dai  Colonnesi  e  Sforzeschi  per  pagare  i  de- 
bitiloro "     The  office  of  a  general  of  the  church  was  worth  20,000  scudi. 

f  Conclave  di  Innocenzo  X:  "  Si  contano  caduti  nella  Barberina,  come  risulta 
da  sincera  notitia  di  partite  distinte,  105  milioni  di  contanti."  This  sum  appears 
so  incredible  that  it  might  be  taken  for  an  error  in  writing;  it  however  exactly 
corresponds  in  several  manuscripts,  among  which  are  the  Foscarini  MS.  at 
Vienna,  and  my  own. 

j^  Niccolini  treats  of  this:  I  have  also  seen  a  separate  little  manuscript:  "Mo- 
tivi  a  far  decidere  quid  possit  papa  donare,  al  7  di  Luglio  1640,"  by  a  member 
of  this  commission. 


§    IV.]  WAR  OF  CASTRO.  141 

ficate,  to  hereditary  power;  they  ascended  immediately  into  the 
rank  of  the  high  aristocracy  of  tlie  land,  which  was  indeed  willingly 
conceded  to  them. 

It  may  easily  be  imagined  that  they  were  exposed  to  many  irri- 
tations and  collisions.  The  contests  between  predecessors  and 
snccessors,  which  had  been  previously  carried  on  by  the  factions  of 
the  conclave,  were  now  transferred  to  the  families  of  the  popes. 
The  race  newly  risen  to  power  was  jealously  tenacious  of  its 
supreme  rank,  and  generally  pursued  the  one  which  had  immedi- 
ately preceded  it  with  hostility  or  even  with  active  persecution. 
Notwithstanding  the  great  share  which  the  Aldobrandini  had  had 
in  the  elevation  of  Paul  V,  they  were  set  aside,  treated  with  en- 
mity, and  visited  with  ruinous  and  dangerous  lawsuits  by  his  kin- 
dred;* they  called  him  "  the  great  ungrateful."  Just  as  little  favor 
did  the  kinsmen  of  Paul  V  experience  at  the  hands  of  the  Ludovisi; 
and  lastly,  cardinal  Ludovisio  himself  was  compelled  to  leave  Rome 
immediately  after  the  rise  of  the  Barberini.  For  with  an  ambition 
equal  to  their  rapacity,  that  family  used  the  power  which  the  pos- 
session of  the  papal  authority  gave  them,  to  overbear  the  Roman 
nobles  and  Italian  princes.  Hence  Urban  VIII  conferred  on  his 
lay  nephew  the  dignity  of  prefetto  di  Roma,  because  honorary 
privileges  were  attached  to  it  which  appeared  to  secure  for  ever  to 
his  house  its  precedency  over  all  others. 

With  this  state  of  things  a  movement  was  afterwards  connected, 
which,  though  not  of  a  nature  to  affect  the  condition  of  the  world, 
formed,  as  regards  the  position  of  the  papacy,  an  important  epoch 
both  in  the  interior  of  the  ecclesiastical  states  and  throughout  Italy. 


§  4.    WAR  OP  CASTRO. 

Whatever  might  be  the  pretensions  of  others,  the  Farnesi  con- 
stantly maintained  the  highest  rank  among  the  non-regnant  papal 
families;  since  they  had  not  only  acquired,  like  the  others,  large 
property  in  land,  but  had  likewise  got  possession  of  a  principality 
of  no  inconsiderable  importance;  and  it  had  become  no  easy  task 
for  any  reigning  nephew  to  keep  this  house  in  allegiance  and  due 
subjection.  When  Duke  Odoardo  Farnese  came  to  Rome  in  1639, 
he  was  received  with  every  possible  mark  of  honor.t     The  pope 

*  For  an  instance  in  the  life  of  CI.  Cecchini,  see  Appendix,  No.  121. 

t  Deone,  Diario  di  Roma,  torn,  i:  "  E  fatale  a  sig"  Barberini  di  non  trovare 
corrispondenza  ne'  beneficati  da  loro.  II  duca  di  Parma  fu  da  loro  alloggiato, 
accarezzato,  servito  di  gentil'  huomini  e  carrozze,  boneficato  con  la  reduttione 
del  monte  Farnese  con  utile  di  grossa  somma  del  duca  e  danno  gratidissimo  di 
molti  poveri  particulari,  corteggiato  e  pasteggiato  da  ambi  li  fratelli  card''  per 
spatio  di  piu  settimane,  e  regalato  di  cavalli,  quadri  et  altre  galanterie,  e  si  parti 
da  Roma  senza  pur  salutarli." 

13* 


143  WAR  OF  CASTRO.  [BOOK  VIII. 

assigned  him  a  house,  and  noblemen  to  serve  him,  and  lent  him 
money;  the  13arberini  made  entertainments  for  him,  and  gave  him 
pictures  and  horses,  but  with  all  this  could  not  succeed  in  conciliat- 
ing him  entirely.  Odoardo  Farnese,  a  prince  of  talent,  intelligence, 
and  a  lofty  sense  of  his  own  pretensions,  possessed  in  a  high  degree 
the  ambition  of  those  times,  which  delighted  in  the  jealous  observ- 
ance of  small  distinctions.  It  was  impossible  to  induce  him  duly  to 
recognise  the  dignity  of  a  prefetto  in  the  person  of  Taddeo,  or  to 
concede  to  him  the  rank  which  was  attached  to  that  office.  Even 
when  he  visited  the  pope,  he  appeared  impressed  to  an  offensive 
degree  with  the  dignity  of  his  house,  and  insolently  conscious  of  his 
own  personal  advantages.  Misunderstandings  arose  which  it  was 
the  more  impossible  to  remove,  since  they  had  their  source  in  in- 
delible personal  impressions. 

It  now  became  a  serious  question  what  sort  of  escort  was  to  be 
assigned  the  duke  on  his  departure.  Odoardo  demanded  the  same 
honors  which  had  been  paid  to  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany;  viz. 
that  the  ruling  nephew,  cardinal  Francesco  Barberini,  should  escort 
him  in  person.  To  this  the  cardinal  would  only  consent,  on  condi- 
tion that  the  duke  would  first  pay  him  a  farewell  visit  of  ceremony 
at  the  Vatican,  which  Odoardo  did  not  consider  himself  under  any 
obligation  to  do.  Certain  difficulties  were  also  thrown  in  the  way 
of  his  pecuniary  arrangements,  so  that  his  self-love  having  received 
a  double  wound,  he  was  violently  exasperated.  After  taking  leave 
of  the  pope  in  a  few  words,  and  even  in  those  complaining  of  his 
nephews,  he  quitted  the  city  and  the  palace  without  so  much  as 
saluting  cardinal  Francesco,  whom  he  hoped  to  mortify  to  the  quick 
by  this  neglect.* 

But  the  Barberini,  who  wielded  the  absolute  power  of  the  state, 
had  ample  means  of  revenging  themselves. 

The  monetary  system,  which  then  developed  itself  in  the  state, 
also  found  acceptance  and  imitation  among  all  the  princely  houses 
which  composed  the  aristocracy;  they  had  established  monti,and 
the  claims  of  the  creditors  were  charged  on  the  incomes  of  their 
estates,  in  the  same  manner  as  those  of  the  papal  creditors  on  the 
revenues  of  the  state  treasury;  the  luoghi  di  monte  passed  in  like 
manner  from  hand  to  hand.  These  monti  would,  however,  hardly 
have  commanded  credit,  had  they  not  been  placed  under  the  super- 


*  Amongst  the  many  controversial  writings  on  this  subject,  which  are  extant 
in  MS.,  I  think  the  following  are  remarkably  dispassionate  and  credible.  "  Ris- 
posta  in  forma  di  lettera  al  libro  di  duca  di  Parma,"  in  the  45th  volume  of  the 
Informationi:  "  II  duca  Odoardo  fu  dal  papa  e  ringraziollo,  soggiunse  di  non  si 
poter  lodare  del  Sig"'  C'^  Barberino.  Dal  papa  gli  fu  brevemente  risposto  che 
conosceva  1'  afFetto  di  S.  Em"*  verso  di  Uii.  Licentiatosi  da  S.  Beati^*  senza  far 
motto  al  S'"  cardinale  se  n'  ando  al  suo  palazzo,  dovendo  se  voleva  esser  accom- 
pagnato  da  S.  Em^''  rimanere  nelle  stanze  del  Vaticano  e  licentiarsi  parimente 
da  S.  Em",  come  e  usanza  de'  principi.  La  mattina  finalmente  parti  senza  far 
altro." 


§  IV.]  WAR  OP  CASTRO.  143 

vision  of  the  supreme  power;  they  could  not  be  established  or 
modified  without  the  special  approbation  of  the  pope.  It  was  one 
of  the  privileges  of  the  reigning  house,  that  by  means  of  this  su- 
pervision, it  obtained  a  considerable  influence  over  the  private 
affairs  of  all  others;  the  reductions  of  the  monti  to  a  lower  rate  of 
interest  were  of  ordinary  occurrence,  since  they  depended  on  the 
pleasure  and  inclination  of  the  reigning  family. 

The  Farnesi  also  were  loaded  with  considerable  debts.  The 
Monte  Farnese  vecchio  originated  in  the  necessities  and  the  ex- 
penses of  Alessandro  Farnese  in  the  Flemish  campaigns;  a  new 
one  had  been  established;  indults  of  (he  popes  had  augmented  the 
mass,  and  new  luoghi  at  lower  interest  being  founded  and  the  old 
not  abolished,  while  the  different  operations  were  conducted  by 
different  commercial  houses  jealous  of  each  other,  every  thing  had 
fallen  into  confusion.* 

To  this  was  now  added,  that  the  Barberini  fell  upon  some  mea- 
sures extremely  injurious  to  the  duke. 

The  two  monti  Farnesi  were  charged  upon  the  revenues  of  Cas- 
tro and  Ronciglione.  The  Siri,  farmers  of  the  taxes  of  Castro,  paid 
the  duke  94,000  sc,  out  of  which  the  interests  of  the  monti  could 
likewise  be  paid.  But  it  was  only  in  consequence  of  certain  grants 
made  to  his  house  by  Paul  III,  that  the  income  rose  so  high.  To 
this  end  Pope  Paul  liad  turned  the  great  load  from  Sutri  to  Ronci- 
glione, and  had  granted  that  district  greater  freedom  in  the  export 
of  corn  than  was  enjoyed  by  other  provinces.  The  Barberini  now 
determined  to  revoke  these  privileges.  They  turned  the  road  back 
again  to  Sutri;  and  published  a  prohibition  against  exporting  corn 
in  Montalto  di  Maremme,  where  the  wheat  of  Castro  used  to  be 
loaded.! 

The  intended  result  instantaneously  showed  itself.  The  Siri, 
who  had  moreover  quarrelled  with  the  duke  on  account  of  these 
transactions,  and  were  now  sure  of  protection  in  the  palace,  (at  the 
special  instigation,  as  it  is  affirmed,  of  certain  prelates  who  had  a 
secret  share  in  their  business,)  refused  to  fulfil  their  contract,  and 
ceased  to  pay  the  interest  of  the  monte  Farnese.  The  montists, 
suddenly  deprived  of  their  income,  urged  their  claims,  and  appealed 
to  the  papal  government.     The  duke,  who  saw  himself  thus  inten- 

*  Deone  t.  1.  "  Fu  ultimamente  I'uno  e  I'altre  stato,  cioe  Castro  e  Ronci- 
glione, afRttato  per  94"  scudi  i'anno  a  gli  Siri.  Sopra  questa  entrata  e  fondata 
la  dote  dell'  uno  e  dell'  altro  monte  Farnese,  vecchio  cioe  e  nuovo.  II  vecchio 
fu  fatto  dal  duca  Alassandro  di  54™  scudi  I'anno,  denari  tutii  spesi  in  Fiandra: 
al  quale  il  presente  duca  Odoardo  ags^iunse  somma  per  300'"  scudi  in  sorte  prin- 
cipale  a  ragione  di  i},  per  cento:  e  di  piu  impose  alcuni  sensi:  di  modo  che  poco 
0  nulla  rimane  per  lui,  si  che  se  li  leva  la  tratta  del  grano,  non  ci  sani  il  pago 
per  li  creditori  del  monte,  non  che  de'  censuarii." 

f  For  this  they  appealed  to  the  words  of  the  bull  of  Paul  III,  by  whicli  only 
the  "facultas  frumenta  ad  quajcunque  etiam  praefatae  Romanae  ecclesiaj  e  nobis 
immediate  vel  mediate  subjecta  conducendi,"  was  granted  to  them.  In  the 
meanwhile  freedom  of  exportation  had  gained  ground  almost  every  where. 


144  WAR  OF  CASTRO.  [BOOK  VIII. 

tionally  wronged,  scorned  to  use  any  means  to  obtain  them  satis- 
faction. But  the  complaints  of  the  montists  were  so  loud,  urgent 
and  general,  that  the  pope  thought  he  had  the  right,  in  order  to 
assist  so  considerable  a  body  of  Roman  citizens  to  recover  the  inte- 
rest due  to  them,  to  get  the  mortgaged  property  into  his  own  pos- 
session. Whh  this  view  he  sent  a  small  body  of  troops  to  Castro. 
The  matter  did  not  proceed  without  some  opposition:  "  We  have 
been  compelled,"  exclaims  he  with  the  highest  indignation  in  his 
monitorium,  "  to  fire  four  large  cannons,  by  which  one  of  our  ene- 
mies was  slain."*  On  the  13th  October,  1641,  he  took  possession 
of  Castro;  nor  indeed  did  he  intend  to  stop  here.  In  January,  1642, 
sentence  of  excommunication  was  pronounced  against  the  duke, 
who  would  not  allow  those  revenues  to  be  touched;  he  was  de- 
clared deprived  of  all  his  fiefs,  and  troops  were  marched  into  the 
field  to  take  from  him  Parma  and  Piacenza  also.  The  pope  would 
hear  nothing  of  a  pacification,  he  declared  that  "  between  lord  and 
vassal  no  such  proceeding  could  find  place;  that  he  would  humble 
the  duke;  he  had  money,  courage,  and  troops,  and  God  and  the 
world  were  on  his  side." 

The  affair  hence  acquired  a  more  general  importance.  The 
Italian  states  had  long  been  jealous  of  the  reiterated  extensions  of 
the  Stales  of  the  Church.  They  would  not  suffer  them  to  absorb 
Parma  and  Piacenza  as  they  had  Urbino  and  Ferrara;  the  house 
of  Este  had  not  yet  relinquished  its  claims  to  Ferrara,  nor  the 
Medici  certain  pretensions  to  Urbino:  they  were  all  offended  by 
the  arrogance  of  Don  Taddeo;  the  Venetians  doubly  so  in  conse- 
quence of  Urban  VIII  having  shortly  before  caused  an  inscription 
in  the  Sala  regia,  boasting  of  their  fabulous  defence  of  Alexander 
III,  to  be  erased,  which  they  regarded  as  a  great  insult.t  With 
these  particular  causes  of  discontent  more  general  political  consi- 
derations were  also  blended. 

As  the  Spanish  ascendency  had  formerly  awakened  the  appre- 
hensions of  the  Italians,  so  now  did  that  of  France;  the  Spanish 
monarchy  experienced  in  all  quarters  the  greatest  reverses,  and  the 
Italians  feared  that  a  general  revolution,  even  in  Italy,  might  be 
the  consequence,  if  Urban  VIII,  whom  they  regarded  as  a  decided 
ally  of  France,  gained  any  accession  of  power.  For  these  reasons 
they  determined  to  resist  him.  Their  troops  assembled  in  the  Mo- 
denese.  The  Barberini  were  obliged  to  abandon  the  idea  of  effect- 
ing a  passage  through  that  territory,  while  the  papal  troops  opposed 
to  the  allies  removed  their  quarters  to  Ferrara. 

*  This  took  place  at  a  bridge.  "Dictus  Dominus  Marchio,  ex  quo  mililes 
numero  40  circiter,  qui  in  eisdem  ponte  et  vallo  ad  pugnandum  apposili  fuerunt, 
amicabiliter  ex  eis  recedere  recusabant,  immo  hostiliter  pontificio  exercitui  se 
opponebant  fuit  coactus  pro  illorum  expugnatione  quatuor  magnorum  tormento- 
rum  ictus  explodere,  quorum  formidine  hostes  perterriti  fugam  tandem  arrigue- 
runt,  in  qua  unus  ipsorum  interfectus  remansit." 

f  I  shall  touch  upon  this  subject  in  the  Appendix,  No,  117. 


§  IV.]  WAR  OF  CASTRO.  145 

On  this  narrow  field  was  renewed  that  conflict  between  French 
and'  Spanish  interests,  which  kept  Europe  in  a  continual  state  of 
agitation.  But  how  weak  comparatively  were  the  motives,  the 
forces,  the  efforts,  which  here  engaged  in  tlie  struggle! 

An  expedition  which  the  Duke  of  Parma  (who  now  saw  him- 
self, without  much  exertion  on  his  side,  protected  and  yet  unfet- 
tered) undertook  single-handed,  strikingly  illustrates  the  peculiar 
circumstances  in  which  the  adverse  parties  were  then  placed.  With 
only  three  thousand  horse,  without  artillery  or  infantry,  Odoardo 
forced  his  way  into  the  States  of  the  Church;  neither  Fort  Urbano, 
which  had  been  erected  at  such  enormous  cost,  nor  the  militia, 
which  never  stood  firm  against  regular  troops,  arrested  his  course. 
The  Bolognesc  shut  themselves  up  within  their  walls,  and  the  duke 
marched  through  the  country  without  so  much  as  getting  a  sight 
of  the  papal  troops.  Imola  opened  its  gates  to  him;  he  paid  a  visit 
to  the  papal  governor,  and  admonished  the  city  to  remain  faithful 
to  the  see  of  Rome.  For  he  affirmed,  that  it  was  not  against  Rome 
nor  even  against  Urban  VIII,  but  only  against  his  nephews,  that 
he  had  taken  up  arms;  that  he  marched  under  the  banner  of  the 
Gonfaloniere  of  the  church,  on  which  were  displayed  the  figures 
of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and  demanded  free  passage  in  the  name 
of  the  church.  Faenza  had  barricaded  its  gates,  but  when  the 
governor  saw  the  duke,  he  caused  himself  to  be  let  down  by  a  rope 
from  the  walls,  in  order  that  he  might  confer  with  him  in  person; 
and  the  result  of  the  conference  was,  that  the  gates  were  opened. 
The  same  happened  in  Forli.  The  inhabitants  of  all  these  cities 
looked  peaceably  from  their  windows  at  the  enemy  marching 
through  their  streets.  The  duke  crossed  the  mountains  to  Tuscany, 
and  then  from  Arazzo  re-passed  into  the  States  of  the  Church. 
Castiglione  da  Lago  and  Citta  del  Pieve  opened  their  doors  to  him; 
he  hurried  onwards  unchecked,  and  filled  the  land  with  the  terror 
of  his  name.*  In  Rome  especially  the  greatest  consternation  pre- 
vailed; the  pope  fearing  the  fate  of  Clement  VII,  sought  to  arm 
his  Romans;  but  it  was  necessary  first  to  levy  fresh  taxes,  and  to 
collect  contributions  from  house  to  house,  (which  gave  rise  to  loud 
and  bitter  complaints)  before  it  was  possible  to  equip  even  a  small 
troop  of  horse.  Had  the  duke  of  Parma  made  his  appearance  at 
that  moment,  there  is  no  question  that  two  or  three  cardinals  would 
have  been  sent  to  meet  him  at  the  Ponte  Molle,  and  that  all  his 
demands  would  have  been  complied  with. 

But  neither  was  he  a  warrior;  it  is  impossible  to  guess  what  con- 
siderations, what  fears  withheld  him,  or  induced  him  to  enter  into 
negotiations  from  which  he  had  nothing  to  expect.  The  pope  drew 
breath.    With  a  zeal  quickened  by  danger,  he  fortified  Rome.t    He 

*  For  a  detailed  narrative  of  this  enterprise,  see  Siri's  Mercurio,  torn,  ii,  p. 
1289. 

f  Deone:  "Si  seguitano  le  fortificationi  non  solo  di  Borgo,  ma  del  riraanente 


146  WAR  or  CASTRO.  [book  VIII. 

brought  a  fresh  army  into  the  field,  which  speedily  drove  the  duke 
and  his  straggling,  half  disciplined  troops,  out  of  the  territories  of 
the  church.  When  there  was  nothing  more  to  fear.  Urban  again 
imposed  the  hardest  conditions:  the  foreign  ambassadors  quitted 
Rome,  and  even  the  inhabitants  of  unwarlike  Italy  once  more 
roused  themselves  to  find  at  home  weapons  with  which  to  repel 
their  foes. 

In  May,  1643,  the  combined  Italian  armies  fell  upon  the  Ferra- 
rese;  the  Duke  of  Parma  took  the  fortified  towns  of  Bondeno,  Stel- 
lata,  &c.,  while  the  Venetians  and  Modenese  joined  their  forces,  and 
advanced  further  into  the  country.  But  the  pope  had,  as  we  have 
mentioned,  strained  every  nerve  to  put  his  dominions  in  a  state  of 
military  preparation;  he  had  collected  30,000  foot  and  6000  horse; 
the  Venetians  hesitated  to  attack  so  imposing  a  force;  they  retreated, 
and  in  a  short  time  we  find  the  ecclesiastical  troops  advancing  into 
the  Modenese  and  into  Polesine  di  Rovigo.* 

The  grand-duke  of  Tuscany  then  tried  in  vain  to  throw  himself 
upon  Perugia;  while  the  pope's  foraging  parties  made  incursions 
even  into  the  Tuscan  territory. 

What  a  strange  aspect  do  these  movemeuts  wear! — on  both  sides 
so  utterly  ineffective  and  nerveless — when  compared  with  the  co- 
temporaneous  wars  of  Germany;  with  the  march  of  the  Swedish 
army  from  the  Baltic  nearly  to  Vienna,  from  Moravia  to  Jutland! 
And  yet  the  conflict  was  not  even  purely  Italian,  for  foreigners 
served  on  either  side;  the  majority  of  the  allied  troops  consisted  of 
Germans,  while  the  ranks  of  the  army  of  the  church  were  filled 
with  Frenchmen. 

But  the  Italian  war  had  one  result  in  common  with  the  cam- 
paigns of  the  north — it  exhausted  the  country,  and  brought  the 
papal  treasury  into  the  greatest  difficulties.t 

Urban  VIII  resorted  to  a  great  variety  of  means  to  procure  the 
money  he  wanted.  As  early  as  September,  1642,  the  bull  of  Six- 
tus  V  was  submitted  to  fresh  discussion,  which  terminated  in  a 
resolution  of  the  consistory  to  take  500,000  scudi  out  of  the  castle.  J 

delle  mura  di  Roma,  alle  quali  sono  deputati  tre  cardinal!,  Pallotta,  Gabrieli  et 
Orsino,  che  giornalmente  cavalcano  da  una  porto  all'  altra;  e  si  tagliano  tutte  le 
vigne  che  sono  appresso  le  mura  per  la  parte  di  dentro  di  Roma,  cioe  fanno 
strada  tra  le  mura  e  le  vigne  e  giardini  con  danno  grandissimo  de'  padroni  di 
esse:  e  cosi  verra  anche  tocco  il  bellissimo  giardino  de'  Medici,  e  perdera  la 
particella  che  haveva  nolle  mura  di  Roma." 

*  Frizzi;  Memorie  per  la  storia  di  Ferrara,  V,  p.  100. 

f  Riccius:  Rerum  Italicarum  sui  temporis  narrationes,  Narr.  xix,  p.  590: 
*'  Ingens  opinioneque  majus  helium  exarsit,  sed  primo  impetu  validum,  mox 
senescens,  postremo  neutrius  partis  fructu,  imo  militum  rapinis  indigenis  ex- 
itiale,  irritis  conatibus  prorsus  inane  in  mutua  stadia  officiaque  ahiit." 

ij:  Deone,  20  Sett.  1G42:  "  Havendo  il  papa  fatto  studiare  da  legisti  e  theologi 
di  potere  conforme  la  holla  di  Sisto  V  eessare  denari  dal  tesoro  dal  castel  Sant' 

Angelo,  il  lunedi  22  del  mese  il  papa  tene  consistoro  per  il  medesimo  affare. 

Fu  risoluto  di  eessare  500™  scudi  d'oro,  a  100™  per  volte,  e  non  prima  che  sia 
epesi  quelli  che  al  presente  sono  ancora  in  essere  della  camera." 


§  IV.]  WAR  OP  CASTRO.  147 

This  of  course  could  not  go  far;  loans  were  therefore  raised  on 
the  remainder  of  that  treasure;  i.  c.  it  was  positively  resolved  to  pay- 
back in  future  the  money  which  was  abstracted  from  it.  We  have 
already  seen  that  personal  taxes  had  been  imposed;  these  were  re- 
peatedly levied;  the  pope  made  known  to  the  conservator!  the  sum 
he  stood  in  need  of,  upon  which  the  inhabitants,  foreigners  not  ex- 
cepted, were  compelled  to  contribute  their  quota.  The  chief  reve- 
nues were,  however,  always  derived  from  the  duties.  At  first  they 
were  little  felt,  being  on  such  articles  as,  for  example,  coarse  meal 
for  fowls;  but  heavier  soon  followed  on  the  most  indispensable  ne- 
cessaries of  life,  such  as  wood  for  fuel,  salt,  bread,  and  wine.*  They 
now  reached  their  greatest  height,  amounting  in  1G44  to  2,200,000 
scudi.  From  what  has  gone  before  it  will  be  understood,  that  the 
product  of  every  new  tax,  or  of  every  rise  in  an  old  one,  was  im- 
mediately funded,  a  monte  founded  upon  it,  and  shares  sold.  Car- 
dinal Cesi,  the  former  treasurer,  calculated  that  new  debts  to  the 
amount  of  7,200,000  sc.  had  been  contracted  in  this  way,  although 
60,000  sc.  still  remained  in  the  treasury.  In  the  year  1645  the 
whole  expenses  of  the  war  were  reported  to  the  Venetian  ambas- 
sador as  amounting  to  more  than  twelve  raillions.t 

The  serious  consequences  likely  to  result  from  this  state  of  things 
were  daily  more  apparent;  credit  was  at  length  exhausted,  and  all 
resources  gradually  dried  up.  Nor  did  the  war  always  go  on  pros- 
perously. In  a  skirmish  near  Lagoscuro,  on  the  17th  March  1644, 
cardinal  Antonio  only  escaped  being  taken  prisoner  by  the  fleetness 
of  his  horse.  J  In  short,  a  daily  increasing  sense  of  his  own  feeble- 
ness compelled  the  pope  to  think  of  peace. 

The  French  undertook  to  mediate.  The  Spaniards  had  so  little 
influence  at  the  papal  court,  and  their  authority  elsewhere  was  so 
much  weakened,  that  on  tliis  occasion  they  were  entirely  excluded. 
The  pope  had  formerly  often  said,  that  he  knew  the  design  of 
the  Venetians  was  to  kill  him  with  vexation,  but  that  they  should 
not  succeed;  that  he  should  be  able  to  holdout  against  them:  he 
now,  however,  found  himself  compelled  to  accede  to  all  they  de- 
manded; viz.  to  absolve  the  Duke  of  Parma  frouj  excommunication, 
and  restore  him  to  the  possession  of  Castro.  Never  would  he  have 
believed  that  matters  could  come  to  this  pass,  and  his  mortification 
was  proportionately  deep  and  bitter. 


*  Deone,  29  Nov.  1642.  "  Si  sono  imposte  3  nuovo  gabelle,  una  sopra  il  sale 
ohre  I'altre,  la  2'  sopra  le  legna,  la  3*  sopra  la  dogana,  la  quale  in  tulte  la  mer- 
cantie  die  vengono  per  terra,  riscuote  7  per  cento,  per  acqua  10  per  cento.  Si 
e  cresciuto  uno  per  cento  d'avvantagglo,  e  si  aspettano  altre  3  gabelle  per  le  ne- 
cessita  correnti,  una  sopra  le  case,  I'altra  sopra  li  censi,  la  terza  sopra  li  casali, 
cioe  poderi  nella  campagna." 

f  Relatione  de'  IV  ambasciatori:  "  L'erario  si  trova  notabilimente  esausto 
essendoci  stato  affermato  da  piu  C'',  aver  spesi  i  Barberini  nella  guerra  passata 
sopra  12  milioni  d'oro." 

X  Nani;  Sloria  Veneta,  lib.  xii,  p.  T40. 


148  INNOCENT  X.  [book  VIIL 

He  was  oppressed  by  another  source  of  unhappiness.  He  was 
again  haunted  by  the  idea  that  he  had  unduly  favored  his  nephews, 
and  that  this  would  lie  heavy  on  his  conscience  when  called  to  ap- 
pear before  the  face  of  God.  He  once  more  summoned  certain 
divines  in  whom  he  had  peculiar  confidence,  (among  whom  were 
cardinal  Lugo  and  father  Lupis,  a  Jesuit,)  to  hold  a  consultation 
in  his  presence.  Their  decision  was,  that  since  the  nephews  of  his 
holiness  had  made  so  many  enemies,  it  was  reasonable,  and  for  the 
honor  of  the  apostolic  see,  that  they  should  be  furnished  with 
means,  even  after  the  decease  of  the  pope,  to  maintain  their  dignity 
undiminished  in  defiance  of  those  enemies.* 

Harassed  by  these  tormenting  doubts,  and  depressed  by  the  bitter 
feeling  of  an  abortive  undertaking,  the  pope  advanced  towards  the 
grave.  His  physician  declared,  that  at  the  moment  he  was  com- 
pelled to  sign  the  peace  of  Castro,  he  fell,  overcome  by  distress  of 
mind,  into  a  swoon;  and  that  this  was  the  beginning  of  the  illness 
which  put  a  period  to  his  life.  Imploring  heaven  to  avenge  him 
on  the  impious  princes  who  had  forced  him  into  a  war,  he  expired 
on  the  29th  July,  1644. 

Scarcely  had  the  papal  see  been  driven  from  its  position  of  centre 
of  European  politics,  when  it  experienced  in  those  of  Italy,  and  even 
in  its  own  domestic  aftairs,  such  a  reverse  as  it  had  not  endured  for 
many  years. 

Pope  Clement  had  fallen  out  with  the  Farnesi,  and  though  he 
had  at  length  granted  them  his  pardon,  he  did  this  solely  because 
he  wanted  the  aid  of  the  Italian  princes  to  avenge  him  on  Spain. 
But  circumstances  were  now  much  altered.  Urban  VIII  had  ex- 
erted his  utmost  strength  against  the  Duke  of  Parma;  the  united 
forces  of  Italy  had  exhausted  his,  and  had  forced  him  to  accept  a 
disadvantageous  peace.  It  was  impossible  to  conceal  tliat  the 
papacy  was  once  more  decidedly  worsted. 


§  5.    INNOCENT  X. 

The  next  conclave  was  no  sooner  assembled  than  the  effect  of 
this  adverse  state  of  things  became  obvious.t  The  nephews  of 
Urban  VIH  introduced  eight  and  forty  cardinals,  creatures  of  their 

*  Nicoletti;  Vita  di  papa  Urbano,  torn.  viii. 

f  The  usual  violent  state  of  the  interregnum  was  repeated.  J.  Nicii  Erythraei, 
Epist.  LXVIIl  ad  Tyrrhenum  3  non.  Aug.  1644.  "  Civitas  sine  jure  est,  sine 
dignitate  respublica.  TantuS  in  urbe  armatorum  nuraerus  cernitur  quantum  me 
alias  vidisse  non  memini.  Nulla  domus  est  paulo  locupletior  quss  non  militum 
multorum  prasidio  muniatur;  ac  si  in  unum  omnes  cogerentur.  magnus  ex  eis 
exercitus  confici  posset.  Summa  in  urbe  armorum  impunitas,  sumnia  licentia: 
passim  caedes  hominum  fiunt;  nil  ita  frequenter  auditur  quam,  hie  vel  ille  notus 
homo  est  interfectus." 


§  v.]  INNOCENT  X.  149 

uncle;  never  had  so  powerful  a  faction  been  seen.  Nevertheless 
they  soon  perceived  that  tliey  would  not  be  able  to  carry  the  elec- 
tion of  the  man  of  their  choice,  Sacchetti;  since  the  result  of  the 
scrutinies  was  daily  more  and  more  unfavorable.  In  order  to  pre- 
vent a  professed  adversary  from  acquiring  the  tiara,  Francesco  Bar- 
berino  at  length  decided  for  cardinal  Pamfili,  who  was  at  any  rate 
a  creature  of  Urban  VIII,  although  strongly  inclined  to  the  Spanish 
party,  and  expressly  rejected  by  the  court  of  France.  On  the  16th 
September,  1644,  cardinal  Pamfili  was  elected.  He  took  the  name 
of  Innocent  X,  in  memory,  it  is  believed,  of  Innocent  VIII,  under 
whom  his  family  came  to  Rome. 
•    His  accession  once  more  changed  the  policy  of  the  court  of  Rome. 

The  allied  Italian  princes,  and  especially  the  Medici,  to  whom  the 
new  pope  chiefly  owed  his  elevation,  now  gained  influence  over  the 
very  power  which  they  had  combated;  the  inscription  at  Venice,  the 
removal  of  which  we  have  mentioned,  was  replaced;*  and  in  the 
first  promotion  scarcely  any  were  included  but  partisans  of  Spain. 
The  Spanish  party  once  more  revived,  and  held  that  of  France 
equally  balanced,  at  least  in  Rome. 

The  Barberini  were  the  first  to  feel  this  revolution  in  afftiirs.  It 
is  now  impossible  to  ascertain  what  portion  of  the  numerous  charges 
brought  against  them  was  founded  in  truth.  They  were  accused 
ofhavingpervertedjustice,  of  having  forcibly  appropriated  benefices; 
above  all,  of  having  embezzled  the  public  money.  The  pope  de- 
termined to  call  the  nephews  of  his  predecessor  to  account  for  their 
administration  of  the  public  funds  during  the  war  of  Castro.t 

At  first  the  Barberini  thought  they  could  shelter  themselves  under 
the  protection  of  France;  Mazarin,  who  had  risen  in  the  service  and 
by  the  patronage  of  their  house,  gave  them  unqualified  support, 
they  affixed  the  arms  of  France  to  their  palaces,  and  placed  them- 
selves formally  under  her  protection.  But  pope  Innocent  declared 
that  he  was  there  to  do  justice,  and  if  Bourbon  stood  before  the  gates, 
he  could  not  desist  from  the  execution  of  it. 

Hereupon  Antonio,  who  was  exposed  to  the  greatest  danger,  fled 
in  October,  1645;  a  few  months  later,  Francesco  and  Taddeo,  with 
his  children,  also  quitted  Rome. 

The  pope  caused  their  palaces  to  be  invested,  their  offices  given 
away,  and  their  luoghi  di  monte  sequestrated.  These  proceedings 
were  approved  by  the  population  of  Rome.  On  the  20th  February, 
1646,  a  meeting  was  held  at  the  capitol,  the  most  brilliant  within 

*  Relatione  de'  IV  ambasciatori  1645.  "II  presenfe  pontefice  nel  bel  princi- 
pio  del  suo  governo  ha  con  publiche  dimostrationi  registrate  in  marmi  detestato 
le  opinioni  del  precessore,  rendendo  il  lustro  alls  gloria  degli  antenati  di  W. 
EE."     We  see  what  a  high  tone  they  took. 

•j-  Relatione  delle  cose  correiiti  25  Maggio  1646.    MS.  Chigi.     "  I  Barberini, 
come  affatto  esclusi  dal  matrimonio  del  novello  pontefice,  cominciorono  a  machi- 
nar  vastita  di  pensieri  stimati  da  loro  nobili.     II  papa  continue  ad  invigilare  con 
ogni  accura  tezza,  che  la  discamerata  camera  fusse  da  loro  sodisfatta." 
VOL.  II. — 14 


150  INNOCENT  X.  [book  VIII. 

the  memory  of  man,  attended  by  a  multitude  of  persons  distinguished 
by  their  rank  and  title.  It  was  proposed  to  petition  the  pope  to 
take  olf  some  of  the  taxes  imposed  by  Urban  Vni,at  least  the  most 
oppressive,  that  on  flour.  The  partisans  of  the  Barberini,  dreading 
lest,  if  the  tax  were  taken  off,  the  debt  based  upon  it  would  be  paid 
out  of  their  property, set  themselves  against  it.  Donna  Anna  Colonna, 
wife  of  Taddeo  Barberino,  caused  a  sort  of  manifesto  to  be  read 
to  the  meeting,  in  which  she  reminded  the  people  of  the  services 
rendered  to  the  city  by  Urban  VIII,  and  of  his  zeal  for  the  admin- 
istration of  justice,  and  declared  it  to  be  disgraceful  to  refuse  the 
payment  of  the  lawful  imposts  of  so  meritorious  a  pope.  Notwith- 
standing this  the  resolution  was  passed;  Innocent  X  proceeded  to 
act  upon  it  without  delay,  and,  as  had  been  clearly  foreseen,  the 
deficit  was  to  be  covered  by  the  property  of  Don  Taddeo.* 

Whilst  the  family  of  the  late  pope  was  thus  violently  attacked 
and  persecuted,  it  remained  a  question — in  every  pontificate  the 
question  of  the  most  vital  interest — on  what  footing  that  of  tiie  new 
one  would  establish  itself.  It  is  an  important  incident  in  the  gene- 
ral history  of  the  papacy,  that  the  manner  of  proceeding  in  this 
case  materially  differed  from  the  course  formerly  adopted;  although 
the  scandal  given  by  the  court  was  now  yet  greater  than  before. 

Pope  Innocent  was  under  obligations  to  his  sister-in-law.  Donna 
Olympia  Maidalchina  of  Viterbo,  especially  in  consequence  of  the 
large  fortune  she  had  brought  into  the  house  of  Pamfili.  He  also 
regarded  it  as  a  high  merit  on  her  part,  that  after  the  death  of  his 
brother  she  had  never  chosen  to  marry  again.t  This  had  been 
productive  of  advantage  to  himself,  since  he  had  constantly  left  the 
economical  affairs  of  the  family  to  her  guidance;  it  was  therefore 
no  wonder  if  she  now  acquired  great  influence  in  the  administra- 
tion of  the  papacy. 

She  speedily  attained  to  the  highest  consideration.  To  her  am- 
bassadors paid  their  first  visit  on  their  arrival;  cardinals  hung  up 
her  portrait  in  their  rooms,  as  people  hang  up  the  portrait  of  their 
sovereign;  foreign  courts  tried  to  win  her  favor  by  presents.  And 
as  all  who  sought  advancement  at  the  curia  addressed  themselves 
to  her,  it  was  even  asserted  that  she  levied  a  monthly  tax  upon  the 
subordinate  places  which  she  distributed.  Wealth  thus  poured  in 
upon  her;  in  a  short  time  she  established  a  magnificent  house,  gave 
entertainments  and  plays,  travelled  and  bought  landed  property. — 
Her  daughters  were  married  hito  the  most  noble  and  wealthy  fami- 
lies; the  one  to  a  Ludovisio,  the  other  to  a  Giustiiiiano.  She  had 
at  first  thought  it  most  expedient  that  her  son,  Don  Camillo,  who 
was  of  weak  capacity,  should  become  an  ecclesiastic,  and  should 

*  For  the  passage  from  the  Diario  Deone,  see  App.  No.  122. 

■j-  Bussi,  Storia  di  Viterbo,  p.  331.  At  first  she  was  held  in  great  esteem. — 
Donna  Olympia,  say  the  Venetian  ambassadors  of  1645,  "  e  dama  di  gran  pru- 
denza  e  valore,  conosco  il  posto  in  cui  si  trova  di  cognata  del  pontefice,  gcde  la 
atima  e  I'aflettione  delta  S^"  S.,  ha  seco  molta  autorita." 


§  v.]  INNOCENT  X.  151 

occupy,  at  least  in  appearance,  (he  post  of  cardinal-nephew;*  but 
when  an  opportunity  of  forming  a  brilliant  alliance  for  him  too 
offered,  (by  the  death  of  the  husband  of  Donna  Olympia  Aldobran- 
dina,  the  richest  heiress  in  Rome,)  she  caused  him  to  renounce  the 
church,  and  to  contract  this  marriage, 

Don  Camillo  was  now  in  possession  of  every  enjoyment  of  which 
he  was  capable.  His  wife  was  not  only  rich,  but  in  the  bloom  of 
youth  and  full  of  graces  and  talents;  she  supplied  his  deficiencies 
by  her  remarkable  qualities.  But  she  too  wished  to  rule.  There 
was  not  a  moment's  peace  between  the  step-moll'.er  and  step-daugh- 
ter: the  household  of  the  pope  was  filled  with  the  jealousies  and 
bickerings  of  two  women.  At  first  the  newly-married  couple  were 
obliged  to  go  away,  but  this  they  would  not  long  endure;  they  re- 
turned agamst  the  pope's  will,  and  the  discord  now  became  evident 
to  all  the  world.  For  example,  Donna  Olympia  Maidalchina  once 
appeared  during  the  carnival  with  a  magnificent  retinue  on  the 
Corso,  where  her  son  and  his  wife  were  standing  at  a  window;  as 
soon  as  they  caught  sight  of  their  mother's  carriage,  they  turned 
away.  Every  body  remarked  it — all  Rome  was  talking  of  it.t — 
The  several  parties  strove  to  get  possession  of  the  rivals. 

Unhappily  pope  Innocent  had  a  character  and  disposition  which 
were  calculated  rather  to  inflame  than  to  allay  dissensions  of  this 
kind. 

Personally  he  was  a  man  of  qualities  by  no  means  ordinary.  In 
his  earlier  career,  in  the  Rota,  as  nuncio,  and  as  cardinal,  he  had 
shown  himself  industrious,  blatiieless,  and  upright;  and  this  repu- 
tation he  still  preserved. 

His  exertions  v/ere  the  more  remarkable,  since  he  had  attained 
the  age  of  seventy-two  when  he  was  chosen.  "Labor,"  it  was 
said,  "does  not  tire  him,  he  is  as  fresh  after  it  as  before;  he  has 
pleasure  in  conversing  with  people,  and  he  allows  every  body  to 
say  all  he  has  to  say."  His  alfability  formed  a  strong  contrast 
with  the  haughty  reserve  of  Urban  VIII.  He  was  particularly 
anxious  to  preserve  the  order  and  peace  of  Rome.  It  was  his  am- 
bition to  maintain  security  of  property  and  of  person  by  day  and 
night,  and  to  permit  no  oppression  of  the  low  by  the  high,  of  the 
weak  by  the  powerful. J  He  compelled  the  barons  to  pay  their 
debts.     As  the  Duke  of  Parma  still  refused  to  satisfy  his  creditors, 

*  From  the  first  everyone  was  astonished  at  it:  "lo  stimo,"  says  Deone, 
19  Nov.,  1644,  "  che  sia  opera  della  S'"  donna  Olympia  che  ha  volutovedere  il 
figlio  cardinale  e  desidera  piu  tosto  genero  che  nora." 

I  Diario  Deone.  On  another  occasion  he  relates  as  follows:  "  Mercordi  la 
tarda  (Ag.  1648)  la  S'*  Olympia  con  ambedue  le  fio-Huole  con  molta  coniiliva 
passo  per  longo  i!  corso:  ogn'  uno  credeva  che  ella  andasse  a  visitare  la  nuora, 
ma  passo  avanti  la  casa  senza  guardaria." 

■\.  Relatione  di  Contarini  1648.  "  Rimira  solamente  con  applicatione  alia 
quiete  dello  stato  ecclesiasiico  e  particolarmente  di  Roma,  accio  goda  ciasche- 
duno  delle  proprie  facolta  e  delta  liberta  del  pralicare  la  notte  e  non  rimanga 
I'inferiore  liranneggiato  dal  superiore." 


152  INNOCENT  X.  [book  VIII. 

and  the  pope  could  not  show  himself  in  Rome  without  being  as- 
sailed by  cries,  that  he  should  cause  justice  to  be  done  to  the  nion- 
tists;  as  moreover  it  was  believed  that  the  bishop  of  Castro  had 
been  put  to  death  at  the  instigation  of  the  duke's  government,  deci- 
sive steps  were  at  length  taken  in  the  matter.  The  estates  of  the 
Farnesi  were  again  exposed  to  sale;  soldiers  and  sbirri  went  to 
Castro  to  occupy  it,  in  the  name  and  on  the  behalf  of  the  montists.* 
The  duke  again  resisted,  and  made  another  attempt  to  penetrate 
into  the  States  of  the  Church.  This  time,  however,  he  found  no 
help.  Innocent  X  was  not,  like  his  predecessor,  feared  by  the 
Italian  princes;  he  was  rather  their  ally.  Castro  was  taken,  and 
razed  to  the  ground;  the  Dnke  was  obliged  to  abandon  that  coun- 
try to  the  administration  of  the  papal  treasury,  which  bound  itself 
to  satisfy  his  creditors;  he  likewise  submitted  to  the  decision,  that 
he  should  lose  the  whole  district  if  he  had  not  liquidated  the  Monti 
Farnesi  within  eight  years.  The  capital  amounted  to  about 
1,700,000  sc.  and  the  accumulated  interest  to  400,000  sc.  The 
duke  did  not  appear  in  a  situation  to  raise  so  lari.^e  a  sum,  so  that 
the  agreement  (wliich  was  again  brought  about  by  Spanish  media- 
tion) could  only  be  regarded  as  containing  a  forced  renunciation, 
and  one  for  which  there  was  no  guarantee. 

In  all  these  circumstances  Innocent  appears  energetic,  prudent, 
and  resolute;  but  he  had  a  defect,  which  made  it  difficult  to  deal 
with  him,  and  embittered  his  own  life;  he  reposed  unshaken  con- 
fidence in  no  one;  with  him,  favor  and  disfavor  alternated  with 
the  injpressions  of  the  moment. 

One  of  the  victims  of  this  temper  was  the  datario  Cecchini,  who 
after  long  enjoying  the  papal  favor,  all  at  once  saw  liimself  sus- 
pected, assailed,  reproached,  and  superseded  by  his  subordinate 
officer,  Mascambruno;  the  same  whose  extraordinary  forgeries 
were  afterwards  brought  to  light. t 

But  still  more  painful  intrigues  arose  in  the  papal  family  itself, 
in  which  other  divisions  already  existed. 

After  the  marriage  of  Don  Camillo  Pamfili,  Innocent  X  had  no 
longer  any  ecclesiastical  nephew  left;  hitherto  an  indispensable 
member  of  a  papal  household.  Don  Camillo  Astalli,  a  distant 
kinsman  of  his  house,  being  presented  to  him,  he  instantly  con- 
ceived a  peculiar  affection  for  him,  and  resolved  to  raise  the  young 
man  to  the  rank  of  cardinal-nephew.     He  received  him  into  his 

*  Diario  Deone,  16  Ciugno  1G49.  "II  papa  in  questo  negotio  sta  posto 
totalniente,  e  mi  disse:  non  possiamo  andare  per  le  strade  di  Roma,  che  non  si 
venga  gridato  dietro  che  facciamo  pagare  il  duca  di  P;irma.  Sono  seUe  anni 
che'non  paga,  e  di  qiiesta  entrala  devon  vivermolli  liioghi  piie  vedove  e  pupilli." 
We  see  that  his  motives  were  hy  no  means  contemptible. 

j-  Vita  del  C'  Cecchini  scritta  da  lui  medesimo.  Scrittura  contro  Mons.  Mas- 
cambruno, con  laqiiale  s'intende  che  s'instruisca  il  processo  che  contro  il  mede- 
simo si  va  fabricando;  and  the  more  circumstantial  statement.  Pro  R.  P.  D. 
Mascambruno,  MS. 


§  v.]  INNOCENT  X.  153 

family,  gnvo  him  rooms  in  (he  palace  and  a  share  in  affairs.  He 
even  caused  this  elevation  to  be  announced  by  public  solemnities, 
and  salvos  from  the  castle. 

Yet  its  only  result  was  additional  misunderstandings. 

The  other  members  of  the  pope's  family  thought  themselves 
thrown  into  the  back-ground;  even  the  cardinals  nominated  by  In- 
nocent were  displeased  that  a  new-comer  should  be  preferred  before 
them;*  but  the  person  to  whom  Astalli's  advancement  gave  the 
highest  disgust  and  dissatisfaction  was  Donna  Olympia  Maidalchina. 
She  it  was  who  had  extolled  him  to  the  pope,  and  had  proposed 
hnn  as  cardinal;  but  she  never  imagined  he  would  attain  to  such 
an  eminence. 

In  the  first  place  she  herself  was  sent  away.  The  secular 
nephew  and  his  wife,  who,  as  a  cotemporary  has  it,  "was  as  far 
exalted  above  ordinary  women,  as  he  was  below  the  standard  of 
ordinary  men,"  established  themselves  in  the  palace. 

But  the  agreement  between  the  secular  nephew,  who  possessed 
the  claims  of  blood,  and  the  adopted  ecclesiastical  nephew,  was  of 
short  duration.  The  elder  Olympia  was  recalled  to  keep  order  in 
the  house,  and  soon  regained  her  wonted  ascendency. t 

In  a  room  of  tlie  Villa  Pamfili  stand  the  busts  of  the  pope  and 
his  sister-in-law.  No  one  who  compares  those  woman's  features, 
which  breathe  determination  and  intelligence,  with  the  niild  and 
inexpressive  countenance  of  the  pope,  can  fail  to  see  that  it  was 
not  only  possible,  but  inevitable,  that  he  should  be  ruled  by  her. 

After  she  was  again  received  into  the  palace,  she  too  would  not 
endure  that  the  advantages  which  attended  the  situation  of  a 
nephew,  should  be  shared  by  another  house  with  her  own.  As 
Astalli  did  not  enter  into  the  sort  of  partnership  with  her  which  she 
wished,  she  never  rested  till  he  was  deprived  of  the  pope's  favor, 
driven  out  of  the  palace,  and  exiled;  in  short,  till  she  once  more 
reigned  supreme  and  without  a  rival  in  the  house.  On  the  other 
hand,  conciliated  by  presents,  she  now  entered  into  a  close  alliance 
with  the  Barberini,  who  had  returned  to  Rome. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  imagine  to  what  a  degree  all  these  changes 
of  favor  and  disfavor — these  incessant  quarrels  of  those  by  whom 
he  was  most  immediately  and  intimately  surrounded — must  have 
embittered  the  last  years  of  the  aged  pope.  Nor  can  an  open  rup- 
ture stifle  the  inward  yearnings  of  the  heart;  it  only  converts  into 

*  Diario  Deone,  10  Set.  1G50.  "  Discorre  la  corte  che'l  papa  ha  perduto  il 
beneficio  conferito  a  tutte  le  sue  crea'ure,  che  si  tengono  offese  che  papa  habbia 
preferito  un  giovane  senza  esperienza  a  tutti  loro,  tra  quali  sono  luiomiiii  di 
molto  valore,  segno  che  tulti  I'ha  per  diffidcnti  overo  inetti  alia  carica."  In  a 
work,  "  Osservationi  sopra  la  futiira  eleUione  1652,"  this  subject  is  also  dis- 
cussed at  considerable  length,  "lo  credo  che  sia  solamente  un  capriccio  che 
all'  improviso  gli  venne conoscendo  appena  Mons.  Camillo  Astalli." 

t  Pallavicini,  Vita  di  papa  Alessandro  \'1I.  "  La  scaltra  vecchia  passo  con 
breve  mezzo  dall'  estremo  della  disgratia  all'  estremo  della  gratia." 

14* 


154  ALEXANDER  VII  [BOOK  VIII. 

a  source  of  restlessness  and  pain  those  affections  which  were  de- 
stined to  cheer  and  to  soothe.  Besides,  the  oKl  man  began  to  feel 
that  he  was  the  tool  of  the  lust  of  power  and  the  rapacity  of  a 
woman;  he  disapproved  and  wonld  gladly  have  pnt  an  end  to 
her  sway,  bnt  he  had  not  the  requisite  strength  and  determination; 
nor  did  he  know  how  to  do  without  her.  His  pontificate,  which 
otherwise  passed  without  any  remarkable  calanjity,  may  be  num- 
bered among  the  more  fortunate;  but  it  fell  into  bad  repute  through 
these  disorders  in  the  family  and  the  palace.  Innocent  X  was  by 
nature  capricious,  unstable,  self-willed,  burthensome  to  himself.* 
Even  in  the  last  days  of  his  life,  we  find  him  occupied  with  the 
bereavement  or  the  banishment  of  his  other  relations;  in  this  un- 
happy state  of  mind  he  died,  5ih  January,  1655.  The  corpse  lay 
for  three  days,  before  one  of  those  belonging  to  him,  on  whom  ac- 
cording to  the  usage  of  the  court  this  office  devolved,  took  the 
smallest  care  for  its  interment.  Donna  Olympia  said  she  was  a 
miserable  widow — such  a  duty  was  beyond  her  strength;  and  no 
other  person  thought  himself  bound  by  any  obligation  to  the  de- 
ceased. A  canon,  who  had  previously  been  in  the  pope's  service, 
but  had  long  ago  been  dismissed,  at  length  expended  half  a  scudo 
to  procure  the  last  honors  to  be  paid  to  his  former  master. 

i3ut  it  must  not  be  imagined  tliat  the  consequences  of  these  do- 
mestic broils  were  merely  personal. 

It  is  obvious,  that  nepotism,  which  in  former  pontificates  had 
exercised  so  absolute  a  power  in  the  state,  so  mighty  an  influence 
in  the  church,  after  receiving  a  formidable  shock  in  the  latter  years 
of  Urban  VIII,  now  hardly  gave  any  manifestation  of  its  existence, 
and  nodded  to  its  fall. 


§  6.    ALEXANDER  VII  AND  CLEMENT  IX. 

Accordingly  the  new  conclave  at  its  very  opening  presented  an 
unwonted  spectacle. 

Hitherto  the  kinsmen  of  the  deceased  pope  had  come  attended 
by  numerous  bands  of  creatures  devoted  to  their  interests,  to  over- 
awe the  election.  But  Innocent  X  left  no  nephew  who  could  unite 
the  sufirages  of  the  cardinals,  or  bind  them  into  a  faction.  To  As- 
talli,  who  had  been  at  the  helm  but  for  a  short  time,  and  had  exer- 
cised no  leading  influence,  they  did  not  owe  their  advancement, 
and  consequently  did  not  feel  bound.  For  the  first  time  for  many 
centuries,  therefore,  the  new  cardinals  entered  the  conclave  with 

*  Pallavicini:  "  Fra  pretiosi  arredi  oggetto  fetente  a  stomachevole pro- 

ruppe  a  varie  dimostrationi   quasi   di   smanie Assai  temuto,  niente  amato, 

non  senza  qualche  gloria  e  felicita  ne'   success!  esterni  ma  inglorioso  e  mise- 
rabile  per  le  conlinue  o  tragedie  o  comedie  doniesliche." 


§  VI.]  AND  CLEMENT  IX.  155 

unshackled  freedom  of  choice.  It  was  proposed  to  them  vohmtarily 
to  unite  under  one  head;  they  are  said  to  liave  repUed,  that  every 
one  of  them  had  a  head  and  feet  of  his  own. 

They  were  for  the  most  part  men  of  distinguished  talents  and  of 
an  independent  spirit;  but  though  united,  (ihey  were  called  the 
squadronc  volante")  they  were  no  longer  disposed  to  follow  the 
beck  of  a  nephew,  but  to  obey  their  own  convictions  and  under- 
standing. 

Even  on  his  death-bed,  Innocent  X  exclaimed  to  Ottobuono,  one 
of  this  party,  "  we  must  endeavor  to  find  an  upright  man."  "If 
yon  want  an  upright  man,"  replied  Azzohno,  another  of  them, 
"  there  stands  one," — pointing  to  Cliigi.t  Chigi  had  not  only 
gained  the  reputation  of  an  able  and  well-intentioned  man,  but  had 
peculiarly  distinguished  himself  as  the  opponent  of  the  abuses  of 
the  existing  form  of  government;  abuses  which  had  indeed  never 
been  niore  flagrant  than  of  late.  But  though  he  had  secured 
friends,  he  had  also  powerful  enemies,  especially  amongst  the 
French. 

When  Mazarin,  driven  out  of  France  by  the  troubles  of  the 
Fronde,  was  preparing  on  the  frontiers  of  Germany  to  regain  pos- 
session of  iiis  lost  power  by  force  of  arms,  he  had  not  received  from 
Chigi,  then  nuncio  at  Cologne,  the  assistance  on  which  he  thought 
he  might  calculate;  since  which  time  he  had  cherished  a  personal 
hatred  to  him.  Hence  the  election  was  not  carried  without  much 
trouble,  and  the  contest  was  again  a  very  protracted  one;  but  at 
length  the  new  members  of  tiie  college,  the  squadronisti,  prevailed. 
On  the  7th  April  1G55,  Fabio  Chigi  was  elected,  and  took  the  name 
of  Alexander  VII. 

The  motive,  or  the  opinion,  which  had  first  suggested  the  thought 
of  his  elevation,  seemed  to  impose  on  the  new  pope  the  duty  of 
governing  in  a  different  spirit  from  his  immediate  predecessors;  and 
this  duty  he  appeared  resolved  to  fulfil.  For  a  considerable  time 
he  did  not  suffer  his  nephews  to  come  to  Rome;  he  made  it  his 
boast  that  he  did  not  remit  a  penny  to  them;  and  his  confessor 
Pallavicini,  who  was  then  writing  the  history  of  the  council  of 
Trent,  already  inserted  into  his  work  a  passage  in  which  he  pre- 
dicted for  Alexander  VII  eternal  renown,  especially  on  account  of 
this  moderation  towards  his  own  blood. { 

*  Pallavicini  enumerates  the  following  confederates;  Imperiale,  Omodei,  Bor- 
romei,  Odescalco,  Pio,  Ao^uaviva,  Ottobuono,  Albizi,  Gualtieri,  Azzolini.  The 
name  of  Squadrone  was  brought  into  vogue  by  the  Spanish  ambassador. 

I  "  Se  vogliamo  un  uomo  da  bene,  quegli  e  desso,  et  additto  C'  Chigi,  che 
era  indi  lontano  alquanto  nella  medesima  camera."     (Pallavicini.) 

X  "  Populus,"  says  he  in  the  Latin  biography  of  Alexander  VII,  "qui  prae 
multis  vectigalibus  humeris  sibi  ferre  videbatur  recentiores  pontificias  domostot 

opibus  onustas,  huic  Alexandri  S"'i  magnanimitati  mirifice  plaudebat; in- 

explicabili  detriaientoerat  et  sacroimperio  distributione  minus  aequa  beneficiorum 
etperpetuispopuli  oneribus."  Relatione  de' IV  ambasciatori  1655.  "  E  continen- 
za  sin  ora  eroica  quella  di  che  S.  S'*  si  mostra  armata,  escludendo  dall'  adiio  di 


156  ALEXANDER  VII  [BOOK  VIII. 

It  can,  however,  never  be  an  easy  task  to  break  throngh  a  cus- 
tom which  lias  once  gained  ground;  since  the  mere  fact  of  its  ob- 
taining currency  and  force  proves  that  it  possessed  some  quaUty 
which  recommended  it,  some  quality  in  liarmony  with  the  circum- 
stances around  it;  in  every  court  people  are  to  be  found  who  place 
these  in  the  strongest  and  fairest  light,  and  seek  to  hold  fast  to  the 
ancient  and  traditional,  be  the  abuses  attending  them  never  so 
glaring. 

One  courtier  after  another  gradually  insinuated  to  Alexander 
VII  that  it  was  not  decorous  for  the  kinsmen  of  the  pope  to  remain 
plain  citizens  of  a  town;  indeed  that  it  was  not  possible,  for  that 
the  inhabitants  of  Siena  would  not  be  restrained  from  paying 
princely  honors  to  his  f.imily,and  that  he  might  thus  easily  involve 
the  papal  see  in  misunderstandings  with  Tuscany.  Others  not  only 
maintained  this,  but  added  that  the  pope  would  set  a  still  better 
example  by  receiving  his  nephews  at  his  court,  but  holding  them 
in  check,  than  by  keeping  them  entirely  at  a  distance;  but  it  was 
undoubtedly  Oliva,  the  rector  of  the  Jesuits'  college,  who  made  the 
greatest  impression,  by  his  declaration  that  the  pope  was  guilty  of 
a  sin  in  not  inviting  his  nephews;  for  that  the  foreign  ambassadors 
would  never  place  so  much  confidence  in  a  mere  minister  as  in  a 
blood-relation  of  the  pope;  that  thus  the  holy  father  would  not  be 
able  to  get  such  good  information,  nor  consequently  to  perform  the 
duties  of  his  office  so  efficiently.*  So  many  arguments  were  hardly 
needed  to  move  the  pope  to  a  thing  to  which  he  was  already  in- 
clined; on  the  24th  of  April,  1656,  he  proposed  the  question  in  the 
consistory,  whether  it  seemed  good  to  his  brethren  the  cardinals 
that  he  should  employ  his  kinsmen  in  the  service  of  the  apostolic 
see.  No  one  dared  to  make  any  opposition,  and  shortly  afterwards 
they  arrived.t  The  pope's  brother,  Don  Mario,  was  appointed  to 
the  most  lucrative  posts,  the  inspection  of  the  Annona  and  the  ad- 
ministration of  justice  in  the  Borgo;  his  son  Flavio  was  created  car- 
dinal padrone,  and  in  a  short  time  had  an  ecclesiastical  revenue  of 
100,000  sc.  Another  brother  of  the  pope,  whom  he  particularly 
loved,  was  dead;  but  his  son  Agostino  was  selected  to  become 
founder  of  a  family.  He  was  gradually  provided  with  the  fairest 
possessions — the  matchless  Ariccia,  the  principality  of  Farnese,  and 
the  palace  in  the  Piazza  Colonna;  many  Inoghi  di  monte  were  be- 

Roroa  il  fratello,  i  nepoti  e  qualunque  si  pregia  di  congiontione  di  sangue  seco; 
et  e  tanto  piii  da  ammirarsi  questa  parsimonia  d'affeui  verso  i  suoi  congiunti 
quanto  die  non  e  distillata  nella  mente  dalle  persuasioni,  ma  e  volontaria  e  natavi 
per  propria  elettione." 

*  Scritture  politlche,  etc.  "  Un  giorno  Oliva  prese  occasioue  di  dire  al  padre 
Luli,"  (P.  Luli  had  been  brought  up  with  the  pope,  visited  him  constantly,  and 
desired  the  appointment  of  his  nephews,)  "  che  ii  papa  era  in  obligo  sotto  pec- 
cato  morlale  di  chiamare  a  Roma  i  suoi  nepoti;"  he  then  gives  the  above-men- 
tioned reasons. 

f  Pallavicini:  "In  quei  primi  giorni  i  partiali  d'  Alessandro  non  potean  com- 
parir  in  publico  senza  soggiacere  a  raordaci  scherni." 


§  VI. J  AND  CLEMENT  IX.  157 

Stowed  upon  liitn,  and  he  was  at  length  married  to  a  Borghese.* 
The  pope's  favors  were  extended  to  his  more  distant  relations,  such 
as  the  commendatore  Biclii,  who  occasionally  appears  in  the  Can- 
dian  war — and  even  to  the  Sienese  generally. 

Everything  thus  seemed  to  have  fallen  into  the  old  track.  But 
this  was  by  no  means  the  fact. 

Flavio  Chigi  was  far  from  possessing  the  same  authority  as  Pietro 
Aldohrandino,  or  Scipione  Cafiarelli,  or  Francesco  13arberino;  nor 
did  he  even  aspire  to  it.  Power  had  no  charms  for  him;  he  rather 
envied  his  secular  brother  Agostino,  to  whose  lot  the  substantial 
enjoyments  of  life,  unencumbered  by  much  toil  or  trouble,  had 
fallen. 

Indeed  Alexander  VII  himself  no  longer  ruled  with  anything  like 
the  autocratic  power  of  his  predecessors. 

Ihider  Urban  VIII,  a  congregazione  di  stato  was  established,  in 
which  the  most  important  atfairs  of  state  were  to  be  discussed  and 
concluded;  yet  its  real  operation  was  insignificant.  Under  Innocent 
X,  it  acquired  considerably  more  weight.  Pancirolo,  secretary  of 
this  congregation,  the  first  eminent  man  who  held  that  dignity  and 
laid  the  foundations  of  its  subsequent  consideration,  had,  up  to  his 
death,  the  largest  share  in  the  government  of  Innocent  X;  and  it  was 
mainly  attributed  to  him,  that  no  nephew  could  then  obtain  firm 
possession  of  power.  Chigi  himself  held  iliis  office  for  a  time.  At 
the  moment  we  are  treating  of,  Rospigliosi  obtained  it,  and  had  the 
administration  of  foreign  affairs  entirely  in  his  hands.  Next  to  him 
was  cardinal  ('orrado  of  Ferrara,  who  had  great  weight  in  matters 
of  ecclesiastical  imnumity.  Monsignore  Fngnano  had  the  direction 
of  the  monastic  orders;  and  Pallavicini  decided  theological  questions. 
The  congregations,  which  under  the  preceding  popes  were  nearly 
insignificant,  rose  once  more  to  importance  and  exercised  special 
functions.  Already  some  might  be  heard  to  maintain,  that  the  power 
of  deciding  absolutely  resided  in  the  pope,  only  as  to  spiritual  things: 
in  all  temporal  affairs,  as  for  instance  if  he  wished  to  declare  war, 
to  make  peace,  to  alienate  land,  to  levy  a  tax,  &c.  he  must  take 
counsel  of  the  cardinals. t  In  fact,  pope  Alexander  VII,  took  but 
little  active  share  in  the  administration  of  the  state.  He  went  for 
two  months  to  Castelgandolfo,  where  business  was  carefully  avoided; 
when  he  was  in  Home,  the  afternoons  were  dedicated  to  literature; 
authors  resorted  to  his  presence  and  read  their  works  aloud,  and  it 

*  Vita  di  Alessandro  Vll,  1666:  "II  principato  Farnese,  che  vale  100""  scudi, 
la  Riccia,  che  costa  altrettanto,  il  palazzo  in  piazza  Colonna,  clie  finilo  arrivera. 
ad  altri  100™  scudi,  formano  l)ellissimi  slabili  per  Don  Angiistino,  et  a<in;iiiritovi 
i  luoghi  di  monte  et  altri  officii  comprati  faranno  gli  stabili  di  una  sola  testa  piii 
di  mezzo  milione,  senza  le  annue  rendite  di  25"'  scudi  che  gode  il  coinmendator 
Bichi,  e  senza  ben  100'"  e  piu  so.  d'  entrata  che  opni  anno  entrano  nella  borsa 
del  C  Chigi."  These  are  ihe  sort  of  calculations  that  might  naturally  be  made 
in  the  talk  of  the  day,  and  to  which  no  great  importance  can  be  attached. 

I  Giac.  Quirini:  "  I  cardinali,  particolarmente  C' Albicci,  pretendevano  che 
il  papa  potesse  disporre  q'  indulgenze. .  • .  ma  per  pace  e  guerra,  alienalione  di 
stati  impositione  di  gabelle  dovrebbe  ricorrere  ai  cardinali." 


158  ALEXANDER  VII  [BOOK  VIII. 

was  one  of  his  favorite  recreations  to  suggest  amendments.  Even 
in  a  morning  it  was  difficult  to  obtain  an  audience  of  him  for  actual 
business.  "  I  passed  forty-two  months,"  says  Giacomo  Qiiirini, "  at 
the  court  of  pope  Alexander,  and  I  discovered  that  he  had  merely 
the  name  of  a  pope,  not  the  substantial  power  of  the  papacy.  Of 
those  qualitit^s  which  he  had  displayed  as  cardinal,  vivacity  of  spirit, 
power  of  discrimination,  decision  in  difficult  cases,  and  facility  of 
expression,  not  a  trace  remained;  business  was  put  aside,  and  he 
thought  of  nothing  but  how  to  live  in  undisturbed  repose  of  mind."* 

Occasionally  Alexander  perceived  and  disapproved  the  abuses 
which  prevailed  in  his  court  and  government.  When  his  projects 
failed,  he  laid  all  the  blame  on  the  interested  selfishness  of  the  car- 
dinals; and  even  in  the  delirious  wanderings  which  preceded  his 
death,  he  was  heard  to  speak  of  it. 

But  as  this  state  of  things  was  the  natural  result  of  circumstances 
and  of  the  course  of  events,  it  went  on. 

The  cardinals  composing  the  sqziadrone,  who  had  contributed  the 
most  to  the  election  of  Alexander  VII,  and  had  maintained  great 
influence  during  his  reign,  even  after  his  death  turned  the  scale  in 
the  new  conclave.  The  only  difference  was, that  they  were  now  in 
a  more  perfect  understanding  with  France.  On  the  20th  of  June 
1667,  Rospigliosi,  who  under  the  late  pope  held  the  office  of  secre- 
tary of  state,  was  raised  to  the  papal  throne  under  the  name  of 
Clement  IX.t 

It  was  agreed  by  acclamation,  that  it  was  impossible  to  find  a 
better  or  a  kinder  man.  He  was  not  indeed  so  remarkable  for  in- 
dustry as  for  good  intentions;  he  was  compared  to  a  tree  adorned 
with  beautiful  branches  and  luxuriant  foliage,  and  perhaps  even 
with  blossoms,  but  bearing  no  fruit;  all  those  virtues  which  consist 
in  an  absence  of  vices,  such  as  purity  of  manners,  modesty,  tem- 
perance, he  possessed  in  an  eminent  degree.  He  was  the  first 
pope  who  really  observed  moderation  in  the  advancement  of  his 
kinsmen.  They  were  not  kept  at  a  distance;  on  the  contrary,  they 
were  appointed  to  the  usual  offices,  and  even  founded  a  new  family; 
but  this  was  accomplished  only  in  consequence  of  an  opportunity 
which  presented  itself  of  marrying  a  young  Rospigliosi  to  a  rich 
heiress  of  the  house  of  Pallavicini  of  Genoa.  The  favors  and 
privileges  which  they  received  from  their  uncle  were  comparatively 
very  moderate:  they  were  not  permitted  to  appropriate  the  public 
property,  excepting  only  Luoghi  di  Monte:  nor  did  they  partition 
out  amongst  them  the  business  and  the  powers  of  the  state. 

In  this  consisted  the  greatest  change. 

*  "  Datosi  quel  capo  alia  qniete  dell'  aninio,  al  solo  ponsiere  di  vivere,  e  con 
severo  divieto  ripudiato  il  necrotio." 

f  Qiiirini  :  "  Dalle  pratiche  di  volanti,  ch'  in  vero  ebbero  il  merifo  della  pre- 
sente  elettione,  successe  che  Chiofi  con  mal  retrolato  consiglioe  fuori  di  tempo  et 
ordine  si  dicliiaro  in  sala  re^ia  nell'  entrare  in  capella  alio  scrutinio,  che  accon- 

Bentiva  alia  noinina  di  Rospigliosi Ouoboni  inanzi  dell'  adoratione  fu  di- 

chiarato  prodatario,  Azzolini  segretaria  di  state. " 


§  VI.]  AND  CLEMENT  IX.  159 

Heretofore,  at  every  fresh  accession  to  the  papal  throne,  all,  or 
the  greater  number,  of  the  public  officers,  upon  whom  depended 
the  character  and  the  policy  of  the  papal  court,  had  been  changed: 
Clement  IX  first  abolished  this  practice;  he  wished  to  avoid  giving 
pain  to  any  one,  and  with  the  exception  of  a  few  of  the  higher 
places,  he  confirmed  the  appointments  of  those  whom  he  found  in 
office.*  In  these  eminent  posts  he  placed  cardinals  such  as  Ottobu- 
ono  and  Azzolino,  members  of  the  sqiuulrone  which  had  deter- 
mined the  last  elections,  and  in  other  respects  powerful  men.  He 
was  very  far  from  persecuting  the  kindred  of  his  predecessors,  in 
the  manner  which  had  been  so  common  in  other  pontificates;  the 
recommendations  of  Flavio  Chigi  had  little  less  weight  with  him 
than  with  Alexander;  favors  continued  to  pass  through  his  hands, 
and  all  remained  in  its  accustomed  state. 

We  may  imagine  how  mortifying  was  the  disappointment  of  tlie 
pope's  countrymen,  the  inhabitants  of  Pistoja.  They  had  reckoned 
on  the  same  favors  and  advantages  which  had  been  showered 
upon  the  Siennese;  all  of  them  who  were  in  Rome,  we  are  told, 
began  to  affect  the  refined  manners  and  to  swear  by  the  honor  of 
a  nobleman;  bitter,  therefore,  was  their  amazement  at  finding  that 
the  places  they  had  fixed  their  hopes  upon,  were  not  so  much  as 
vacant,  far  less  distributed  amongst  themselves. 

But  Clement  IX  did  not  withhold  the  bounty  with  which  the  popes 
were  accustomed  to  celebrate  their  accession;  he  rather  carried  it 
to  an  unusual  length,  for  within  the  first  month  of  his  reign  he  dis- 
tributed above  600,000  scudi.  These  gifts  however  were  for  the 
benefit  neither  of  his  countrymen,  nor  even  of  his  kindred  (with 
whom  people  fiiiled  not  to  condole  on  this  neglect  of  their  interestst), 
but  were  divided  among  the  cardinals  and  the  leading  members  of 
the  curia  generally.  This  was  immediately  imputed  to  some  stipu- 
lations made  in  the  conclave,  but  not  the  least  trace  of  any  such  is 
discoverable.  It  is  much  more  attributable  to  the  universal  im- 
provement in  public  opinion  which  had  taken  place  during  this 
epoch  nearly  all  over  Europe. 

There  had  never  been  a  period  more  favorable  to  aristocracy 
than  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century;  in  which,  throughout 
the  whole  extent  of  the  Spanish  monarchy,  power  relapsed  into  the 
hands  of  the  higher  nobility,  from  whom  it  had  been  wrested  by 
the  kings  of  preceding  ages;  in  which  the  English  constitution  had 
assumed,  amidst  the  most  tremendous  struggles,  the  aristocratical 
character  which  it  preserves  to  this  day;  in  which  the  parliaments 

*  Grimani,  Relatione:  "  1  suoi  corteggiani  sono  mal  soddisfatti,  pernon  haver 
volsuto  rimuovere  alcuno  de'  ministri  et  officiali  di  quelli  dell'  antecedente  pon- 
tefice,  come  sempre  costumarono  di  far  gli  altri  pontefici."  He  was  blamed  for 
this,  because  at  his  death  his  nephews  would  be  left  without  proper  supporters. 
"  Quelli  che  havevano  ricevute  le  cariche  di  Alessandro  VII,  benche  non 
rimossi  da  Clemente,  conserveranno  1'  obligatione  agli  eredi  di  Alessandro." 

f  "  Considerandogli  che  con  tanta  profusione  d'  oro  e  d'  argento  una  lunga 
catena  per  la  poverta  della  lore  casa  lavoravano."     (Quirini.) 


y 


160  ELEMENTS  OF  THE  [BOOK  VIII. 

of  France  persuaded  themselves  that  they  were  able  to  play  the 
same  part  as  that  of  England;  in  which  through  all  the  states  of 
Germany  the  nobihty  acquired  a  decided  ascendency,  witli  the  ex- 
ception of  here  and  there  the  territory  of  a  high-spirited  and  daunt- 
less prince,  who  beat  down  all  attempts  at  the  assertion  of  inde- 
pendence; in  which  the  estates  of  Sweden  aspired  to  imposing 
intolerable  shackles  on  the  power  of  the  crown,  and  the  nobility  of 
Poland  acquired  absolute  independence. 

So  also  it  came  to  pass  in  Rome.  A  numerous,  powerful,  and 
wealthy  aristocracy  surrounded  the  papal  throne;  the  families  al- 
ready established  held  in  check  the  rising  ones,  and  the  spiritual 
sovereignty  passed  from  the  absolute  will  and  the  imhesitating 
boldness  of  monarchy,  into  the  sobriety,  sedateness,  and  deliberation 
which  characterise  an  aristocratical  form  of  government. 

Under  such  circumstances  the  court  assumed  an  altered  character. 
There  ensued  a  very  remarkable  pause  in  that  stream  of  foreigners 
who  thronged  to  Rome  in  search  of  fortune;  in  that  eternal  change 
and  succession  of  new  men:  a  stationary  population  had  arisen,  in 
which  the  infusion  of  new  elements  was  far  less  frequent.  Let  us 
now  see  of  what  materials  it  was  composed. 


§  7.    ELEMENTS  OF  THE  ROMAN  POPULATION. 

Let  us  begin  from  the  highest  classes,  of  whom  we  have  just 
been  speaking. 

The  time-honored  Roman  families,  the  Savelli,  Conti,  Orsini,  Co- 
lonna  Gaetani,  still  flourished.  The  Savelli  still  possessed  their 
ancient  jurisdiction  of  the  Corte  Savella,  with  the  right  of  deliver- 
ing one  criminal  every  year  from  the  punishment  of  death;*  the 
ladies  of  that  house,  according  to  immemorial  usage,  either  never 
quitted  their  palace  walls,  or  only  in  a  closely  veiled  carriage.  The 
Conti  decorated  their  halls  with  the  portraits  of  the  popes  of  their 
line.  The  Gaetani  dwelt  with  pride  on  Boniface  VIII;  they 
thought,  and  it  was  a  claim  generally  admitted,  that  the  spirit  of 
that  pope  rested  upon  them.  The  houses  of  Colonna  and  Orsini 
boasted  that  for  centuries  no  peace  had  been  concluded  between 
the  princes  of  Christendom,  in  which  they  had  not  been  expressly 
included. t  But  whatever  might  have  been  their  former  power, 
they  certainly  owed  their  present  importance  to  their  connection 
with  the  curia  and  the  popes.  Although  the  Orsini  were  masters 
of  noble  possessions,  which  ought  to  have  brought  them  in  80,000 
scudi  a  year,  they  were  much  impoverished  by  an  improvident 
liberality,  and  stood  in  need  of  the  aid  of  ecclesiastical  places.   The 

*  Discorso  del  dominio  temporale  e  spirituale  del  sommo  pontefice,  1664. 
I  Descrittione  delle  famiglie  nobili  Romane,  MS.  in  the  library  of  S'  Mark, 
vi,  237  and  234. 


§  VII.]  ROMAN  POPULATION.  161 

Contestabile  Don  Filippo  Colonna  had  only  been  enabled  to  re-es- 
tablish his  pecuniary  affairs,  by  the  permission  granted  him  by 
Urban  VIII  to  lower  the  rate  of  interest  on  his  debts,  and  by  the 
church  benefices  conferred  on  four  of  his  sons.* 

For  it  was  a  custom  of  long  tradition  that  the  rising  families 
should  enter  into  close  relation  with  those  ancient  princely  houses. 

Under  Innocent  X  there  existed  for  a  time,  as  it  were,  two  great 
clans  or  factions.  With  the  Pamfili  were  united  the  Orsini,  Cesa- 
rini,  Borghesi,  Aldobrandini,  Ludovisi,  Giustiniani;  opposed  to 
them  were  the  Colonnesi  and  Barberini.  By  the  reconciliation  of 
Donna  Olympia  with  the  Barberini,  the  union  became  general,  and 
included  all  the  families  of  distinction. 

Even  in  this  class  we  now  remark  an  alteration.  In  former 
times  the  reigning  families  had  always  played  the  great  parts,  and 
had  thrown  their  predecessors  into  the  shade  by  the  acquisition  of 
greater  wealth.  But  this  was  now  no  longer  possible;  in  the  first 
place,  because  the  elder  houses  were  become  too  rich  by  intermar- 
riages or  by  good  management;  and  in  the  second,  because  the 
papal  treasury  was  gradually  exhausted.  The  Chigi  could  not 
hope  to  surpass  their  predecessors;  the  Rospigliosi  were  far  from 
even  aspiring  to  do  so;  it  was  enough  if  they  could  succeed  in 
being  received  into  their  ranks. 

Every  state  of  society  is  represented,  or  if  we  may  use  the  ex- 
pression, reflected,  in  some  intellectual  product,  some  custom,  or 
form  of  manners;  the  most  remarkable  product  of  this  Roman 
society  and  its  intercourse  was  the  ceremonial  of  the  court.  Never 
was  there  a  time  in  which  ceremony  was  more  rigorously  observed 
than  in  that  we  are  treating  of;  it  was  in  harmony  with  the  aristo- 
cratical  tendencies  which  universally  prevailed;  the  elaborate  per- 
fection to  which  it  was  brought  in  Rome,  was  perhaps  the  result  of 
the  claim  set  up  by  that  court  to  take  precedency  of  all  others,  and 
the  consequent  endeavor  to  express  that  claim  in  certain  externals.! 
The  ambassadors  of  France  and  Spain  had  long  made  Rome  the 
scene  of  their  contests  for  precedency,  added  to  which  innumerable 
disputes  about  rank  arose  in  the  Roman  court  itself;  between  the 
ambassadors  and  the  higher  officials,  e.g.  the  governatore;  between 
the  cardinals  who  had  a  seat  in  the  rota,  and  the  others;  between 
a  vast  many  other  bodies  of  government  officers,  and  between  the 
several  great  families — for  example,  the  Colonna  and  Orsini.     It 

*  Almaden,  Relatione  di  Roma:  "II  primogenito  e  Don  Federico,  principe  di 
Botero;  il  secondo  Don  Girolamo  cardinale,  cuore  del  padre  e  meritamente  per 
esser  signore  di  tutta  bonta;  il  terzo  Don  Carlo,  il  quale  dopo  diversi  soldi  di 
Fiandra  e  di  Germania  si  fece  monaco  ed  abate  Casinense:  il  quarto  Don  Marc 
Antonio,  accasato  in  Sicilia:  il  quinto  Don  Prospero,  commendatore  di  S.  Gio- 
vanni: il  sesto  Don  Pietro,  abbate  secolare  stroppio  della  persona,  ma  altret- 
tanto  fatica  d'ingegno." 

t  The  French  ambassador  Bethune  among  others,  complains  in  1G27,  (23d 
Feb.)  of  these  attempts.     Siri,  Memorie  rec.  vi,  p.  262. 
VOL.  II.  — 15 


162  ELEMENTS  OF  THE  [BOOK  VIII. 

was  in  vain  that  pope  Sixtus  had  decided  that  the  eldest  of  either 
house  should  always  have  precedence;  if  this  happened  to  be  a 
Colonna,  the  Orsini  did  not  appear;  if  it  was  an  Orsino,  the  Colonna 
absented  themselves;  and  even  to  these  illustrious  races  the  Conti 
and  the  Savelli  gave  way  with  great  reluctance,  and  only  under 
incessant  protests.  The  distinctions  were  most  accurately  deter- 
mined; for  instance,  when  the  pope's  kinsmen  entered  the  papal 
apartments,  both  wings  of  the  folding  doors  were  thrown  open; 
other  barons  or  cardinals  were  fain  to  pass  through  one.  A  strange 
mark  of  reverence  was  introduced;  a  man  stopped  his  carriage 
when  he  met  the  carriage  of  a  superior  or  a  patron.  It  was  said 
that  this  honor  was  first  paid  to  cardinal  Alessandro  Farnese  by 
marchese  Mettei;  that  the  cardinal  then  stopped  too,  and  that  they 
exchanged  a  few  words,*  Others  soon  followed  the  example. — 
The  ambassadors  received  this  token  of  respect  from  their  country- 
men, and,  inconvenient  as  it  was,  it  became  a  universal  custom,  a 
universal  duty.  It  is  to  the  most  insignificant  things  that  vanity 
attaches  itself  the  most  pertinaciously;  they  afford  an  excuse  for 
not  permitting  the  smallest  omission  in  dependents  or  equals. 

Let  us  go  a  step  lower  in  the  scale  of  society. 

In  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  people  reckoned  about 
fifty  noble  families  three  hundred  years  old;  five-and-thirty,  two 
hundred;  sixteen,  one  hundred.  None  were  allowed  a  more  ancient 
descent,  and  they  were  generally  traced  to  an  obscure  and  mean  ori- 
gin.! A  great  part  of  them  were  originally  settlers  in  the  Campagna. 
Unhappily,  iiowever,  at  the  time  when  the  luoghi  di  monte  bore 
a  high  interest,  they  suffered  themselves  to  be  induced  (as  we  have 
already  mentioned)  to  sell  a  great  portion  of  their  estates  to  the 
papal  families,  and  to  invest  the  purchase-money  in  the  papal  monti. 
At  first  they  appeared  to  derive  considerable  advantage  from  the 
change.  The  pope's  kinsmen  gave  high  prices  for  the  land — often 
above  its  value;  and  the  interestof  the  luoghi  di  monte,  which  was 
received  without  trouble,  was  higher  than  the  profits  arising  from 
the  most  laborious  culture  of  the  land.  But  they  soon  had  cause 
to  feel  that  they  had  exchanged  immoveable  property  for  fluctuat- 
ing funds.  Alexander  VII  was  driven  to  a  reduction  of  the  monti, 
by  which  credit  was  shaken  and  the  value  of  the  luoghi  sank  im- 
mensely. There  was  not  a  family  which  did  not  lose  by  this  re- 
duction. 

Numerous  other  new  families  arose  by  the  side  of  the  old  ones. 
The  conduct  of  the  pope  was  imitated  by  the  cardinals  and  prelates 
of  the  curia— each  according  to  the  measure  of  his  wealth  and 

*  In  the  Barberini  Library  I  saw  a  special  treatise  on  this  subject:  "  Circa  il 
fermar  le  carrozze  per  complimento  e  come  s'  introdusse  in  uso." 

\  Ahnaden:  "  La  itiaorcrior  parte  delle  famiglie  ocrgi  stimate  a  Roma  nobili 
vengono  da  basso  principio,  come  da  notaro,  speziale  che  sarebbe  da  sopportare, 
mi  dell'  arte  puzzolente  della  concia  di  corame.  To  benche  sappia  particolar- 
mente  I'origine,  non  pero  lo  scrivo  per  non  oflendere  alcuno.'' 


§  VII.]  ROMAN  POPULATION.  163 

power.  They  too  neglected  not  to  apply  the  surplus  of  their  ec- 
clesiastical incomes  to  enrich  their  kindred  and  to  found  new  fami- 
lies. Others  rose  to  eminence  by  judicial  offices,  or  by  the  business 
of  the  dataria,  in  connection  with  which  tliey  acted  as  money-chan- 
gers. At  the  time  we  treat  of  there  were  reckoned  fifteen  Floren- 
tine, eleven  Genoese,  nine  Portuguese,  and  four  French  families  who 
had  raised  themselves  to  greater  or  less  opulence  according  to  their 
good  fortune  or  their  talents;  some  of  them,  whose  reputation  no 
longer  depended  on  the  affairs  of  the  day,  were  omnipotent  by  their  . 
wealth;  sucii  as,  in  the  reign  of  Urban  VIII,  the  Guicciardini  and 
the  Doni,  with  whom  the  Giustiniani,  Primi,  and  Pallavicini  con- 
nected themselves.*  And  even  without  business  of  this  kind  fami- 
lies of  distinction  were  continually  resorting  to  Rome,  not  only  from 
Urbino,  Rieti,  and  Bologna,  but  even  from  Parma  and  Florence. 
Many  were  attracted  by  the  establishment  of  the  monti  and  of  the 
saleable  offices:  the  former  were  for  a  long  time  a  sort  of  property 
greatly  in  request,  especially  the  vacabili,  which  were  a  sort  of  life- 
annuity,  and  therefore  gave  lOi  per  cent,  interest,  and  were  not 
only  transferable  by  will,  but,  if  all  testamentary  dispositions  were 
neglected,  descended  by  inheritance;  the  curia  sanctioning  this  with- 
out difficulty.  The  saleable  places  descended  in  like  manner. 
They  ought,  on  the  death  of  the  holder,  to  have  reverted  to  the 
treasury,  and  for  that  reason  the  income  they  gave,  as  compared 
with  the  capital  originally,  sunk,  was  so  large;  at  the  same  time  it 
was  in  fact  simply  interest,  since  the  holder  had  no  official  duties 
whatsoever;  though  even  these,  where  they  existed,  could  be  trans- 
mitted without  much  difficulty.  Many  an  office  was  never  vacant 
for  a  century. 

The  union  of  the  public  functionaries  and  montisti  into  collegia 
gave  them  a  certain  corporate  character  and  importance,  and  al- 
though by  degrees  their  rights  were  much  infringed,  they  still 
maintained  a  very  independent  position.  The  aristocratic  principle, 
so  singularly  blended  with  the  system  of  credit  and  national  debt, 
which  pervaded  the  whole  state,  was  also  very  advantageous  to 
these  bodies.    Strangers  indeed  frequently  found  them  overbearing. 

The  lower  classes  attached  themselves  more  closely  and  in  greater 
numbers  to  those  families  which  already  possessed  so  much  capital, 
had  risen  so  rapidly,  were  daily  acquiring  greater  stability,  and 
profited  so  largely  by  the  revenues  of  the  church. 

A  census  of  the  population  of  Rome  is  extant,  and  by  comparing 
one  year  with  another,  we  arrive  at  a  most  remarkable  result  as  to 
its  formation.  It  cannot  be  said  that  the  increase  had  been,  gene- 
rally speaking,  exceedingly  rapid:  in  the  year  1600,  we  find  there 
were  about  110,000  inhabitants;  fifty-six  years  after  that,  somewhat 

*  Almaden:  "  Non  passano  ancora  la  seconda  generatione  di  ciUadinanza  Ro- 
mana, ....  son  venute  da  Fiorenza  e  Geneva  coll'  occasione  del  danaro  .... 
molte  volte  mojono  nelle  fascie." 


164  ELEMENTS  OF  THE  ROMAN  POPULATION.        [BOOK  VIII. 

more  than  120,000; — an  increase  which  is  by  no  means  extraordi- 
nary: but  another  circumstance  strikes  ns  as  being  well  worthy  of 
observation.  In  former  times  the  population  of  Rome  had  been 
very  fluctuating;  thus  in  the  reign  of  Paul  V,  from  80,000  inhabi- 
tants it  had  decreased  to  50,000,  and,  after  the  lapse  of  thirty  or 
forty  years,  the  numbers  increased  again  to  above  100,000.  This 
was  occasioned  by  the  circumstance  that  the  court  was  chiefly 
composed  of  single  men  who  had  no  permanent  residence  there. 
But  towards  the  end  of  the  16th  century,  and  still  more  during  the 
first  half  of  the  17th,  the  population  consisted  of  resident  families. 
In  the  year  1600,  there  were  in  Rome, 

Date.  Inhabitants.  Families. 

1600  109,729  20,019 

1614  115,643  21,422 

1619  106,050  24,380 

1628  115,374  24,429 

1644  110,608  27,279 

1653  118,882  29,081 

1656  120,596  30,103* 

We  see  that  in  some  years  the  gross  number  of  inhabitants  shows 
a  decrease,  while  the  number  of  families  exhibits  a  regular  increase. 
During  the  last  fifty-six  years,  above  10,000  families  had  been 
added  to  the  number;  which  is  the  more  remarkable,  since  the  total 
increase  of  the  population  is  only  the  same.  The  crowd  of  single 
men  who  were  constantly  coming  and  going  diminished,  while  the 
mass  of  the  population  became  stationary.  It  has  retained  the  same 
proportions  ever  since,  subject  only  to  slight  variations,  resulting 
from  epidemics  and  from  the  natural  tendency  of  population  to  fill 
up  a  void. 

After  the  return  of  the  popes  from  Avignon,  and  the  cessation  of 
the  schism,  the  city,  which  seemed  likely  to  dwindle  into  a  mere 
village,  formed  itself  round  the  curia.  It  was  only  from  the  time 
that  the  papal  families  rose  to  power  and  wealth,  intestine  troubles 
and  external  wars  ceased,  and  the  incomes  drawn  from  the  reve- 
nues of  church  and  state  afforded  a  means  of  acquiring  wealth 
without  labor,  that  a  numerous  and  opulent  population  became 
permanently  fixed  in  Rome.  Its  prosperity  depended  entirely  on 
the  importance  of  the  church  and  the  court,  which  were  the  sources 
of  wealth,  both  in  the  shape  of  direct  donations  and  of  other  less 
immediate  advantages.  All  were  indeed  upstarts,  like  the  papal 
families  themselves. 

Hitherto,  the  number  of  those  already  naturalised  in  Rome  had 
been  continually  recruited  by  new  comers,  who  thronged  thither, 

♦  The  documents  from  which  these  numbers  are  taken  exist  in  manuscript  ia 
the  Barberini  Library.  A  later  one,  from  1702  till  1816,  is  in  Cancellieri,  del 
taranlisrao  di  Roma,  p.  73. 


§  VIII.J  PUBLIC  BUILDINGS.  165 

especially  from  the  native  town  of  each  siicceediiig  pope;  a  practice 
which  ceased  when  the  court  assumed  the  new  form  we  have  just 
been  describing.  The  capital  of  the  catholic  world  had  owed  its 
growth  and  splendor  to  the  vast  and  universal  influence  which  the 
see  of  Rome  had  acquired  by  the  catholic  restoration;  this  was  the 
period  of  the  foundation  of  the  Roman  families  which  flourish  at 
the  present  day:  but  from  the  time  the  extension  of  the  spiritual 
dominion  was  arrested,  the  population  no  longer  increased.  It 
owed  its  existence  entirely  to  that  epoch. 

Even  the  modern  part  of  the  city,  which  captivates  the  attention 
of  travellers,  and  of  which  we  will  now  take  a  brief  survey,  mainly 
belongs  to  the  same  period — that  of  the  catholic  restoration. 


§    S.    PUBLIC  BUILDINGS  ERECTED  BY  THE  POPES. 

We  have  shown  what  vast  architectural  schemes  were  executed 
by  Sixtus  V,  and  by  what  views  for  the  church  and  for  religion 
these  were  prompted. 

Clement  VIII  followed  in  his  footsteps.  Some  of  the  most 
beautiful  chapels  in  the-  churches  of  St.  John  and  St.  Peter  owe 
their  erection  to  him.  He  founded  the  new  palace  in  the  Vatican, 
and  to  this  day  the  pope  and  the  secretary  of  state  live  in  the  apart- 
ments which  he  built. 

But  it  was  Paul  V  above  all  who  strove  to  compete  with  Sixtus. 
''Throughout  the  whole  city,"  says  a  contemporaneous  life  of 
him,  "lie  levelled  hills,  opened  extensive  views  where  there  had 
been  only  dark  corners  and  winding  streets;  made  large  squares, 
and  decorated  them  nobly  with  new  buildings:  he  supplied  the  city 
with  water,  not  trickling  through  a  scanty  pipe,  but  gushing  out  in 
a  stream.  The  magnificence  of  his  palaces  was  rivalled  by  the 
variety  of  the  gardens  he  laid  out.  In  the  interior  of  his  private 
chapels  everything  glitters  with  gold  and  silver;  they  are  not  so 
much  adorned  as  filled  v/ith  precious  stones.  The  public  chapels 
rear  their  heads  like  basilica,  the  basilica  like  temples,  the  temples 
like  marble  mountains."* 

We  see  that  his  works  were  not  admired  for  their  beauty  and 
symmetry,  but  for  their  splendor  and  colossal  size;  and  such  were 
indeed  their  characteristics. 

He  erected  opposite  to  the  Sixtine  chapel  in  S^*  Maria  Maggiore, 
one  far  more  gorgeous,  entirely  of  precious  marbles.  He  carried 
the  stream  of  water  which  bears  his  name,  Aqua  Paolina,  to  the 
Janiculus — a  distance  of  five-and-thirty  miles.  Opposite  to  the 
fountain  and  the  Moses  of  Sixtus  V,  but  at  a  distance,  this  stream, 
five  times  as  powerful  as  the  Aqua  Felice,  divides  into  four  copious 

*  Vita  Pauli  V  compendiose  scripta,    MS.  Barb. 
15* 


166  PUBLIC  BUILDINGS  [BOOK  VIII. 

branches.  From  this  far-famed  hill,  the  scene  of  Porsenna's  attack, 
now  covered  with  vineyards  and  orchards  and  ruins,  the  traveller 
looks  across  the  city  and  the  country  to  the  distant  mountains,  over 
which  the  evening  hangs  its  many-colored  mist,  like  a  transparent 
veil.  The  solitude  is  sublimely  broken  by  the  noise  of  the  gushing 
waters.  One  of  the  most  striking  features  of  liome  is  the  abund- 
ance of  water,  the  multitude  of  fountains,  and  this  charm  it  chiefly 
owes  to  the  Aqua  Paolina.  It  supplies  the  matchless  fountains  of 
the  Piazza  di  San  Pietro;  it  is  conducted  under  the  Ponte  Sisto,  to 
the  city  proper,  and  feeds  the  fountains  in  the  Farnese  palace  and 
many  others. 

As  Sixtus  V  reared  the  cupola  of  St.  Peter's,  so  Paul  V  under- 
took the  general  completion  of  the  church,*  and  this  he  executed 
on  a  standard  of  magnitude  suggested  by  the  spirit  of  his  age. 
Now-a-days  we  regret  that  the  original  plan  of  Bramante  and  Mi- 
chael Angelo  was  not  followed;  but  the  work  of  Paul  V  entirely 
satisfied  the  taste  of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries.  And 
indeed  though  no  one  can  think  that  fa9ade  beautiful,  there  is  a 
general  air  of  cheerfulness,  convenience,  and  grandeur;  while  the 
colossal  size  of  the  building,  the  piazza,  the  obelisk,  and  the  whole 
surrounding  place,  create  that  impression  of  the  gigantic  which  it 
was  the  aim  of  the  artists  to  produce,  and  which  is  equally  irre- 
sistible and  indelible. 

Short  as  was  the  reign  of  the  Ludovisi,  they  founded  an  im- 
perishable monument  in  the  church  of  St.  Ignazio,  and  their  villa 
in  the  city.  Niccolo  Ludivisio  at  one  time  possessed  six  palaces, 
all  of  which  he  embellished,  or  at  least  kept  in  repair. 

The  memory  of  Urban  VIII  is  perpetuated,  not  only  by  several 
churches,  as  S*''  Bibiana,  San  Quirico,  San  Sebastian©  on  the  Pala- 
tine, but,  in  conformity  with  his  tastes,  still  more  by  palaces  and 
fortifications.  After  he  had  surrounded  St.  Angelo  with  ditches 
and  breastworks,  and  thoroughly  fortified  it,  (as  he  boasts  on  one 
of  the  coins  of  his  reign,)  he  continued  the  wall  according  to  the 
plan  of  cardmal  Maculano,  who  was  an  accomplished  architect, 
round  the  Vatican  and  the  Belvedere  garden,  to  the  Porta  Caval- 
leggieri;  here  it  was  met  by  other  fortifications,  which  were  to  in- 
close the  Lungara,  the  Trastavere,  and  the  Janiculus,and  to  extend 
to  the  priory  on  the  Aventino;  Porta  Portuensa  was  chiefly  erected 
by  Urban  VIII.  It  was  not  till  he  was  thus  surrounded,  and  had 
carefully  restored  the  bridge  leading  from  the  papal  residence  to 
the  castle,  that  he  felt  himself  secure,  t 

*  Magnificentia  Pauli  V  seu  publico  utilitatis  et  splendoris  opera  a  Paulo  vel 
in  urbe  vel  alibi  instituta.  MS.  "  Unius  Pauli  jussu  impensisque  instructa  ejus 
templi  pars  cum  reliquis  ab  omnibus  retro  pontificibus  exstructis  partibus  merito 
conferri  potest." 

fCancellieri,  del  tarantismo  di  Roma,  p.  55,  printed  the  passages  which  be- 
long here  from  the  Diario  of  Giacinto  Gigli,  which  unfortunately  was  stolen 
from  me  in  Rome,  and  is  the  greatest  loss  my  collection  ever  sustained. 


§  VIII,]  ERECTED  BY  THE  POPES.  167 

Pope  Innocent  X  also  added  greatly  to  the  pnblic  bniidings  of 
Rome.  Of  this  we  see  proofs  at  the  Capitol,  the  two  sides  of  which 
he  endeavored  to  assimilate;  in  the  church  of  the  Lateran,  where 
he  had  the  merit  of  proceeding  with  a  more  careful  regard  to  the 
ancient  forms  than  any  of  his  predecessors;  but  more  especially  on 
the  Piazza  Navona.  It  was  remarked,  that  when  he  passed  over 
the  Piazza  di  San  Pietro,  he  never  turned  his  eyes  from  the  foun- 
tain erected  there  by  Paul  V.*  Fain  would  he  have  vied  with 
that  pope,  and  have  adorned  his  own  favorite  piazza  with  a  still 
more  beautiful  fountain;  and  to  this  object  Bernini  applied  all  his 
art.  An  obelisk  was  brought  from  the  Circus  of  Caracalla,  and 
upon  it  were  fixed  the  arms  of  the  Pamfili.  Houses  were  pulled 
down  in  order  to  give  the  Piazza  a  new  aspect;  Sant'  Agnete  was 
thoroughly  renovated,  while  at  a  short  distance  arose  the  palazzo 
Pamfili,  richly  adorned  with  statues,  pictures,  and  interior  embel- 
lishments. The  vigna  on  the  other  side  the  Vatican,  belonging  to 
his  family,  he  converted  into  one  of  the  most  beautiful  villas,  con- 
taining everything  that  can  render  a  country  life  delightful. 

In  Alexander  VII,  we  observe  the  modern  taste  for  uniformity. 
He  demolished  a  vast  number  of  houses  for  the  sake  of  making 
streets  in  right  lines;  the  palazzo  Salviati  was  pulled  down  to  form 
the  Piazza  del  Collegio  Romano,  and  the  Piazza  Colonna,  where 
stood  the  palace  of  his  own  family,  was  transformed  by  his  order. 
He  restored  the  Sapienza  and  the  Propaganda,  l^nt  his  most  illus- 
trious monument  was  unquestionably  the  colonnades  with  which 
he  inclosed  the  upper  part  of  the  Piazza  di  San  Pietro;  a  colossal 
work  consisting  of  284  pillars  and  8S  pilasters.  Whatever  objec- 
tions may  have  been  made  to  it,  both  at  the  time  of  its  erection 
and  afterwardSjt  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  it  is  conceived  in  the 
spirit  of  the  main  building  to  which  it  is  attached,  and  that  it  con- 
tributes to  produce  that  compound  impression  of  the  immeasurable 
and  the  cheerful  which  is  the  characteristic  of  the  place. 

Such  was  the  gradual  growth  of  that  city  to  which  countless 
foreigners  from  every  nation  and  clime  have  since  flocked  as  pil- 
grims to  the  shrine  of  art,  whose  richest  treasures  were  accumulated 
within  these  master-pieces  of  architecture.  Valuable  and  copious 
libraries  were  formed;  not  only  the  Vatican,  the  convents  of  the 
Augustins  and  Dominicans,  the  houses  of  the  Jesuits  and  of  the 


*  Diario  Deone,  4  Luglio,  1648.  He  remarks:  "La  quale  (la  fontana  di 
papa  Paolo,  for  at  that  time  there  was  but  one,)  difficilmente  potra  superare  ne 
in  bellezza  ne  in  quantita  d'  acque." 

f  Sagredo:  "  I  colonnati  che  si  vanno  intorno  alia  piazza  erigendo,  di  quatro 
ordini  di  questi  restar  cinta  dovendo  tutti  in  forma  ovata,  i  quali  formeranno  tre 
portici  coperti  con  tre  magnifici  ingressi,  e  sopra  da  un  corridore  che  sara  d'altro 
ordine  di  picciole  colonne  e  di  statue  adornato,  il  papa  pretende  che  servir  deb- 
bano  per  ricevere  delta  piogrgia  e  del  sole  alle  carozze."  The  expenses  already 
amounted  to  900,000  sc,  which  were  taken  from  the  funds  of  the  Fabrica  di  S. 
Pietro. 


168  PUBLIC  BUILDINGS  [BOOK  VIIL 

fathers  of  the  oratory,  were  furnished  with  them,  but  even  the 
palaces  of  the  nobles;  they  rivalled  each  other  in  the  number  of  the 
printed  books  and  the  rarity  of  the  manuscripts,  which  they  col- 
lected. Not  that  there  was  any  very  strenuous  application  to 
science;  men  studied  indeed,  but  in  an  easy,  leisurely  manner,  and 
less  with  a  view  to  discover  anything  new,  than  to  acquire  and  to 
reproduce  what  was  already  known.  Of  all  the  academies  which 
yearly  sprang  up,  a  very  few  devoted  themselves  to  some  branch 
of  natural  science — to  botany  for  instance;  though  even  these  pro- 
duced no  original  discoveries  or  permanent  results.*  But  all  the 
others,  the  Umoristi,  tlie  Regolati,t  the  Tenebrosi,  the  Fantastici, 
the  Unisoni,  or  whatever  other  strange  names  they  chose  to  assume, 
occupied  themselves  only  with  poetry  and  rhetoric,  or  with  exer- 
cises of  intellectual  skill,  which  were  confined  within  a  narrow 
circle  of  thoughts,  and  yet  occupied  and  consumed  many  minds 
capable  of  higlier  things.  The  palaces  were  not  only  stored  with 
books,  but  adorned  with  works  of  art,  ancient  and  modern,  and 
witli  antiquities  of  various  kinds,  statues,  reliefs,  and  inscriptions. 
In  the  times  now  before  us,  those  of  the  Cesi,  Giustiniani,  Strozzi, 
Massimi,  and  the  gardens  of  the  Mattel,  were  the  most  celebrated; 
while  collections,  like  that  of  Kircher  at  the  Jesuits'  college,  excited 
no  less  the  admiration  of  cotemporaries.  Yet  it  was  rather  curiosity 
and  antiquarian  pedantry  which  gave  rise  to  these  collections,  than 
any  sense  of  the  beauty  of  form,  or  any  profound  understanding  of 
art.  It  is  remarkable  "that,  at  the  bottom,  people  still  entertained 
the  same  notions  and  feelings  on  the  subject,  as  Sixtus  V.  They 
were  very  far  from  treating  the  remains  of  antiquity  with  that  rev- 
erential attention,  that  watchful  care,  with  which  they  were  after- 
wards regarded.  What  could  be  expected  from  an  age  in  which 
one  of  the  privileges  granted  to  the  Borghesi  was,  that  they  should 
not  be  liable  to  punishment  for  any  kind  of  demolition?  It  is  difficult 
to  believe  the  destruction  perpetrated  in  the  seventeenth  century. 
The  Thermae  of  Constantine,  for  example,  had  remained  in  a  very 
tolerable  state  of  preservation  through  (he  vicissitudes  of  so  many 
ages,  and  it  might  have  been  presumed,  would  have  been  protected 
from  spoliation  by  the  claim  of  their  builder  to  the  title  of  head  of 
the  Christian  church;  yet  under  Paul  Vthey  were  levelled  with  the 
ground,  and  transformed  into  a  palace  and  garden  in  the  taste  of 
that  time,  which  were  afterwards  exchanged  for  the  Villa  Mond- 
ragone  in  Frascati.  Even  the  temple  of  Peace,  which  was  also  in 
good  preservation,  found  no  mercy  at  Paul's  hands.  He  conceived 
the  strange  idea  of  casting  an  immense  brazen  statue  of  the  Virgin 
Mary  with  the  infant  Christ  in  her  arms,  and  this  was  to  be  placed 

*  I  allude  to  the  Lincei,  founded  by  Federigo  Cesl  in  1603,  which  accom- 
plished little  besides  the  Italian  version  of  the  Natural  History  of  Mexico  by 
Hernandez.     Tirabosciii,  Storia  della  letteratura  It;iliana,  vili,  p.  195. 

j  See  the  accounts  of  Erylhra?us,  whicli  are  exceedingly  well  put  together  in 
Fischer's  Vita  Erylhrsei,  p.  1.  li. 


§  VIII.]  ERECTED  BY  THE  POPES.  169 

at  such  a  height  that  the  whole  city  would  lie  beneath  the  eye  of 
its  patroness.  Nothing  was  required  but  one  colimm  of  extra- 
ordinary height;  this  he  found  at  length  in  the  Temple  of  Peace: 
without  taking  any  heed  that  it  was  there  in  its  place,  but  that 
when  isolated  it  would  be  rather  strange  and  striking  than  beauti- 
ful or  appropriate,  he  removed  it,  and  surmounted  it  with  that 
colossal  statue  which  we  now  behold. 

Even  if  all  the  charges  brought  against  the  Barberini  be  not  true, 
it  is  undeniable  that  their  proceedings  were  generally  characterised 
by  an  utter  insensibility  to  the  sublime  beauties  of  ancient  art.  The 
project  was  actually  entertained  under  Urban  VIII  of  demolishing 
that  sole  genuine,  uninjured  and  incomparable  monument  of  the 
republic,  the  tomb  of  Csscilia  Metella,  in  order  to  use  the  travertine 
of  which  it  was  built  for  the  Fontana  di  Trevi.  Bernini,  the  most 
celebrated  sculptor  and  architect  of  that  time,  to  whom  the  con- 
struction of  the  fountain  was  committed,  made  this  proposal,  and 
the  pope  issued  a  brief  granting  him  permission  to  execute  it.  The 
work  of  destruction  had  already  begun,  when  the  Roman  people, 
who  loved  their  antiquities,  perceived  what  was  going  forward,  and 
made  resistance.  For  the  second  time  they  rescued  this  their  oldest 
possession  from  destruction;  the  workmen  were  obliged  to  desist  for 
fear  of  a  tumult.* 

But  this  project  was  only  one  indication  of  the  general  spirit  of 
the  age.  The  epoch  of  the  catholic  restoration  displayed  its  pecu- 
liar character  in  the  ideas,  tastes,  and  pursuits  which  it  generated;  ^ 
even  in  art  and  literature  it  grasped  at  universal  dominion;  it  was 
incapable  either  of  understanding  or  appreciating  anything  foreign 
or  dissimilar  to  itself,  and  was  bent  on  destroying  whatever  it  could 
not  subdue  to  its  own  purposes. 

Spite  of  this  bigotry  of  taste,  however,  Rome  continued  to  be  a 
metropolis  of  civilisation,  unrivalled  in  minute  and  various  erudi- 
tion, and  in  the  practice  of  art,  such  as  it  was  understood  and  re- 
lished by  that  age.  In  music  it  was  still  original  and  productive; 
the  concerted  style  of  the  cantata  then  arose  by  the  side  of  the 
church  style,  and  enchanted  all  travellers.  "  A  man  must  be  ill 
endowed  by  nature,"  exclaims  Spon,  who  visited  Rome  in  1674, 
"  who  does  not  find  satisfaction  and  delight  in  every  branch  of 
learning  and  art."t  He  enumerates  the  facilities  enjoyed  for  the 
cultivation  of  all  these  branches;  the  libraries,  in  which  the  student 
had  access  to  the  rarest  works;  the  churches  and  palaces,  where  the 
most  exquisite  voices  were  daily  to  be  heard;  the  multitude  of  col- 
lections of  pictures  and  statues,  ancient  and  modern;  the  noble  build- 
mgs  of  every  age;  entire  villas  covered  with  bas-reliefs  and  inscrip- 
tions, of  which  he  had  himself  copied  a  thousand  never  copied  be- 
fore; the  presence  of  so  many  strangers  of  every  country  and  tongue; 

*  Deone  relates  this  circumstantially. 

f  Spon  et  Wheler,  Voyage  d'  Italic  et  de  Grece,  i,  p.  39. 


170  DIGRESSION  CONCEUNING  [BOOK  VIII. 

the  enjoyment  of  nature  in  the  enchanting  gardens;  and  lastly,  adds 
he,  "any  man  who  loves  the  practices  of  devotion,  may  find  em- 
ployment for  his  whole  life  among  the  churches,  relics,  and  proces- 
sions." 

Elsewhere,  no  doubt,  the  spirit  of  man  was  astir  with  a  grander 
and  more  vigorous  movement;  but  the  completeness  and  roundness 
of  the  Roman  world,  its  inclosure  within  itself,  the  abundance  of  its 
wealth,  the  serene  enjoyment  resulting  from  the  feeling  of  security 
and  satisfaction  kept  alive  in  a  pious  mind  by  the  incessant  con- 
templation of  the  objects  of  its  reverence,  still  exercised  a  mighty 
attraction,  various  as  these  causes,  and  as  the  minds  upon  which 
they  acted. 

Let  us  pause  to  consider  the  most  striking  example  ever  pre- 
sented to  the  world  of  the  force  of  this  attraction,  and  to  observe 
how  it  re-acted  on  the  court  of  Rome. 


§  9.    DIGRESSION  CONCERNING  QUEEN  CHRISTINA  OP  SWEDEN. 

We  have  had  frequent  occasion  to  turn  our  attention  to  Sweden. 

The  country  in  which  Lutheranism  first  changed  the  whole  poli- 
tical constitution;  in  which  the  anti-reformation  found  both  repre- 
sentatives and  opponents  amongst  the  highest  persons  in  so  singular 
a  manner;  the  country  which  had  struck  the  grand  and  final  blow 
in  the  struggle  that  divided  and  occupied  the  world;  this  was  the 
very  country  in  which  Catholicism,  under  the  new  form  it  had 
assumed,  achieved  its  most  unlooked-for  conquest.  It  won  over  to 
itself  queen  Christina  of  Sweden,  the  daughter  of  the  arch-champion 
of  protestantism.  How  this  happened,  is  a  question  well  worthy 
of  inquiry  for  its  own  sake,  and  peculiarly  so  with  a  view  to  the 
subject  of  the  present  work. 

Let  us  first  consider  the  situation  which  the  youthful  queen 
occupied  in  her  own  country  on  her  accession  to  the  throne. 

After  the  death  of  Gustavus  Adolphus,  it  was  a  question  for  a 
moment  agitated  in  Sweden,  (as  it  had  been  in  1619  in  Austria, 
in  1640  in  Portugal,  and  in  many  other  countries  at  that  time,) 
whether  the  nation  should  not  emancipate  itself  from  the  kingly 
power  and  constitute  itself  as  a  republic* 

This  scheme  was  indeed  rejected;  the  daughter  of  the  deceased 
king  received  the  accustomed  homage;  but  as  she  was  a  child  of 
six  years  old,  and  as  there  was  no  one  of  the  royal  line  who  could 
seize  the  reins  of  government,  the  supreme  power  naturally  fell 

*  La  viedela  Reine  Christine  faite  par  elle-meme,  in  Arckonholtz's  Memoires 
pour  servir  a  I'histoire  de  Christine,  torn,  iii,  p.  41:  "  On  m'a  vouler  persuader 
qu'on  mit  en  deliberation  en  certaines  assemblees  particulieres  s'il  falloit  se 
mettre  en  liberte,  n'ayant  qu'un  enfant  en  tete,  dont  11  etoit  aise  de  se  defaire,  et 
de  s'eriger  en  republique."     Compare  the  note  by  Arckenholtz. 


§  IX.]  QUEEN  CHRISTINA  OP  SWEDEN.  171 

into  the  hands  of  a  few.  The  anti-monarchical  tendencies  of  that 
time  found  an  applauding  echo  in  Sweden;  even  the  conduct  of 
the  long  parliament  in  England  excited  sympathy,  and  stiU  more 
the  movements  of  the  Fronde  in  France,  inasmuch  as  they  were 
more  decidedly  aristocratic.  "  I  distinctly  perceive,"  said  Chris- 
tina herself  in  tiie  senate,  "that  people  wish  that  Sweden  were  an 
elective  monarchy  or  an  aristocracy."* 

But  this  young  princess  was  little  disposed  to  allow  the  regal 
power  to  decline  in  her  hands;  she  girded  herself  up  to  be  a  queen, 
in  the  fullest  sense  of  the  word.  From  the  moment  that  she  en- 
tered upon  the  government,  in  the  year  1644,  she  devoted  herself 
to  business  with  admirable  zeal.  She  was  never  known  to  miss  a 
meeting  of  the  senate,  and  we  find  her  attending  the  sittings,  even 
when  suffering  under  fever  or  obliged  to  be  let  blood.  She  pre- 
pared herself  carefully  by  reading  through  state  papers  many  sheets 
in  length,  and  making  the  contents  her  own;  at  night  before  going 
to  rest,  in  a  morning  early  at  waking,  she  meditated  on  the  points 
demanding  consideration. t  She  had  the  art  of  stating  questions 
with  great  ability  and  clearness,  and  of  concealing  her  own  incli- 
nations; after  hearing  every  member  she  pronounced  her  opinion, 
which  always  appeared  well  founded,  and  was  almost  invariably 
adopted.  The  foreign  ambassadors  were  astonished  at  the  power 
she  had  acquired  over  the  senate, J  though  it  was  insufficient  to 
satisfy  her  own  love  of  dominion.  In  an  event  of  such  universal 
and  historical  importance  as  the  conclusion  of  the  peace  of  West- 
phalia, she  had  a  large  personal  share.  The  officers  of  the  army, 
even  one  of  her  delegates  to  congress,  were  not  in  favor  of  it;  and 
there  were  in  Sweden  people  who  did  not  approve  the  concessions 
which  had  been  made  to  the  catholics,  especially  in  the  hereditary 
dominions  of  Austria:  but  Christina  did  not  choose  to  make  any 
more  appeals  to  fortune;  never  had  Sweden  been  so  glorious,  or 
so  powerful;  and  the  queen's  ambition  was  satisfied  by  the  con- 

*  A  remarkable  proof  of  these  aristocratical  tendencies  is  the  judgment  passed 
by  the  majority  of  the  estates  and  "good  patriots"  of  the  year  IG44,  which  has 
lately  been  putilished.  (S.  Geiger  Schwedische  Geschiclite,  iii,  357.)  For  the 
five  highest  offices  of  state,  the  estates  were  to  propose  three  candidates,  out  of 
which  one  was  to  be  elected.  No  one  could  be  appointed  Grand  Marshal,  except 
one  of  the  three  proposed  by  the  House  of  Knigiits  itself.  People  demanded  a 
"Consistorium  politico-ecclesiasticum,"  with  a  president  and  assessors  freely 
chosen  by  the  estates,  &c. 

f  Paolo  Casati  al  papa  Alessandro  VII  scprala  regina  di  Succie,,MS.;  "Ella 
m'  ha  pill  d'una  volta  assicurato  di  non  aver  mai  portato  avanti  alcum  negotio 
grave  a  cui  non  uvesse  quasi  due  anni  prima  pensato,  e  che  molte  hore  delta 
rnattina,  dopo  che  s'era  svegliata  da  quel  poco  sonno  che  era  solita  di  prendere, 
impiegava  nel  considerare  i  negotii  e  conseguenze  loro  benche  lontane." 

%  Memoires  de  ce  qui  est  passe  en  .Suede  tirez  des  depesches  de  M,  Chanut, 
i,  p.  245  (1648  Fevr.):  "II  est  incroyable  comment  elle  est  puissante  dans  son 
conseil,  car  elle  ajout  d  la  qualite  de  reine,  la  grace,  le  credit,  les  bienfaits  et  la 
force  de  persuader." 


172  DIGRESSION  CONCERNING  [BOOK  VIII. 

scioiisness  that  she  was  the  bulwark  of  the  established  state  of 
things — that  it  was  she  who  maintained  the  peace  of  Christendom. 

But  not  only  did  Christina  vigorously  repress  all  attempts  on  the 
part  of  the  aristocracy  to  obtain  the  supreme  power;  she  would 
not  even  suffer  them  to  flatter  themselves  with  any  hopes  of  attain- 
ing their  object  in  future.  Young  as  she  was,  she  very  soon  brought 
forward  a  proposition  for  the  appointment  of  her  cousin,  the  count 
palatine  Charles  Gustavus,  as  her  successor — a  station  which  she 
believed  to  be  far  above  that  prince's  highest  aspirations.  She  car- 
ried through  this  measure  single-handed;  against  the  will  of  the 
senate,  which  would  not  even  take  it  into  consideration;  against  the 
will  of  the  estates,  which  only  consented  to  it  out  of  deference  to 
her;  in  short,  it  was  entirely  her  thought,  and  she  executed  it  in 
spite  of  all  difficulties  and  all  opposition.  The  succession  was  irre- 
vocably settled.* 

It  is  doubly  remarkable  that  ardor  for  business  was  accompanied 
in  the  youthful  queen  with  a  passion  for  study.     Even  in  her  child- 
ish years  she  had  no  greater  pleasure  than  her  lessons.     One  cause 
of  this  studious  disposition  was  perhaps  the  melancholy  of  her 
mother,  who  gave  herself  up  entirely  to  grief  for  the  loss  of  her 
husband.     Christina  daily  looked  forward  with  impatience  to  the 
hour  which  was  to  liberate  her  from  the  gloomy  chambers  of  moiu'n- 
ing.     But  she  was  also  gifted  by  nature  with  extraordinary  talents, 
especially  for  languages;  she  relates  that  she  learned  most  of  those 
she  knew  without  a  teacher;!  which  is  the  more  remarkable,  since 
in  some  of  them  she  attained  to  all  the  facility  and  mastery  of  a 
native.     As  she  grew  up,  her  enthusiastic  taste  for  literature  in- 
creased.    It  was  the  epoch  in  which  learning  gradually  shook  off 
the  fetters  of  theological  controversy;  in  which  reputations  rose 
above  the  narrow  judgments  of  a  party,  and  claimed  universal 
recognition.     Christina  was  ambitious  of  drawing  around  her  cele- 
brated men,  and  of  profiting  by  their  instructions.     First  came  a 
few  German  philologists  and  historians;  for  example  Freinsheim, 
at  whose  request  she  remitted  to  his  native  city,  Ulm,  the  greater 
part  of  the  contributions  imposed  on  it  for  the  support  of  the  war:J 
then  followed  Netherlanders;  Isaac  Vossius  brought  into  vogue  the 
study  of  Greek,  in  which  language  Christina  soon  mastered  the 
most  celebrated  writers,  and  even  made  herself  acquainted  with 
the  fathers  of  the  church.     Nicolaus  Heinsius  esteems  it  the  first 
felicity  of  his  life  to  have  been  born  in  the  same  age  as  the  queen; 

*  Regne  de  Christine  jusqu'a  sa  resignation,  Arckenholtz,  iii,  162,  Notes. 

I  La  vie  de  Christine  ecr.  p.  e.  no.  p.  5.3:  "  Je  savois  a  I'age  de  quatorze  ans 
toutes  leslangues,  toutes  les  sciences  et  tousles  exercicesdont  ont  vouloitm'in- 
struire.  Mais  depuis  j'en  ai  appris  bien  d'autres  sans  le  sccours  d'aucun  mai- 
tre:  et  il  est  certain  que  je  n'en  eus  jamais  ni  pour  apprendre  la  langue  Alle- 
mande,  la  Francoise,  I'ltalienne,  ni  I'Espagnole." 

:j:  Harangue  panegyrique  de  Freinshemius  a  Christine,  1647,  Arckenholtz,  ii, 
second  Appendix,  p.  104. 


§  IX.]  QUEEN  CHRISTINA  OF  SWEDEN.  173 

the  second,  to  have  been  known  to  her;  tlie  third  and  most  conspi- 
cuous, and  tiiat  which  he  desires  to  proclaim  to  posterity,  that  he 
was  not  entirely  displeasing  to  her.  She  employed  him  chiefly  to 
procure  for  her  precious  manuscripts  and  rare  books  from  Italy,  a 
commission  which  he  executed  with  fidelity  and  success.  The 
Italians  began  to  complain,  that  ships  were  laden  with  the  spoils  of 
their  libraries,  and  that  all  the  appliances  of  learning  were  carried 
off'  to  the  extreme  north.*  In  the  year  1650  Sahiiasius  appeared 
at  the  court  of  Stockholm.  The  queen  had  sent  him  word  that  if 
he  did  not  come  to  her,  she  would  be  forced  to  go  to  him;  he  re- 
sided in  her  palace  for  a  year.  Lastly  Des  Cartes  also  was  induced 
to  visit  her;  every  morning  at  five  he  attended  her  in  her  library, 
and  it  is  affirmed  that  to  his  astonishment  he  heard  his  own  ideas 
expounded,  and  deduced  from  Plato,  by  liis  youthful  and  royal 
pupil.  It  is  not  to  be  denied  that  in  her  conferences  with  learned 
men,  no  less  than  in  her  discussions  with  the  senate,  she  displayed 
a  most  felicitous  memory,  a  quick  apprehension,  and  acute  penetra- 
tion. Her  intelligence  and  her  talents  are  highly  remarkable,  ex- 
claims Naudffius  with  astonishment,  "she  has  seen  everything,  read 
everything,  she  knows  everything."t 

Christina  was  indeed  a  wonderful  product  of  nature  and  fortune. 
A  yonng  and  noble  lady,  she  was  utterly  free  from  personal  vanity. 
She  took  no  pains  to  conceal  that  she  had  one  shoulder  higher  than 
the  other:  though  she  had  been  told  that  her  greatest  beauty  con- 
sisted in  her  luxuriant  fair  hair,  she  did  not  even  pay  the  conimon- 
est  attention  to  it:  she  was  wholly  a  stranger  to  all  the  petty  cares 
of  life;  so  indilferent  to  the  table,  that  she  was  never  heard  to  find 
fault  with  any  kind  of  food;  so  temperate,  that  she  drank  nothing 
but  water.  She  never  could  understand  or  learn  any  sort  of 
womanly  works;  on  the  other  hand,  she  delighted  to  be  told  that 
at  her  birth  she  was  taken  for  a  boy;  that  when  a  little  infant,  in- 
stead of  betraying  terror  at  the  firing  of  guns,  she  clapped  her  hands 
and  behaved  like  a  true  soldier's  child.  She  was  a  most  intrepid 
rider;  putting  one  foot  in  the  stirrup,  slie  vaulted  into  the  saddle  and 
went  oft' at  speed;  she  shot  with  unerring  aim;  she  studied  Tacitus 
and  Plato,  and  sometimes  entered  with  more  profound  sagacity 
into  the  genius  of  those  authors  than  philologists  by  profession; 
young  as  she  was,  she  was  capable  of  forming  an  independent  and 
discriminating  judgment  on  state  afl^airs,  and  of  maintaining  it  tri- 
umphantly amongst  senators  grown  gray  in  commerce  with  the 
world.  She  threw  into  her  labor  the  fresh  and  buoyant  spirit 
which  accompanies  native  perspicacity  of  mind;  above  all,  she  was 

*  See  Grauert,  Queen  Christina  and  her  Court,  pp.  379,  407. 

f  Naude  a  Gassendi,  19  Oct.,  1652:  "La  reine  de  la  quelle  je  puis  dire  sans 
flatterie  qu'elle  tient  mieux  sa  partie  es  conferences  qu'elle  tient  assez  souvent 
avec  messieurs  Bochart,  Bourdelot,  du  Fresne  et  moi,  qu'aucun  de  la  compag-nip, 
et  si  je  vous  dis  que  son  esprit  est  tout  a  fait  extraordinaire,  je  ne  mentirai  point, 
car  elle  a  tout  vu,  elle  a  tout  lu,  elle  sait  tout." 
VOL.  II. — 16 


174  DIGRESSION  CONCERNING  [BOOK  VIII. 

penetrated  with  a  sense  of  the  high  mission  to  which  she  was  called 
by  her  birth;  of  the  necessity  of  governing  by  herself.  Never  did 
she  refer  an  ambassador  to  her  minister:  she  would  not  suffer  a 
subject  of  hers  to  wear  a  foreign  order;  she  could  not  endure,  she 
said,  that  one  of  her  flock  should  bear  the  mark  of  another's  hand. 
She  knew  how  to  assume  a  port  and  countenance  before  which  the 
generals  who  made  Germany  tremble,  were  dumb;  had  a  new  war 
broken  out,  she  would  assuredly  have  put  herself  at  the  head  of 
her  troops. 

With  a  character  and  tastes  of  so  lofty  and  heroic  a  stamp,  it  may 
easily  be  imagined  that  the  mere  thought  of  marrying — of  giving 
a  man  rights  over  her  person — was  utterly  intolerable  to  her;  any 
obligation  of  that  kind  which  she  might  be  supposed  to  lie  under  to 
her  couniry,  she  believed  she  had  fully  exempted  herself  from  by 
fixing  the  succession;  immediately  after  her  coronation  she  declared 
that  she  would  rather  die  than  marry.* 

But  could  such  a  position  as  hers  be  maintained?  There  was 
something  in  it  overstrained  and  forced — deficient  in  the  equipoise 
of  a  healthy  state  of  being,  in  the  serenity  of  a  natural  existence 
content  within  itself.  It  was  not  inclination  for  business  which  pre- 
cipitated her  into  it  with  such  ardor;  she  was  urged  on  by  ambition 
and  by  a  sense  of  her  sovereign  power  and  dignity — but  she  found 
no  pleasure  in  it.  Nor  did  she  love  her  country;  neither  its  cus- 
toms nor  its  pleasures,  neither  its  ecclesiastical,  nor  its  temporal 
constitution,  nor  its  past  history  and  glory,  which  she  could  not 
understand  or  feel:  the  state  ceremonies,  the  long  speeches  to  which 
she  was  condemned  to  listen,  the  official  occasions  on  which  she 
had  personal  duties  to  perform,  were  utterly  odious  to  her;  the  cir- 
cle of  cultivation  and  learning  within  which  her  countrymen  re- 
mained stationary,  seemed  to  her  contemptibly  narrow.  Had  she 
not  possessed  the  throne  of  Sweden  from  childhood,  it  might  per- 
haps have  appeared  an  object  of  desire  to  her;  but  as  she  had  been 
a  queen  as  long  as  she  could  remember,  all  those  longings  and  aspi- 
rations of  the  nnnd  of  mnn  which  stamp  the  character  of  his  future 
destiny,  had  taken  a  direction  averted  from  her  own  cotnitry. 
Fantastic  views  and  a  love  of  the  extraordinary  began  to  obtain 
dominion  over  her;  she  recognised  none  of  the  ordinary  restraints, 
nor  did  she  tliink  of  opposing  the  strength  and  dignity  of  a  moral 
symmetry  suited  to  her  position,  to  passing  and  accidental  impres- 
sions; in  short,  she  was  high-minded,  intrepid,  magnanimous,  full 
of  elasticity  and  energy  of  spirit;  but  extravagant,  violent,  studi- 
ously unfeminine,  in  no  respect  amiable,  unfilial  even,  and  not  only 
to  her  mother — she  spared  not  even  the  sacred  memory  of  her 

*  "  .Te  TTie  serois,"  says  she  in  her  own  history,  p.  57,  "  sans  doiite  mariee  si 
je  n'eusse  reconnue  en  rnoi  la  force  de  me  passer  des  plaisirs  de  I'aniour;"  and 
one  may  the  more  readily  believe  this  assertion,  as  this  work  is  a  sort  of  con- 
fession. 


§  IX,]  QUEEN  CHRISTINA  OF  SWEDEN.  175 

father,  when  an  opportunity  offered  of  saying  a  sarcastic  thing. 
Sometimes  indeed  it  appears  as  if  she  knew  not  what  she  said.* 
Exalted  as  was  her  station,  such  a  character  and  demeanor  could 
not  fail  to  react  upon  herself,  and  to  render  it  impossible  for  her  to 
feel  contented,  attached  to  her  home  and  country,  or  happy. 

This  unsatisfied  and  restless  spirit  frequently  takes  possession  of 
the  mind  most  strongly  with  regard  to  religion.  Its  workings  in 
the  heart  of  Christina  were  manifested  in  the  following  manner. 

The  memory  of  the  queen  dwelt  with  peculiar  delight  on  her 
teacher,  Dr.  Johann  Matthiae,  whose  simple,  pure,  and  gentle  spirit 
gained  her  earliest  affections;  who  was  her  earliest  confidant  even 
in  all  her  childish  affairs.t  Immediately  after  it  had  become  mani- 
fest that  no  one  of  the  existing  ecclesiastical  bodies  would  overpower 
the  other,  the  expediency  of  a  union  of  them  was  recognised  by  some 
few  right-thinking  men.  Matthiae  was  one  of  those  who  cherished 
this  wish,  and  published  a  book  in  which  he  agitated  the  question 
of  the  union  of  the  two  protestant  churches.  The  queen  was 
strongly  inclined  to  his  opinion;  she  conceived  the  project  of  found- 
ing a  theological  academy,  which  should  devote  itself  to  the  work 
of  reconciling  the  two  confessions.  But  the  fiery  zeal  of  certain 
inflexible  Lutherans  immediately  rose  up  in  arms  against  this  pro- 
ject. A  superintendant  of  Calmar  attacked  Matthise's  book  with 
fury,  and  the  estates  took  part  against  it.  The  bishops  admonished 
the  queen's  council  to  watch  over  the  interests  of  the  established 
religion  of  the  country,  and  the  high  chancellor  went  to  the  queen 
and  made  such  vehement  representations  to  her,  that  tears  of  vexa- 
tion came  into  her  eyes.J 

She  now  probably  thought  she  perceived  that  it  was  not  a  perfectly 
disinterested  zeal  which  set  her  Lutheran  subjects  in  motion.  She 
thought  they  wanted  to  cheat  her  with  that  peculiar  idea  of  the 
divine  Being  which  they  placed  before  her,  only  that  they  might 
make  her  the  tool  of  their  own  purposes.  Their  representations 
of  God  seemed  to  her  unworthy  of  the  divine  nature. § 

The  tedious  sermons  which  she  had  long  heard  with  so  much. 
weariness,  and  which  she  was  compelled  by  the  ordinances  of  the 
kingdom  to  listen  to,  now  became  insufferable  to  her.  She  often 
betrayed  her  impatience;  she  shifted  her  chair,  and  played  with 
her  little  dog;  but  these  signs  of  restlessness  only  served  to  strengthen 

*  Nothinjr  else  can  be  inferred  from  her  conversation  with  her  mother  given 
in  Chanut  iii,  p.  3G5,  May  1654. 

t  "Tres  capable,"  saye  she  in  her  Autobiography,  p.  51,  "  de  bien  instruire 
un  enfant  tel  que  j'etois,  ayant  une  honnetete,  one  discretion  at  une  douceur  qui 
le  faisoient  aimer  et  estimer." 

■^  Letter  from  Axel  Oxenstierna,  2  May  1647,  Arckenholtz,  iv,  App.  n.  21, 
and  particularly  one  from  count  Brahe,  Arckenh.  iv,  p.  229. — Matthia's  work  is 
the  "Idea  boni  ordinis  in  ecclesia  Christi." 

§  "Je  crus,"  says  she,  in  a  note  given  by  Galdenblad,  "  que  les  hommes 
vous  faisoient  parler  a  leur  mode  et  qu'ils  me  vouloient  tromper  et  me  faire  peur 
pour  me  gouverner  a  la  leur."     Arckenholtz,  tom.  iii,  p,  209. 


s'i 


176  DIGRESSION  CONCERNING  [BOOK  VIII. 

the  inexorable  determination  of  the  preacher  to  keep  her  the 
longer. 

The  temper  of  mind  which  such  conduct  on  the  part  of  the 
ministers  of  religion  was  calculated  to  generate,  and  which  gradu- 
ally alienated  her  from  the  religion  of  her  country,  was  confirmed 
by  the  presence  of  learned  foreigners.  Some  were  catholics;  others, 
for  example,  Isaac  Vossius,  gave  occasion  to  suspect  them  of  infi- 
delity; Bourdelot,  who  had  the  greatest  credit  with  her,  having 
carried  her  successfully  through  a  dangerous  illness,  and  who  was  a 
man  exactly  fitted  for  a  court — full  of  knowledge  and  of  powers 
of  entertainment  and  devoid  of  pedantry — ^jested  at  everything — 
the  pretensions  of  the  learned  and  the  sanctity  of  established 
creeds — and  passed  for  a  complete  anti-supernaturalist. 

The  young  princess  gradually  fell  into  a  state  of  insoluble  doubt. 
It  appeared  to  her  that  every  positive  religion  was  an  invention  of 
man;  that  every  argument  told  against  the  one  as  much  as  against 
the  other;  that  in  fact  it  was  inditferent  which  a  man  embraced. 

Yet  she  did  not  fall  into  absolute  irreligion;  she  retained  certain 
unshaken  convictions:  in  her  royal  solitude  of  a  throne  she  had 
found  it  impossible  to  dispense  with  thoughts  of  God;  she  even 
imagined  that  her  station  placed  her  one  step  nearer  to  His  pre- 
sence. "  Thou  knowest,"  exclaims  she,  "  how  often  in  a  language 
unknown  to  vulgar  souls,  I  have  prayed  to  Thee  for  grace  to  en- 
lighten me,  and  vowed  to  belong  wholly  to  Thee,  though  I  should 
sacrifice  life  and  happiness."  She  connected  this  with  her  other 
peculiar  ideas.  "  I  renounced  all  other  love,"  says  she,  "  and  de- 
voted myself  to  this  alone." 

But  would  God  have  left  man  without  the  true  religion?  An 
expression  of  Cicero's  that  the  true  religion  could  be  but  one,  and 
that  all  the  others  must  be  false,  made  the  greatest  impression  on 
her  mind.* 

The  only  question  was,  which  was  the  true  one . 

It  is  no  part  of  our  present  purpose  to  investigate  arguments  or 
to  sift  evidence.  Christina  repeatedly  said  that  she  found  no  essen- 
tial errors  of  doctrine  in  protestantism.  But  as  her  aversion  to  that 
form  of  Christianity  arose  from  an  original  and  ultimate  feeling, 
which  had  only  been  rendered  more  intense  by  circumstances,  so 
likewise,  with  an  inclination  as  little  to  be  explained  or  reasoned 
upon,  she  gave  herself  up  with  full  and  entire  sympathy  to  Catho- 
licism. 

She  was  nine  years  old  when  she  first  heard  any  distinct  account 
of  the  peculiar  doctrines  of  the  catholic  church;  when  she  was  told 
that  it  held  celibacy  to  be  meritorious,  "Ah,"  exclaimed  she,  "how 
admirable  that  is!  that  is  the  religion  I  shall  embrace."  This 
called  forth  a  serious  rebuke,  but  she  only  persisted  the  more  obsti- 
nately in  her  determination. 

*  Pallavicini,  Vita  Alexandri  VII,  v.  Appendix. 


§  IX.]  QUEEN  CHRISTINA  OP  SWEDEN.  177 

With  this  were  associated  other  impressions  of  a  congenial  nature. 
"  Wiien  one  is  a  cathohc,"  said  she,  "one  has  the  consolation  of 
believing  what  so  many  nohle  spirits  have  believed  for  sixteen 
centuries;  of  belonging  to  a  religion  that  has  been  attested  by  mil- 
lions of  miracles,  by  millions  of  martyrs;  above  all,"  added  she,  "  a 
religion  that  has  produced  so  many  illustrious  virgins  who  have 
overcome  the  weaknesses  of  their  sex,  and  consecrated  themselves 
to  God." 

The  constitution  of  Sweden  is  based  upon  protestantism;  the 
glory,  the  power,  the  European  position  of  that  country  are  inex- 
tricably bound  up  with  it,  and  it  was  thus  imposed  on  Christina  as 
a  sort  of  necessity:  disgusted  by  a  thousand  accidental  circumstances, 
feeling  that  it  touched  no  chord  of  her  mind  or  heart,  she  broke 
loose  from  it  with  all  the  wilfulness  of  her  character  and  station; 
the  opposite  system,  of  which  she  had  but  a  dim  and  vague  know- 
ledge, attracted  her;  the  infallible  authority  conferred  on  the  pope, 
she  regarded  as  an  institution  in  accordance  with  the  benevolence 
of  the  Deity,  and  every  day  became  more  decidedly  inclined  to  it; 
it  seemed  as  if  she  felt  that  need  of  self-devotion  which  is  insepa- 
rable from  the  nature  of  woman  appeased  by  this  surrender  of  her 
reason;  as  if  faith  in  her,  like  love  in  others  of  her  sex,  was  born  of 
that  secret  and  vague  emotion  which  hides  itself  from  the  world's 
censure,  and  grows  stronger  the  more  profound  its  concealment, 
and  in  which  the  heart  of  woman,  resigned  and  resolved  to  sacrifice 
everything  to  it,  delights  for  its  own  sake. 

It  is  at  least  certain  that  Christina,  in  the  advances  she  made  to 
the  court  of  Rome,  showed  all  that  love  of  mystery,  and  practised 
those  arts,  which  are  usually  prompted  by  love  or  by  ambition;  she 
engaged  in  an  intrigue  to  become  a  catholic.  In  this  she  showed 
herself  a  true  woman. 

The  first  to  whom  she  revealed  her  inclinations  was  a  Jesuit, 
Antonio  Macedo,  confessor  of  the  Portuguese  ambassador  Pinto 
Pereira.*  Pereira  spoke  only  Portuguese,  and  employed  his  con- 
fessor as  interpreter.  The  queen  derived  a  strange  pleasure  at  the 
audiences  which  she  gave  to  the  ambassador,  in  carrying  on  a  reli- 
gious controversy  with  his  interpreter,  while  Pereira  imagined  he 
was  discussing  state  affairs;  and  thus,  in  the  presence  of  a  third  per- 
son who  understood  nothing  that  passed,  disclosing  to  Macedo  her 
most  secret  thoughts  and  boldest  speculations.t 

All  on  a  sudden  Macedo  disappeared  from  Stockholm.   The  queen 

*  It  has  sometimes  been  said  that  a  certain  Gottfried  Franken  began  her  con- 
version. But  according  to  the  account  of  this  in  Arckenholtz,  i,  465,  it  was  first 
proposed  to  send  Franlcen  to  Stockholm  after  Salmasius  had  returned  thence  in 
1651.     Macedo  was  already  there  in  1650,  therefore  his  claims  are  indisputable. 

I  Pallavicini:  "Arctius  idcirco  sermones  etcolloquia  miscuit,  non  tunc  solum 
quum  ad  earn  Macedus  ab  legato  mittebatur,  sed  etiam  ipso  praesente,  qui  nihil 
intelligens  animadvertebat  tamen  longiores  inter  eos  esse  sermones  quam  resfer- 
rent  ab  se  interpret!  propositae  et  sibi  ab  interprete  relate." 

16* 


178  DIGRESSION  CONCERNING  [BOOK  VIII. 

pretended  to  have  search  made  for  him,  and  to  send  people  in  pur- 
suit of  him;  while  she  herself  had  despatched  him  to  Rome  to  com- 
municate her  intentions  to  the  general  of  the  Jesuits,  and  to  entreat 
him  to  send  to  her  two  or  three  members  of  his  order  in  whom  he 
could  confide. 

In  February  1652,  they  arrived  in  Stockholm.  They  were  two 
young  men  who  gave  themselves  out  as  travelling  Italian  nobles, 
and  were  thereupon  introduced  to  her  table.  She  instantly  suspected 
who  they  were,  and  as  they  walked  into  the  dining-room  immedi- 
ately before  her,  she  asked  one  of  them  in  a  low  voice  whether  by 
chance  he  had  any  letters  for  her;  he  answered,  without  turning 
round,  that  he  had;  she  enjoined  him  to  silence  by  one  hurried  word; 
immediately  after  dinner  she  sent  her  most  confidential  servant 
Johann  Holm,  to  fetch  letters,  and  the  following  morning  the  fathers 
themselves  were  conducted  in  the  profoundest  secrecy  to  the  palace.* 

Emissaries  from  Rome  now  entered  the  royal  abode  of  Gustavus 
Adolphus,  to  confer  with  his  daughter  concerning  her  conversion 
to  that  faith  of  which  he  was  the  most  formidable  antagonist.  The 
peculiar  charm  of  this  transaction  to  Christina  was,  that  no  one  had 
the  slightest  suspicion  of  it. 

The  two  Jesuits  at  first  intended  to  adhere  to  the  rules  of  the 
catechism,  but  they  soon  saw  that  such  means  were  wliolly  inap- 
plicable here.  The  queen  proposed  far  different  questions  from 
any  for  which  they  were  prepared — Whether  there  was  any  ulti- 
mate distinction  between  good  and  evil,  or  whether  everything  re- 
solved itself  into  the  utility  or  mischievousness  of  an  action?  how 
the  doubts  which  may  suggest  themselves  on  the  subject  of  an  over- 
ruling providence  were  to  be  removed?  whether  the  soul  of  man  is 
really  immortal?  whether  it  be  not  most  expedient  for  every  man  to 
follow  the  religion  of  his  country  externally,  and  to  live  after  the 
laws  of  reason? — such  were  the  problems  which  they  were  required 
to  solve.  They  do  not  tell  us  what  were  their  answers;  they  say 
that  during  this  conversation,  thoughts  passed  through  their  minds 
such  as  they  had  never  been  conscious  of  before,  and  had  instantly 
vanished;  that  the  queen  was  under  the  immediate  Operation  of  the 
Holy  Ghost.  The  truth  is,  she  was  under  the  influence  of  a  strong 
bias  which  gave  completeness  to  every  argument  and  strength  to 
every  conviction.  They  recurred  most  frequently  to  the  principle 
mentioned  above — that  the  world  could  not  be  without  the  true 
religion;  and  to  this  proposition  was  appended  a  second — that 
among  all  that  existed  the  catholic  was  the  most  in  accordance 
with  reason,  "Our  main  endeavor  was,"  say  the  Jesuits,  "to 
prove  that  the  articles  of  our  holy  religion  are  above  reason,  but  in 
no  respect  contrary  to  reason."  The  chief  difficulties  were,  the  in- 
vocation of  saints  and  the  worship  of  images  and  relics.     "But  her 

*  Relatione  di  Paolo  Casati  al  papa  Alessandro  VII.  See  extract  in  the  Ap- 
pendix. 


§  IX.]  QUEEN  CHRISTINA  OF  SWEDEN.  179 

majesty  apprehended,"  continue  they,  "with  penetrating  mind  the 
whole  force  of  the  arguments  we  adduced;  otherwise  we  should 
have  needed  a  long  time  for  our  discussion."  Slie  also  spoke  to 
them  of  the  difficulties  which  would  present  themselves,  even  if 
she  were  determined  on  avowing  her  conversion,  as  to  the  mode  of 
accomplishing  it.  Sometimes  these  appeared  to  her  insuperable; 
one  day  when  she  had  another  interview  with  the  Jesuits,  she  de- 
clared to  them,  that  they  had  better  return  home,  that  the  matter 
was  utterly  impracticable,  and  that  she  thought  she  should  never 
be  able  to  become  a  sincere  and  earnest  catholic.  The  good  fathers 
were  amazed;  they  urged  every  argument  and  consideration  that 
could  confirm  her  in  her  intentions;  placed  God  and  eternity  before 
her,  and  pronounced  her  doubts  an  assault  of  Satan.  It  is  perfectly 
characteristic  of  lier  that  she  was  more  determined  upon  her  con- 
version at  that  very  moment  than  at  any  of  their  previous  con- 
ferences. "  What  would  you  say,"  exclaimed  she  suddenly,  "  if  I 
were  nearer  becoming  a  catholic  than  you  think?"  "I  cannot  de- 
scribe the  feeling,"  says  the  Jesuit  from  whom  we  have  the  report 
of  this  transaction,  "  which  we  experienced;  we  felt  as  if  raised 
from  the  dead.  The  queen  inquired  whether  the  pope  could  not 
grant  permission  to  receive  the  Lord's  supper  once  a  year  according 
to  the  Lutheran  rite.  We  answered  that  he  could  not.  "  Then," 
said  she,  "there  is  no  help,  I  must  resign  the  crown." 

This  indeed  was  the  point  to  which  her  thoughts  daily  tended 
more  and  more. 

The  affairs  of  her  kingdom  did  not  always  go  on  smoothly.  As 
opposed  to  the  powerful  aristocracy  which  held  compactly  together, 
the  queen,  with  her  immediate  attendants  collected  from  various 
lands,  with  the  heir  to  the  throne  whom  she  had  imposed  upon  the 
country,  and  the  count  Magnus  de  la  Gardie,  on  whom  she  bestow- 
ed her  confidence,  but  whom  the  old  Swedish  nobles  never  would 
recognise  as  their  equal  in  birth,  formed  a  party  which  was  regarded 
as  foreign.  Her  boundless  liberality  had  exhausted  the  finances, 
and  the  moment  seemed  impending  in  which  all  the  resources  of 
the  country  would  be  at  an  end.  As  early  as  October  1G51  she 
announced  to  the  estates  her  intention  of  abdicating.  This  was 
instantly  after  she  had  despatched  Antonio  Macedo  to  Rome.  She 
liowever  suffered  herself  to  be  persuaded  to  change  her  determina- 
tion. The  high  chancellor  entreated  her  not  to  be  influenced  by 
the  financial  difficulties;  he  assured  her  that  means  would  be  found 
to  maintain  undiminished  the  splendor  and  dignity  of  the  crown.* 
She  clearly  perceived  too  that  her  abdication  would  not  appear  to 
the  world  so  iieroic  as  she  had  at  first  believed.  When,  shortly 
after,  prince  Frederic  of  Hesse  was  meditating  a  similar  step,  she 
expressly  dissuaded  him  from  it;  not  exactly  on  religious  grounds, 
but  she  begged  him  to  remember  that  a  man  who  changes  his  reli- 

*  Pufendorf  Rerum  Suecicarum  Lib.  22,  p.  477. 


180  DIGRESSION  CONCERNING  [BOOK  VIII. 

gion  is  hated  by  the  party  he  leaves,  and  despised  by  that  he  joins.* 
Gradually,  however,  these  reflections  ceased  to  have  any  efiect  on 
her  own  mind.  It  was  in  vain  that  she  tried,  by  repeated  nomina- 
tions, to  make  herself  a  party  in  the  national  council,  which  she 
increased  from  twenty-eight  to  thirty-nine  members:  the  considera- 
tion enjoyed  by  the  house  of  Oxenstierna,  which  for  a  time  had 
been  obscured,  was  revived  by  family  alliances,  by  the  force  of 
habit,  and  by  the  talents  which  seemed  hereditary  in  that  race-,  on 
several  important  questions,  for  example  the  arrangement  with 
Brandenburg,  the  queen  was  in  a  minority.  Count  Magnus  de  la 
Gardie  too  lost  her  favor.  Money  began  really  to  fail,  and  was 
often  insufficient  for  the  daily  expenses  of  the  household.!  She 
now  began  to  consider  whether  it  would  not  be  better  to  stipulate 
for  a  yearly  pension,  and,  escaping  all  the  exhortations  and  argu- 
ments of  fanatical  preachers,  who  could  discover  nothing  in  the 
state  of  her  mind  or  in  her  conduct  but  a  romantic  wonder — an 
apostacy  from  the  religion  and  the  manners  of  the  country — go  to 
live  after  her  heart's  desire  in  a  foreign  land.  Business  had  already 
become  disgusting  to  her,  and  she  never  saw  her  secretary  enter 
the  room  without  an  oppression  on  her  spirits.  The  only  society 
in  which  she  took  any  pleasure  was  that  of  Don  Antonio  Pimentel, 
the  Spanish  ambassador,  who  was  the  companion  of  all  her  social 
pleasures  and  amusements,  and  was  admitted  to  the  meetings  of 
the  order  of  the  Amaranth  which  she  founded,  and  the  members  of 
which  were  obliged  to  take  a  sort  of  vow  of  celibacy.  Don  An- 
tonio was  aware  of  her  leanings  towards  Catholicism,  and  commu- 
nicated tliem  to  his  master,  who  promised  to  receive  the  queen  into 
his  dominions,  and  to  prepare  the  pope  for  her  conversion.!  Mean- 
while the  Jesuits  with  whom  she  had  conferred  had  returned  to 
Rome,  and  had  taken  some  preliminary  steps. 

She  was  now  no  longer  to  be  deterred  from  her  purposes  by  any 
arguments  or  considerations.  Her  letter  to  the  French  ambassador 
Chanut,  shows  how  little  she  reckoned  on  the  approbation  of  tiie 
world;  but  this,  as  she  declared,  gave  her  no  uneasiness:  she  should 
be  happy,  strong  in  herself,  without  fear  before  God  or  man,  and 
from  the  haven  in  which  she  had  taken  refuge  should  contemplate 
the  miseries  of  those  who  were  still  tossed  about  by  the  storms  of 

*  Lettere  de  Christine  au  prince  Frederic  Landorrave  de  Hesse,  Arckenholtz, 
i,  p.  218.  "  Pouvez-vouz  ignorer  combien  ceux  qui  cliangent  sont  haii  de  ceux 
des  sentiments  desquels  ils  s'eloignent,  et  ne  saurez-vous  pas  par  tant  d'illustrcs 
exemples  qu'ils  sont  meprises  de  ceux  aupres  desquels  ils  se  rangent." 

I  "  Motivi  onde  se  crede  la  regina  di  Suezia  aver  presa  la  risolutione  di  rinon- 
ciare  la  corona."  Arckenholtz,  ii,  App.  n°  47,  probably  by  Kaimondo  Montecu- 
culi. 

jf.  Palavicini,  Vita  Alexandri  VII.  "Aulse  Hispanicoe  administri,  cum  pri- 
mum  rem  proposuit  Malines  []who  was  sent  thither^  omnino  voluissent  ab  regina 
regnum  retineri,  ob  emolumenta  quae  turn  in  religionem,  turn  in  regem  catholi- 
cum  redundassent,  sed  cognito  id  fieri  non  posse  nisi  laesa  religione,  placuitregi 
patronura  esse  facti  tarn  generosi." 


§  IX,]  QUEEN  CHRISTINA  OF  SWEDEN.  181 

life.  Her  only  solicitude  was  to  secure  her  pension  in  such  a  man- 
ner that  she  could  never  be  deprived  of  it. 

On  the  2  Ith  June  1654,  the  ceremony  of  abdication  was  per- 
formed. Notwithstanding  all  the  discontents  which  the  govern- 
ment of  the  queen  had  occasioned,  yet  high  and  low  were  deeply 
affected  at  this  solemn  and  final  renunciation  of  her  country,  by 
the  last  scion  of  the  illustrious  race  of  Vasa.  The  aged  count  Brahe 
refused  to  take  back  the  crown  which  three  years  before  he  had 
placed  upon  her  brow;  he  held  the  bond  between  prince  and  sub- 
ject to  be  indissoluble,  and  consequently  this  transaction  illegal.* 
The  queen  was  obliged  to  take  off  the  crown  from  her  own  head; 
it  was  only  from  her  hand  that  he  would  receive  it.  Stripped  of 
all  the  regal  insignia,  attired  in  a  simple  white  dress,  the  queen  then 
received  the  farewell  homage  of  her  estates.  After  the  others,  ap- 
peared the  speaker  or  marshal  of  the  boors;  "  a  plain  country  fellow 
in  his  clouted  shoon  and  all  other  habits  answerable."  After  a 
homely  and  affectionate  expostulation  with  the  queen,  "  he  took 
her  by  the  hand,"  says  Whitelocke,  "and  shaked  it  heartily,  and 
kissed  it  two  or  three  times;  then  turning  his  back  to  her,  he  pulled 
out  of  his  pocket  a  foul  handkerchief,  and  wiped  the  tears  from  his 
eyes,  and  in  the  same  posture  as  he  came  up,  he  returned  back  to 
his  place  again."t 

Meanwhile  all  her  thoughts  and  schemes  were  directed  to  other 
lands;  she  did  not  choose  to  remain  a  moment  longer  in  a  country 
in  which  she  had  surrendered  the  sovereign  power  to  another.  She 
had  already  sent  away  her  valuables;  and  whilst  the  fleet  which 
was  to  convey  her  to  Wismar  was  getting  ready,  she  seized  the 
first  favorable  moment  to  escape  in  disguise,  from  the  oppressive 
supervision  which  her  former  subjects  exercised  over  her,  and  to 
reach  Hamburg  accompanied  only  by  a  few  confidential  servants. 

She  now  began  her  travels  through  Europe. 

No  sooner  had  she  reached  Brussels  than  she  privately  made 
-profession  of  the  catholic  faith,  which  she  publicly  repeated  in  Inns- 
bruck; attracted  by  the  promise  of  the  pope's  benediction,  she 
hastened  onwards  to  Italy,  and  left  her  crown  and  sceptre  as  a 
votive  offering  on  the  shrine  of  Our  Lady  of  Loreto.  The  Vene- 
tian ambassadors  were  astonished  at  the  preparations  which  had 
been  made  in  all  the  cities  of  the  Roman  territory  to  give  her  a 
magnificent  reception.  Pope  Alexander,  whose  vanity  was  grati- 
fied that  so  illustrious  a  conversion  had  occurred  in  his  pontificate, 
exhausted  the  apostolic  treasury  to  celebrate  the  event  with  due 


*  "  He  who  conld  give  her  majesty  such  advice  was  no  honest  man:  for  he 
was  an  enemy  to  God,  to  the  common  right  of  nations,  and  to  the  oath  by  which 
she  was  bound  to  the  kinprdom  of  Swetien  and  her  subjects."  Life  of  count 
Peter  Brahe  in  Schlozer's  Swedish  Biography,  ii,  p.  409. 

f  Whitelocke's  Journal,  vol.  ii,  p.  166. 


1S2  DIGRESSION  CONCERNING  [BOOK  VIII. 

solemnity;   Christina  entered    Rome   not  as  a   penitent,   but  in 
triumph.* 

The  first  years  of  her  private  life  were  passed  in  great  measure 
in  travelUng.  We  meet  wUh  her  in  Germany,  several  times  in 
France,  and  once  in  Sweden,  for  she  was  not  so  wholly  estranged 
from  political  life  and  events  as  she  had  at  first  inteiided:  on  one 
occasion  she  set  on  foot  serious  negotiations  (and  not  without  a  cer- 
tain prospect  of  success)  to  gain  possession  of  the  crown  of  Poland, 
where  at  least  she  might  have  continued  a  catholic.  At  another, 
she  drew  on  herself  the  suspicion  of  designing  to  attack  Naples  in 
the  French  interest;  while  the  necessity  of  taking  measures  to  se- 
cure the  payment  of  her  pension,  which  was  often  very  uncertain, 
seldom  allowed  her  to  enjoy  perfect  tranquilhty.  Very  serious  con- 
sequences also  resulted  from  the  claim  she  set  up,  to  enjoy,  in  her 
uncrowned  retirement,  the  absolute  independence  of  a  crowned 
head.  Who  could  justify  the  cruel  sentence  which  she  passed,  in 
her  own  cause,  on  Monaldeschi,  a  member  of  her  household,  the 
executioners  of  which  were  the  accusers  and  personal  enemies  of 
the  victim?  She  gave  him  only  an  hour  to  prepare  for  death,  t 
The  treachery  which  the  unfortunate  man  was  said  to  be  guilty  of 
towards  her,  she  regarded  as  high  treason,  and  she  held  it  to  be 
beneath  her  dignity  to  summon  him  before  any  tribunal,  be  it 
where  or  what  it  might.  "To  acknowledge  no  one  above  us," 
exclaimed  she,  "  is  of  more  value  than  to  rule  over  the  whole 
earth." 

She  despised  even  public  opinion.  That  execution  had  excited 
particular  horror  in  Rome,  where  the  quarrels  of  her  household 
were  better  known  to  the  public  than  to  herself;  nevertheless  she 
hastened  back  thither.  And  indeed  where  could  she  have  lived 
but  in  Rome?  With  any  secular  power  whose  pretensions  would 
have  been  of  a  similar  character  to  her  own,  she  would  have  fallen 
into  incessant  collision  and  dispute.  Even  with  the  popes — even 
with  Alexander  VII,  whose  name  (Alessandra)  she  took  in  addi- 
tion to  her  own  on  her  conversion — she  often  got  into  bitter  alter- 
cations. 

Gradually,  however,  her  manners  became  milder,  and  her  state 
of  mind  more  tranquil;  she  prevailed  upon  herself  to  have  some 
regard  to  the  opinions  of  others,  and  felt  that  though  the  spiritual 
power  allowed  a  wide  field  to  aristocratical  privileges  and  personal 
independence,  her  residence  under  its  protection  imposed  upon  her 

*  Relatione  de'  IV  ambasciatori:  "11  sospetto  che  prase  papa  Innocentio  che  il 
ricevimento  dovesse  costarli  caro  ritardo  il  suo  arrivo  in  Roma:  e  contento  quel 
buon  pontefice  del  risparmio  del  danaro  lascio  la  gloria  intiera  al  suo  successore 
d'  accomplire  a  questa  memoranda  funtione.  Intorno  a  ciu  ritrovammo  al  nostro 
giongere  in  Roma  occupate  le  maggiori  application!  della  corte,  et  al  ritorno  ci 
si  fece  vedere  tutto  lo  stato  della  chiesa  involto  in  facende  et  a  gara  I'una  citta 
dell'  altra  chi  sapeva  fare  maggiore  ostentatione  di  pomposi  aecoglimenti." 

I  Pallavicini,  Appendix. 


§  IX.]  QUEEN  CHRISTINA  OF  SWEDEN.  183 

the  necessity  of  a  certain  degree  of  self-restraint  and  observance; 
she  took  more  and  more  interest  in  the  splendor,  the  business,  the 
life,  of  the  curia,  and  gradually  became  a  real  and  integral  member 
of  it.  She  increased  the  collections  she  had  brought  with  her  from 
Sweden,  and  with  so  much  munificence,  knowledge,  and  snccess, 
that  she  surpassed  the  native  families,  and  raised  this  sort  of  pur- 
suit from  the  domain  of  mere  curiosity,  to  a  higher  significance  for 
learning  and  art.  Men  like  Spanhein  and  Havercamp  thought  it 
an  object  worthy  of  their  labor  to  illustrate  her  coins  and  medals; 
while  Sante  Bartolo  devoted  his  practised  hand  to  her  gems  and 
intaglios.  The  Correggios  of  her  collection  have  ever  been  the  best 
ornament  of  every  picture  gallery  into  which  the  vicissitudes  of 
time  have  transferred  them.*  The  manuscripts  of  her  library  have 
contributed  no  little  to  maintain  the  reputation  of  that  of  the  Vati- 
can, into  which  they  were  afterwards  incorporated. 

In  scientific  pursuits,  too,  she  took  a  lively  interest.  It  is  greatly 
to  her  honor  that  she  received  to  the  best  of  her  ability  the  exiled 
Borelh,  who  was  compelled  in  his  old  age  to  teach  for  a  subsistence, 
and  printed  at  her  own  expense  his  celebrated  and  yet  unsurpassed 
work  on  the  mechanics  of  animal  movement,  which  has  had  so 
great  an  influence  on  the  progress  of  physiological  science.  It  may 
indeed,  I  think,  be  safely  asserted,  that  she  herself,  in  the  maturity 
of  her  intellect  and  knowledge,  exercised  a  strong  and  permanent 
influence  on  her  age,  and  especially  on  Italian  literature.  It  is 
well  known  in  what  labyrinths  of  excessive  ornament,  conceit  and 
triviality,  Italian  poetry  and  eloquence  were  then  lost.  Queen 
Christina  was  a  person  of  too  much  taste  and  sense  to  be  caught 
by  such  a  fashion;  it  was  indeed  disgusting  to  her.  In  the  year 
IfiSO  she  established  an  academy  for  the  discussion  of  political  and 
literary  subjects  in  her  house,  the  principal  statute  of  which  is,  that 
the  inflated  manner  of  the  time,  overloaded  with  metaphors,  is 
carefully  to  be  avoided,  and  the  dictates  of  sound  reason  and  the 
models  of  the  Augustan  and  Medicean  ages  alnne  to  be  followed  t 
When  we  light  upon  the  productions  of  this  academy  in  the  Albani 
library  at  Rome,  the  im[iression  they  make  is  most  singular;  — 
essays  by  Italian  abbati,  corrected  by  the  hand  of  a  northern  queen: 

*  The  "  Venus  teaching  Cupid  to  read,"  now  in  the  National  Gallery  of 
London,  was  in  the  collection  of  Queen  Christina. — Translator. 

f  Constituzioni  dell'  accadetnia  reale,  Arckenholtz,  iv,  p.  28,  §28.  "In  quest' 
accademia  si  studj  la  purita,  la  gravita  e  la  maesta  della  lingua  Toscana:  s'imi- 
tino  per  quanto  si  puo  i  maestri  della  vera  eloquenza  de'  secoli  d'  Augusto  e  di 
Leone  X....e  pero  si  dia  bando  alio  stile  moderno  turgido  ed  ampollosa,  ai  traslati, 
metafore,  figure,"  &c.  Another  paragraph  (11)  forbids  all  panegyrics  on  the 
queen,  which  at  that  time  was  very  necessary.  The  fourth  volume  of  Nicoletti's 
Life  of  Urban  VIII  contains  a  description  of  this  academy,  the  chief  purport  of 
which  is,  that  its  principal  members  were  Angelo  della  Noce,  Giuseppe  Suarez, 
Giov.  Francesco  Albani  (afierwards  pope),  Steffano  Gradi,  Ottavio  Faleonieri, 
Steffano  Pignatelli,  who  had  all  lived  in  the  same  house  with  cardinal  Francesco' 
Barberino. 


184  DIGRESSION  CONCERNING  QUEEN  CHRISTINA.       [BOOK  VIII, 

but  this  Strange  combination  is  not  without  its  significancy.  Her 
academy  sent  forth  such  men  as  AUessandro  Guidi,  who  had  for- 
merly written  in  the  style  then  in  use,  but  since  he  had  been  in  the 
society  of  the  queen,  resolutely  emancipated  himself  from  its  tram- 
mels, and  even  formed  a  sort  of  league  with  some  of  his  friends  for 
its  destruction;  the  Arcadia,  an  academy  to  which  is  ascribed  the 
merit  of  accomplishing  this  labor,  was  an  offspring  of  the  society 
which  assembled  round  queen  Christina.  It  is  not  to  be  denied 
that  the  queen  preserved  a  noble  independence  of  mind  in  the 
midst  of  the  various  and  poweiful  influences  by  which  she  was 
surrounded.  The  demand  which  is  commonly  made  upon  converts 
(or  the  duty  which  they  impose  upon  themselves),  of  an  ostentatious 
piety,  she  was  by  no  means  disposed  to  comply  with.  Catholic  as 
she  was,  frequently  as  she  repeated  her  persuasion  of  the  infalli- 
biUty  of  the  pope,  and  of  the  necessity  of  believing  all  that  he  and 
the  church  prescribed,  she  had  yet  an  utter  hatred  of  bigots,  and  an 
abhorrence  of  the  direction  of  confessors,  who  then  exercised  an 
absolute  tyranny  over  every  part  of  existence.  She  did  not  suffer 
herself  to  be  debarred  from  the  enjoyments  of  the  carnival,  of  con- 
certs or  plays,  or  whatever  other  amusements  Rome  afforded; 
above  all,  from  the  internal  movement  of  an  intellectual  and  ani- 
mated society.  She  loved  satire,  as  she  confesses,  and  took  plea- 
sure in  the  sallies  of  Pasquino.  We  find  her  too  always  involved 
in  the  intrigues  of  the  court,  the  divisions  of  the  papal  houses,  and 
the  factions  of  the  cardinals.  She  adhered  to  the  faction  of  the 
Squadronisti,  of  which  her  friend  Azzolini  was  the  head-,  a  man 
whom  others  as  well  as  Christina  esteemed  the  ablest  member  of 
the  curia;  but  whom  she  declared  to  be  a  divine  and  incomparable 
man — the  only  one  whom  she  thought  superior  to  the  venerable 
chancellor  Axel  Oxenstierna.  She  wished  to  erect  a  monument  to 
him  in  her  memoirs.  Unfortunately  but  a  small  part  of  them  has 
been  made  public;  but  even  this  reveals  an  earnestness,  a  truth  in 
her  dealings  widi  herself,  a  freedom  and  firmness  of  mind,  before 
which  calumny  is  dumb.  No  less  remarkable  are  the  maxims  and 
detached  thoughts  which  are  tlie  product  of  her  leisure  hours.* 
We  detect  in  tlieni,  not  only  great  knowledge  of  the.  world,  an  in- 
sight into  the  workings  of  the  passions  such  as  experience  alone 
can  give,  and  the  most  acute  and  subtle  remarks  upon  them;  but 
also  a  decided  inclination  of  the  mind  towards  the  essential;  an  in- 
tense and  living  conviction  of  the  power  of  self-direction,  and  of  the 
nobility  of  the  human  mind;  a  just  appreciation  of  earthly  things, 
which  are  estimated  neither  too  meanly  nor  too  highly;  a  soul  that 
seeks  only  to  satisfy  God  and  itself.    The  great  intellectual  movement 


*  They  are  contained  in  two  publicatFons  rather  differing  from  each  other: 
"  Ouvrage  de  loisir  de  Christine  reine  de  Suede,"  in  the  Appendix  of  the  second, 
and  "Sentiments  et  dits  memorables  de  Christine,"  in  that  of  the  fourth  volume 
of  Arckenholtz. 


§  X.]  ADMINISTRATION  OF  THE  STATE.  185 

which  manifested  itself  in  every  department  of  human  activity  to- 
wards the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  which  opened  a  new 
era,  worked  out  its  accomplishment  also  in  the  person  of  this  prin- 
cess. And  there  is  no  doubt  that  a  residence  in  a  centre  of  European 
civiUsation,  and  the  leisure  of  private  life  were,  if  not  absolutely 
necessary,  yet  extremely  favorable  to  that  accomplishment.  This 
indeed  was  the  place,  this  the  intellectual  atmosphere,  which  she 
passionately  loved;  nor  did  she  think  it  possible  to  live  if  she  did 
not  breathe  the  air  of  Rome. 


§   10.    ADMINISTRATION  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE. 

It  would  have  been  difficult  at  that  time  to  find  a  spot  in  the 
whole  world  so  conspicuous  for  its  social  refinement,  its  various 
exertions  for  the  advancement  of  literature  and  art,  its  abundance 
of  intellecual  enjoyments,  and,  finally,  for  an  existence  filled  with 
interests  so  eminently  calculated  to  excite  the  sympathy  and  to 
draw  forth  the  powers  of  the  mind,  as  was  the  court  of  Rome. 
The  pressure  of  the  authority  of  the  government  was  little  felt; 
power  and  splendor  were  substantially  in  the  hands  of  the  principal 
families;  the  holy  see  was  no  longer  able  to  enforce  even  its  spiritual 
claims  in  their  full  rigor;  so  much  was  its  influence  diminished  by 
the  opposition  it  encountered  from  public  opinion !  This  was  rather 
an  age  of  enjoyment;  the  advantages  of  rank,  fortune,  or  fame,  to 
which  new  men  and  families  had  risen  in  the  course  of  time,  and 
the  intellectual  pursuits  which  were  become  prevalent,  combined 
to  give  to  society  a  sum  of  pleasures  in  which  the  material  and  the 
mental  were  luxuriously  and  harmoniously  balanced. 

The  question  now  was,  how  Church  and  State  were  to  be  ruled 
by  the  see  of  Rome  with  its  actual  powers. 

For  it  was  evident  that  the  court,  or  rather  the  prelature,  which 
properly  included  those  only  who  were  acting  and  efficient  mem- 
bers of  the  curia,  had  the  government  in  their  own  hands. 

As  early  as  the  pontificate  of  Alexander  VII  the  institution  of 
the  prelature  had  assumed  its  modern  form.  In  order  to  be  eligible 
to  the  office  of  referendario  di  segnatura,  which  was  the  step  indis- 
pensable to  all  future  promotion,  it  was  necessary  to  be  doctor  of 
laws,  to  have  studied  three  years  under  an  advocate,  to  be  of  a 
certain  age,  in  possession  of  a  certain  forttme,and  of  irreproachable 
reputation.  The  age  had  formerly  been  fixed  at  twenty-five,  the 
income  at  1000  scudi.  Alexander  made  an  alteration  of  a  some- 
what aristocratical  character,  fixing  the  age  at  twenty-one,  but  re- 
quiring an  assured  income  of  1500  scudi;  whoever  possessed  these 
requisites  was  invested  by  the  prefctto  di  segnatura  with  the  office 
of  referendario,  and  appointed  to  plead  two  causes  before  the  as- 

VOL.  II.  — 17 


186  ADMINISTRATION  [BOOK  VIII. 

sembly  of  the  segnatura.*  This  was  his  first  step,  and  one  which 
qualified  him  for  all  other  offices.  From  the  government  of  a  town 
or  of  a  province,  the  successful  candidate  rose  to  a  nuntiatura,  to  a 
vice-legation,  or  was  promoted  to  a  seat  in  the  rota,  or  in  the  con- 
gregations; whence  he  rose  to  the  rank  of  cardinal  or  legate.  The 
union  of  spiritual  and  temporal  power  existed,  even  in  the  admin- 
istration of  the  highest  offices.  On  the  arrival  of  the  legate  in  any 
town,  some  of  the  spiritual  honors  and  prerogatives  of  the  bishop 
ceased;  the  legate  bestowed  the  benediction  upon  the  people,  in 
like  manner  as  the  pope.  The  members  of  the  curia  were  con- 
stantly alternating  between  ecclesiastical  and  secular  offices. 

Let  us  first  direct  our  attention  towards  the  administration  of  the 
state. 

Everything  depended  upon  the  wants  of  the  government,  the 
demands  made  upon  the  people,  and  the  state  of  the  finances. 

We  have  seen  what  a  ruinous  impulse  was  given  to  the  loan 
system  of  Urban  VIII,  more  particularly  by  the  war  of  Castro; 
but  the  loans  had  nevertheless  been  effectuated,  the  luoghi  di  monte 
were  at  a  premium,  and  the  popes  followed  the  beaten  track  with- 
out restraint  or  hesitation. 

In  the  year  1644,  Innocent  X  found  the  interest  paid  to  the  luoghi 
di  monte  to  amount  to  the  sum  of  182,1031,  and  left  it  in  1655 
amounting  to  264,1295;  so  that  the  capital,  which  is  thus  indicated, 
had  risen  from  eighteen  to  more  than  twenty-six  millions.  Al- 
though he  had  discharged  some  debts  of  another  kind  with  this 
sum,  and  had  paid  olT  the  principal  of  several  loans,  there  was  yet 
a  large  increase  of  the  public  debt,  which  was  reckoned,  after  his 
decease,  at  the  sum  of  forty-eight  million  scudi.  He  had  had  the 
good  fortune  to  derive  a  surplus  revenue  from  the  taxes  imposed 
by  Urban  VIII,  upon  which  he  founded  the  new  month 

Upon  the  accession  of  Alexander  VII,  it  was  evident  that  an 
increase  of  taxation  was  not  feasible;  the  practice  of  raising  new 
loans  had  now  become  so  habitual,  that  it  could  no  longer  be  dis- 
pensed with.  Alexander  resolved  to  seek  a  new  resource  in  a  re- 
duction of  the  rate  of  interest. 

There  were  about  150  monti  vacabili  which  bore  the  rate  of  10§ 
per  cent,  interest;  these  he  determined  to  pay  off.  Although  they 
were  paid  off"  at  the  market  price,  the  transaction  was  attended 
with  great  advantage,  since  the  exchequer  was  the  gainer,  on  the 
whole,  of  about  4  per  cent.;  and  hence,  even  if  the  vacabili  were 
paid  off  by  raising  fresh  loans,  the  interest  on  these  in  future  would 
be  6  instead  of  lOi  per  cent. 

Pope  Alexander  now  determined  to  reduce  all  the  non-vacabili 
which  gave  more  than  4  per  cent,  to  that  rate  of  interest,!     But 

*  Discorso  deldominio  temporale  e  spirituale  del  S.  Pontefice  Romano.  1664, 
MS. 

f  Pallavicini,  Vita  di  Alessandro  VII:    "Perciocche  in  nessun  altro  paese 


§  X.]  OF  THE  STATE.  187 

he  had  another  great  advantage,  since  he  did  not  concern  himself 
about  the  market  price,  which  was  116  per  cent.,  but  merely  paid 
back  one  hundred  to  tlie  hiogo,  and  no  more,  according  to  tiie 
strict  letter  of  his  engagement.  All  these  sums  paid  for  interest 
were  assigned,  as  we  have  seen,  upon  the  product  of  taxes,  and  it 
was  perhaps  his  original  intention  to  repeal  the  most  oppressive; 
but  as  the  old  system  was  maintained,  this  was  impracticable;  a 
diminution  of  the  price  of  salt  was  soon  followed  by  an  increase 
of  the  tax  on  flour,  and  the  whole  of  what  was  thus  gained  was 
swallowed  up  by  the  expenses  of  government  or  by  nepotism.  If 
we  put  together  the  savings  made  by  the  reductions  of  interest, 
they  would  amount  to  about  140,000  scudi;  the  reapplication  of 
which  sum  as  interest  would  involve  an  increase  of  the  debt  to  the 
amount  of  about  three  millions. 

Clement  IX  also,  could  carry  on  the  government  only  by  means 
of  new  loans.  But  he  soon  saw  himself  reduced  to  such  straits 
that  at  length  he  seized  upon  the  money  produced  by  the  dataria, 
which  had, until  now,  never  been  touched,  and  upon  which  depended 
the  daily  maintenance  of  the  papal  court.  VVith  this  he  founded 
new  luoghi  di  monte,  the  interest  paid  to  which,  amounted  to 
13,200  so.  In  the  year  1670  the  papal  debts  probably  amounted 
to  nearly  fifty-two  million  scudi. 

Hence  it  followed,  that  even  with  the  best  intentions,  it  was  impos- 
sible to  make  any  other  than  imperceptible  and  transient  reductions 
of  those  burdens  which  were  extremely  oppressive  to  an  unpro- 
ductive and  uncommercial  country. 

Another  complaint  was,  that  foreigners  got  possession  of  the 
monti,  and  received  the  interest  without  contributing  their  share  to 
the  taxes.  It  was  reckoned  that  600,000  scudi  yearly  found  their 
way  to  Genoa;  the  country  thus  stood  in  the  relation  of  debtor  to 
foreigners,  which  could  not  be  favorable  to  the  expansion  of  its 
powers. 

Another  result,  the  operation  of  which  went  still  deeper,  was 
consequent  upon  this  system.  How  could  it  be  otherwise  than  that 
the  holders  of  the  annuities,  the  moneyed  men,  should  obtain  great 
influence  in  the  slate  and  its  administration? 

The  great  commercial  houses  acquired  an  immediate  share  in 
the  business  of  government.  A  commercial  house  through  which 
the  money  was  received  and  paid  out,  was  always  associated  to 
the  tesoriere.     The  public  treasure  was  in  fact  always  in  the  hands 

d' Italia  la  rendila  del  danaro  aveasi  tanto  pinsrue  e  tanto  sicura,  pian  piano  era 
succeduto  che  quel  luoghi  del  primitivo  lor  prezzo  di  100  fnssero  cresciuti  nella 
piazza  al  valor  di  116.  Hor  la  camera  valendosi  del  suo  diritto,  come  avrebbe 
potuto  qualsivoglio  private, rendeva  il  prezzo  originario  di  100,  non  permettendo 
la  vastita  della  somma  [he  calculates  tv^'enty-six  millions]  ne  persuadendo  la  qua- 
lita  de'  padroni,  in  gran  parte  ricchi  e  foraslieri,  che  ad  aggravio  de'  poveri,  alls 
cui  spalle  stanno  tutti  i  publici  pesi,  il  pontefice  usasse  pivi  la  liberalita  usata  da 
lui  neir  estintione  d'  monti  vacabili." 


188  ADMINISTRATION  [BOOK  VIII. 

of  merchants,  who  also  farmed  the  revenue,  and  were  the  trea- 
surers of  the  provinces,  and  possessed  the  means  of  purchasing  the 
numerous  saleable  offices.  Besides,  it  required  considerable  pecu- 
niary means  to  obtain  promotion  in  the  curia.  In  the  year  1665 
we  meet  with  Florentines  and  Genoese  in  the  most  important 
offices  of  government.  The  spirit  of  the  court  assumed  so  mer- 
cantile a  complexion,  that  gradually  j)romotion  depended  less  upon 
merit  than  upon  money.  "A  merchant  with  his  purse  in  his 
hand,"  exclaims  Grimani,  "has,  in  the  end,  always  the  preference. 
The  court  is  filled  with  hirelings,  whose  sole  object  is  gain,  who 
feel  as  traders,  not  as  statesmen,  and  .entertain  the  most  grovelling 
thoughts."* 

This  had  the  stronger  and  the  more  disastrous  effect,  as  there  no 
longer  existed  any  independent  feeling  in  the  land.  Bologna  alone 
at  times  made  some  effective  opposition  to  the  court,  so  that  there 
was  once  a  thought  in  Rome  of  erecting  a  citadel  there.  Other 
cities  also  occasionally  resisted  particular  measures  of  the  govern- 
ment; for  example,  the  inhabitants  of  Fermo  would  not  permit  the 
corn,  which  they  thought  necessary  for  their  own  consumption,  to 
be  carried  out  of  their  territory;!  and  the  Perugians  refused  to  pay 
up  their  arrears  of  taxes.  The  commissaries  general  of  the  court 
however,  easily  put  down  these  disturbances,  and  introduced  a  still 
more  rigorous  system  of  government;  and  by  degrees  the  manage- 
ment of  the  property  of  the  communes  was  placed  at  the  disposal 
of  the  court. 

The  institution  of  the  annona  displays  a  remarkable  example  of 
the  progressive  steps  of  this  system. 

As  it  was  a  common  principle  in  the  political  economy  of  the 
16th  century,  to  place  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  export  of  the 
necessaries  of  life,  the  popes  took  measures  to  that  end,  and  more 
especially  with  a  view  to  prevent  any  rise  in  the  price  of  bread. — 
Nevertheless  the  prefetto  dell'  annona,  to  whose  charge  this  branch 
of  the  executive  fell,  had  originally  very  limited  powers,  which 
Gregory  XIII  was  the  first  to  extend.  Without  the  permission  of 
the  prefetto,  the  corn  which  was  grown  could  neither  be  exported 
out  of  the  country,  nor  even  from  one  division  of  a  province  to 
another.  But  the  permission  was  only  granted  when  corn  was  to 
be  bought  on  the  1st  of  March  below  a  certain  price,  which  was 

*  Antonio  Grimani:  "Per  la  vendita  della  maggior  parte  degli  officii  piii 
considerabili  si  viene  a  riempire  la  corte  d'uomini  mercenarj  e  mercanti,  restanti 
indietro  quelli  die  potrebbero  posseder  tali  officii  per  merito  e  per  virtu,  male 
veramente  notabile  ehe  smacca  il  credito  concepito  della  grandezza  della  corte 
Romana,  non  avendo  detti  mercenarj  d'  officii  involto  1'  animo  che  in  cose  rae- 
caniche  e  basse  e  piu  tosto  mercantili  che  politiche." 

f  Memoriale  presentato  alia  S'*  di  N.  S"^  papa  Innocentio  dalli  deputati  della 
citta  di  Fermo  per  il  tumulto  ivi  seguito  alii  6  di  Luglio  1648,  MS.  See  Bis- 
saccioni  Historia  delle  guerre  civili,  p.  271,  where  Fermo  appears  by  the  side  of 
England,  France,  Poland,  and  Naples. 


§  X.]  OP  THE  STATE.  189 

fixed  by  Clement  VIII  at  6  scudi,  and  by  Paul  V  at  5i  scudi,  per 
rubbio.  There  was  a  fixed  tariff  for  bread  according  to  the  varia- 
tions in  the  price  of  corn.* 

It  was  now  found,  however,  that  the  wants  of  Rome  became 
more  urgent  from  year  to  year.  The  population  of  the  city  in- 
creased, while  the  cultivation  of  the  campagna  fell  into  decay.  The 
ruin  of  the  campagna  took  place  chiefly  in  the  first  half  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  and,  if  I  do  not  err,  is  to  be  traced  to  two  causes; 
first,  to  the  sale  of  the  smaller  estates  to  the  great  families  (of  which 
mention  has  been  made) — this  land  requiring  the  most  careful  cul- 
tivation, which  only  small  proprietors  applying  their  whole  income 
to  that  end,  are  accustomed  to  bestow;  and  secondly,  to  the  increas- 
ing unhealthiness  of  the  air.  Gregory  XIII  had  endeavored  to 
extend  the  cultivation  of  corn;  Sixtus  V  to  destroy  the  lurking- 
places  of  the  banditti:  the  former  had  thus  cleared  the  lower  country 
towards  the  sea  of  trees  and  underwood;  the  latter  had  stripped 
the  hills  of  their  forests.t  Neither  the  one  nor  the  other  was  of 
any  service;  while  the  aria  cattiva  extended  its  influence,  and  mainly 
contributed  to  depopulate  the  campagna,  and  consequently  to  cause 
an  annual  diminution  of  its  produce. 

This  disproportion  between  supply  and  demand,  induced  pope 
Urban  VIII  to  establish  a  more  active  system  of  inspection,  and  to 
extend  the  powers  of  the  prefetto.  By  one  of  his  constitutions  he 
absolutely  prohibited  all  exportation  of  corn,  cattle,  or  oil,  not  only 
from  the  whole  state,  but  also  from  one  province  to  another,  and 
empowered  the  prefetto  to  fix  the  price  of  corn  at  Campofiore 
according  to  the  produce  of  each  harvest,  and  to  prescribe  to  the 
bakers  the  weight  of  the  bread  in  proportion. 

This  rendered  the  prefetto  all-powerful,  and  he  did  not  neglect  to 
use  the  authority  thus  vested  in  him,  for  his  own  and  his  friends' 
advantage.  He  acquired  a  complete  monopoly  of  corn,  oil  and 
meat,  and  of  all  the  prime  necessaries  of  life.  That  the  cheapness 
of  these  articles  was  much  promoted  by  this  arrangement,  we  shall 
not  take  upon  us  to  say;  the  privilege  of  exportation  was  granted 
to  favorites,  while  the  people  felt  only  the  shackles  and  vexations 
imposed  on  purchase  and  sale.  It  was  immediately  remarked  that 
the  land  fell  more  and  more  out  of  cultivation. J 

Ii  is  from  this  period  that  we  may  date  the  beginning  of  those 
lamentations  over  the  universal  decay  of  the  States  of  the  Church, 
which  have  never  since  ceased.    "  During  our  journey  from  one 

*  A  long  list  of  papal  mandates  on  these  subjects  is  to  be  found  in  a  work  of 
Nicole  Maria  Nicolaj,  Memorie,  vol.  ii.  Leggi  et  osservationi  suUe  campagne 
6  sull'  annone  di  Roma,  1803. 

f  Relatione  dello  stato  di  Roma  presente,  or  Almaden,v.  Appendix,  No.  123. 

X  Pietro  Contarini,  1627:  "II  pontefice  avendo  levato  le  tratte  concesse  a 

diversi  da  suoi  precessori hora  vendendole  ne  cava  bona  somma  di 

danaro:  non  vole  i  prezzi  troppo  vili  ne  grano  forestiero:  Parte  del  campo  viene 
ad  abbandonarsi  per  il  poco  o  niun  guadagno  che  ne  traggono." 

17* 


190  ADMINISTRATION  [BOOK  VIII. 

place  to  another,"  say  the  Venetian  ambassadors,  in  the  year  1621, 
in  whose  report  I  find  the  first  record  of  (hem,  "  we  perceived  great 
poverty  among  the  peasantry  and  the  common  people;  and  little 
comfort,  not  to  say  great  privations,  existmg  among  all  other  classes. 
This  is  the  result  of  the  form  of  government,  and  more  especially  of 
the  insignificant  amount  of  their  commerce.  The  palaces  and  nobil- 
ity of  Bologna  and  Ferrara  invest  those  towns  with  a  certain  splen- 
dor; Ancona  has  some  small  trade  with  Ragusa  and  Turkey,  but  all 
the  other  cities  have  fallen  into  utter  decay."  About  the  year  1650 
the  opinion  universally  gained  ground  that  an  ecclesiastical  govern- 
ment was  fatal  to  the  interests  of  the  public*  The  inhabitants 
already  began  to  make  bitter  complaints.  "  The  imposts  of  the 
Barberini,"  exclaims  a  contemporary  biographer,  "  have  exhausted 
the  country,  the  rapacity  of  Donna  Olimpia  the  court;  the  virtues  of 
Alexander  VII  led  men  to  expect  an  improvement  in  public  affairs; 
but  all  Siena  has  poured  itself  over  the  territory  of  the  church,  and 
is  draining  it  of  its  last  resources."!  Meantime  the  country  expe- 
rienced no  diminution  of  the  exactions  upon  it. 

A  cardinal  once  compared  a  country  subject  to  such  a  government 
to  a  horse  which,  tired  out  by  its  journey,  has  been  goaded  to  fresh 
efibrts,  and  goes  on  till  at  length  it  sinks  completely  exhausted  to 
the  ground.  This  moment  of  complete  exhaustion  now  appeared  to 
have  arrived. 

The  worst  spirit  which  can  take  possession  of  the  servants  of  a 
government  had  developed  itself:  each  individual  looked  upon  the 
commonwealth  mainly  as  subservient  to  his  personal  aggrandize- 
ment or  personal  cupidity. 

The  torrent  of  corruption  rushed  with  frightful  force  and  rapidity 
over  the  whole  country. 

At  the  court  of  Innocent  X,  Donna  Olimpia  gave  away  offices, 
under  condition  of  receiving  a  monthly  consideration.  Nor  was  she 
alone  in  this  practice ;  her  example  was  imitated  by  Donna  Clementia, 
the  sister-in-law  of  the  datarius  Cecchino.  The  festival  of  Christmas 
was  the  great  harvest  of  presents.  The  first  cause  of  Don  Camillo 
Astalli's  downfall  was  his  refusal  to  share  with  Donna  Olimpia  his 
Christmas  gains,  as  he  had  led  her  to  expect;  a  refusal  which  excited 
her  most  violent  resentment.  The  infamous  forgeries  which  Mas- 
carnbruno  was  bribed  to  commit,  are  well  known.  He  annexed 
false  summaries  to  the  decreta  which  he  laid  before  the  pope;  and 
as  Innocent  read  only  the  summaries,  he  affixed  his  signature  to 

*  Diario  Deone,  torn.  iv.  1649,  21  Ajj.:  "  E  dovere  di  favorir  la  chiesa:  pero 
veggiatno  che  tutto  quello  che  passa  a  lei,  e  in  pregiudicio  del  publico,  comeche 
le  terre  sue  subito  sono  dishabitate  e  le  possessioni  mal  coltivate,  si  vede  in  Fer- 
rara, in  Urbino,  in  Nepe,  in  Nettuno  et  in  tutte  le  piazze  che  sono  passale  nel 
dominio  delta  chiesa." 

j-  Vita  di  Alessandro  VII:  '•  Spolpato  e  quasi  in  teschio  ridotto  dalle  gabelle 
Barberine  lo  stato  ecclesiastico  e  smunta  la  corte  dall'  ingordigia  di  Olimpia  con- 
fidavano  generoso  ristoro  della  bonta  d'  Alessandro." 


§  X.]  OP  THE  STATE.  191 

things  of  which  he  had  not  the  smallest  suspicion,  and  which  covered 
the  court  of  Rome  with  disgrace.*  It  is  impossible  to  see  witliout 
pain  and  disgust,  the  wealth  of  Don  Mario,  the  brother  of  Alexander 
VII,  attributed  to  the  fact  that  the  jurisdiction  of  tlie  Borgo  was  in 
his  hands. 

For,  unfortunately,  the  administration  of  justice  was  infected  with 
the  plague-spot  which  had  corrupted  the  whole  body  politic  of 
Rome.  We  possess  a  catalogue  of  the  abuses  which  had  found 
their  way  into  the  court  of  the  rota,  delivered  in  to  pope  Alexan- 
der by  a  man  who  had  practised  in  that  court  for  twenty-eight 
years  of  his  life.t  He  reckons  that  there  was  not  a  single  auditore 
di  rota  who  did  not  receive  presents  at  Christmas  to  the  amount  of 
500  sc.  Those  who  could  not  gain  access  to  the  person  of  the  au- 
ditore himself,  found  means  to  use  the  interest  of  his  relations,  his 
assistants,  or  his  servants. 

Not  less  fatal  to  the  course  of  justice  was  the  private  influence 
exercised  by  the  court  and  the  great.  The  very  judges  sometimes 
excused  themselves  to  the  parties  interested,  for  the  unjust  sen- 
tences they  pronounced,  on  the  plea  that  justice  was  controlled  by 
force. 

It  is  evident  that  the  administration  of  the  law  must  have  been 
utterly  perverted  and  corrupt;  the  vacations  lasted  four  months, 
and  during  the  remainder  of  the  year  the  members  of  the  court,  led 
a  life  of  dissipation  and  excitement.  Decisions  were  indecently 
delayed;  and  yet,  at  last,  exhibited  every  mark  of  precipitation. — 
It  would  have  been  entirely  useless  to  resort  to  appeals;  the  matter 
would  indeed  then  have  been  submitted  to  other  members  of  the 
court,  but  they  would  have  been  equally  obnoxious  to  the  same 
influences;  besides  which,  their  judgment  was  very  much  biassed 
by  that  which  had  been  previously  given. 

These  evils  extended  from  the  highest  court  of  law  to  all  the  infe- 
rior ones,  and  to  the  civil  and  judicial  administration  of  the  pro- 
vinces.! Cardinal  Sacchetti  represents  them  in  the  most  impres- 
sive manner  to  pope  Alexander,  in  a  report  which  is  still  extant. 
The  oppression  of  the  poor,  who  had  none  to  help  them,  by  the 
rich;  the  perversion  of  justice  through  the  influence  of  cardinals, 
princes,  and  officers  of  the  palace;  the  delay  of  business  which 
might  be  despatched  in  two  or  three  days,  for  years  and  years;  the 


*  Pallavicini  seeks  to  excuse  it  on  the  ground  that  the  transactions  of  the  da- 
taria  were  written  "  di  carrattere  francese,  come  e  restato  in  uso  della  dataria 
dapoi  che  la  sedia  fu  in  Avignone,"  and  which  tlie  pope  did  not  like  reading. 

f  "  Disordini  che  occorrono  nel  supremo  tribunale  della  rota  nella  corte  Ro- 
mana  e  gli  ordini  con  i  quali  si  potrebbe  riformare,  scrittura  fattadaun  avvocata 
da  presentarsi  alia  S'*  di  N.  S-^^  Alessandro  VII."  MS.  Rang,  at  Vienna.  No. 
23. 

j^  Disordini:  "Con  le  male  decisioni  di  questo  tribunale  supremo  (della 
rota)  si  corrompe  la  giustitia  a  tutti  gli  altri  minori,  almeno  dello  stato  ecclesi- 
astico,  vedendosi  da  giudici  dare  sentenze  con  decisioni  si  fatte." 


192  ADMINISTRATION  [bOOZ  VIII. 

outrages  to  which  any  one  appeahng  from  an  inferior  to  a  higher 
court  was  certain  to  expose  himself;  the  forfeitures  and  executions 
by  means  of  which  the  taxes  were  levied;  cruelties  tending  only  to 
render  the  sovereign  odious  and  to  enrich  his  servants.  •'  Afflic- 
tions, holy  father,"  he  exclaims,  "  which  exceed  the  afflictions  of 
the  Israelites  in  Egypt!  People,  not  conquered  by  the  sword,  but 
subject  to  the  see  of  Rome  either  by  the  gift  of  princes  or  by  volun- 
tary submission,  are  treated  with  greater  barbarity  than  slaves  in 
Syria  or  Africa;  who  can  witness  this  without  tears!"'*  Such 
was  the  condition  of  tlie  States  of  the  Church  as  early  as  the  mid- 
dle of  the  sixteenth  century. 


It  is  impossible  to  imagine  that  the  administration  of  the  church 
could  remain  free  from  abuses  of  a  similar  nature;  since  it  depended 
on  the  court  just  as  much  as  the  civil  administration,  and  was 
equally  imbued  with  its  spirit. 

It  is  indeed  true  that  considerable  limitations  were  imposed  on 
the  curia  in  ecclesiastical  affairs.  In  France  most  important  privi- 
leges were  enjoyed  by  the  crown:  in  Germany  the  chapters  main- 
tained their  independence.  In  Italy  and  Spain,  on  the  contrary, 
the  power  of  Rome  was  more  unlimited,  and  in  fact  it  used  its 
lucrative  privileges  without  scruple  or  measure. 

In  Spain  the  court  of  Rome  possessed  the  right  of  nomination  to 
all  the  smaller  benefices;  in  Italy  even  to  all  the  highest  dignities 
and  richest  livings.  It  is  scarcely  credible  what  sums  accrued  to 
the  dataria  from  Spain,  arising  out  of  installations,  spolia,  and  the 
revenues  which  fell  due  from  vacant  livings.  The  curia,  however, 
regarded  as  a  whole,  derived  even  greater  advantages  from  its 
relations  with  Italy;  the  richest  bishoprics  and  abbeys,  priories, 
commanderies,  and  other  benefices  went  immediately  to  enrich  its 
members. 

This  state  of  things,  bad  as  it  appears,  was  far  from  being  the 
worst. 

The  most  pernicious  abuses  were  superadded  to  privileges  already 
too  extensive.  I  will  only  mention  one,  which  indeed  was  perhaps 
the  most  flagrant.  The  practice  was  introduced,  and  in  the  middle 
of  the  seventeenth  century  universally  obtained,  of  charging  a  pen- 
sion in  favor  of  some  one  of  the  members  of  the  curia,  upon  every 
benefice  which  was  given  away, 

*  Lettre  du  cardinal  Sacchetti  ecrite  peu  avant  sa  mort  au  pape  Alexandre 
VII,  en  1663,  copie  tiree  des  Manuscritti  della  regina  di  Suezia,  Arckenholtz 
Memoires,  torn,  iv,  App,  N°  xxxii,  a  remarkably  instructive  work  confirmed  by 
many  others,  e.  g.  a  Scrittura  sopra  il  governo  di  Roma,  of  the  same  date  (Bibl. 
Alt.)  "  I  popoli,  non  avendo  piii  argento  ne  rame  ne  biancherie  ne  matarazze 
per  sodisfare  alia  indiscretione  de'  commissarj,  converra  che  si  venderanno  schiavi 
per  pagare  i  pesi  camerali."     Appendix,  No.  145. 


§  X.]  OF  THE  CHURCH.  193 

In  Spain  this  practice  was  expressly  forbidden;  as  the  benefices 
themselves  were  only  bestowed  upon  natives,  such  pensions  could 
likewise  only  be  granted  to  them.  Bnt  a  method  was  devised  at 
Rome  for  evading  these  Regulations.  The  pension  was  made  out 
in  the  name  of  a  born  or  naturalised  Spaniard,  who  bound  himself 
by  a  civil  contract,  to  cause  an  annual  payment  to  be  made  of  a 
certain  sum  into  one  of  the  mercantile  houses  of  Rome,  to  the  ac- 
count of  the  real  receiver  of  the  pension.  In  Italy  it  was  not  even 
necessary  to  take  these  precautions;  the  bishoprics  were  often 
burthened  in  an  insufferable  manner.  Monsignore  de  Angelis, 
bishop  of  Urbino,  complained  in  1G63,  that  all  that  remained  to 
him  from  that  bishopric  was  60  sc.  per  annum,  and  that  he  had 
already  given  in  his  resignation,  which,  however,  the  court  refused 
to  receive.  For  years  none  could  be  found  to  accept  the  sees  of  An- 
cona  and  Pesaro  under  the  severe  conditions  which  were  imposed. 
In  the  year  1667,  there  were  in  Naples  twenty-eight  bishops  and 
archbishops  who  were  deprived  of  their  sees,  because  they  did  not 
pay  the  pensions  charged  upon  them.  From  the  bishoprics  this 
abuse  descended  immediately  to  the  provincial  cures.  The  in- 
cumbent of  the  richest  benefice  often  received  but  a  very  slender 
income,  while  the  poor  parish  priests  occasionally  had  even  their  fees 
charged  with  pensions.*  Many  were  so  thoroughly  dissatisfied  that 
they  gave  up  their  cures,  but  fresh  candidates  always  presented 
themselves;  indeed  they  outbade  each  other  in  the  pensions  which 
they  offered  to  the  curia. 

What  must  have  been  the  morality  or  the  patriotism  of  men  who 
could  steadily  pursue  a  system  which  could  only  lead  to  the  ruin 
of  the  parochial  clergy,  and  the  utter  neglect  of  the  common  people! 

The  protestant  church  had  judged  far  better  in  having,  from  the 
very  beginning,  abolished  all  superfluities,  and  submitted  to  the 
government  of  law  and  order. 

It  must  be  admitted  that  the  wealth  of  the  catholic  church,  and 
the  worldly  rank  which  was  conferred  by  ecclesiastical  dignities, 
induced  the  higher  aristocracy  to  enter  it.  Pope  Alexander's 
maxim  was  to  give  church  preferment  to  men  of  birth  by  prefer- 
ence. He  entertained  the  singular  opinion,  that  since  it  was  agree- 
able to  the  kings  of  the  earth  to  be  surrounded  by  servants  of 

*  The  malicious  Basadonna  says,  "  Bisogna  conchiudere  che  ogni  beneficio 
capace  di  pensione  rimanga  caricato  come  I'asino  di  Apulejo,  che  non  potendo 
pill  soslenere  il  peso  meditava  di  gettarsi  in  terra,  quando  il  vedor  caduto  il 
compagno  e  tosto  de'  veUurini  scorticato  hebbe  per  bene  di  sopportare  I'insop- 
portabil  soma."  All  his  contemporaries  agree  in  this  description  of  the  evil. 
The  abuse  again  crept  in  of  making  over  churches  to  others  with  the  reservation 
of  a  part  of  the  income. — Deone,  Diario  7  Genn.  1645,  after  giving  an  account 
of  the  archbishopric  of  Bologna,  which  cardinal  Colonna  made  over  to  Albre- 
gati,  continues  thus:  "  con  queslo  esempio  si  e  aperta  la  porta  d'ammettere  le 
risegne:  e  cosi  stamane  si  e  publicata  la  risegna  della  chiesa  di  Ravenna  fatta 
dal  card'  Capponi  nella  persona  di  mons"'  Tungianni  suo  nipote  con  riserva  di 
pensione  a  suo  favore  e  dopo  la  morte  sua  d'  una  buona  parte  al  card'  Pamfilio." 


194  ADMINISTRATION  [BOOK  VIII. 

illustrions  descent,  it  must  also  be  pleasing  to  God  to  have  his 
services  performed  by  persons  of  an  exalted  station.  Such  how- 
ever were  not  the  means  by  which  the  church  had  gained  her  as- 
cendency in  former  ages,  nor  were  they  even  those  by  which  it  had 
been  restored  in  later  times.  The  convents  and  congregations, 
which  had  contributed  so  much  to  the  revival  of  Catholicism,  were 
now  suffered  to  fall  into  contempt.  The  pope's  kinsmen  liked 
none  who  were  bound  by  conventual  rules,  because  such  could  not 
be  constantly  paying  their  court  to  them.  In  all  competitions  the 
secular  clergy  now  invariably  obtained  the  preference,  even  when 
inferior  in  merit  or  in  learning.  "  Men  seem  to  think,"  says  Gri- 
mani, "  that  a  bishopric  or  the  purple  would  be  degraded  by  being 
bestowed  on  a  member  of  a  monastic  order."  He  remarks  that 
the  monks  now  hardly  ventured  even  to  show  themselves  at  the 
court  of  Rome,  where  nothing  but  scorn  and  insults  awaited  them; 
that  it  was  already  evident  that  only  men  of  the  lowest  extraction 
were  willing  to  enter  the  monasteries.  "  Even  a  bankrupt  shop- 
keeper," he  exclaims, "  thinks  himself  too  good  to  assume  thecowl."* 
As  the  convents  thus  lost  their  intrinsic  importance,  it  is  not  as- 
tonishing tiiat  their  very  existence  began  to  be  reckoned  unneces- 
sary. It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  this  opinion  was  first  expressed 
in  Rome,  and  that  it  was  there  first  thought  advisable  to  diminish 
the  number  of  monks.  In  the  year  1649,  Innocent  X  published  a 
bull  prohibiting  the  reception  of  new  members  in  any  of  the  regu- 
lar orders,  until  the  income  of  the  several  convents  was  calculated, 
and  the  number  of  persons  they  could  contain  was  fixed.t  Still 
more  important  was  a  bull  of  the  15th  October,  1652,  wherein  the 
pope  complains  that  there  were  so  many  small  convents  in  which 
the  offices  could  neither  be  properly  performed  by  day  or  night,  nor 
spiritual  exercises  be  gone  through,  nor  conventual  seclusion  and 
discipline  be  duly  observed;  he  affirms  that  they  were  in  fact  asy- 
lums for  vice  and  debauchery,  and  that  their  number  had  now  in- 
creased beyond  all  measure.  He  suppressed  them  all  at  a  single 
blow;  for  the  tares  must,  he  said,  be  separated  from  the  wheat.J 
Men  already  began  to  think,  and  in  Rome  itself  first  of  all,  of  alle- 

*  To  this  Grimani  adds,  "Si  toglie  ad  og-nuno  afFatto  la  voglia  di  studiare  e 
la  cura  di  difendere  la  religione.  Deteriorandosi  il  numero  de'  religiosi  dotti  et 
esemplari,  potrehbe  in  breve  soffrirne  non  poco  detrimento  la  corte;  onde  al  mio 
credere  farebbono  bene  i  pontefici  di  procurar  di  rimettere  i  regolari  nel  primo 
posto  di  stinia,  partecipandoli  di  qnando  in  quando  cariche, . . , .  e  cosi  nelle  re- 
ligioni  vi  entrerebbero  huomini  eminenti." 

f  Our  journal  describes  the  effect  produced  by  the  constitution  on  the  1st 
January,  1650:  "Non  entrando  quella  ragione  ne'  cappucini  et  altri  riformati 
che  non  possedono  entrata,  temono  che  la  prohibitione  sia  perpetua,  e  cost  cred' 
io,  fin  a  tanto  che  il  numero  de'  regolari  hoggi  eccessivo  sia  ridotto  a  numero 
oompetente  e  la  republica  da  loro  non  venga  oppressa." 

:j:  "Constitutio  super  extinctioneetsuppressione  parvorum  conventuum,  eorum- 
que  reductione  ad  statum  secularem,  et  bonorum  applicatione,  et  prohibitione 
erjgendi  nova  loca  regularia  in  Italia  et  insulis  adjacentibus.     Idibus  Oct.  1652." 


§  X.]  OF  THE  CHURCH.  195 

viating  the  financial  difficulties  even  of  foreign  states  by  tlie  con- 
fiscation not  of  convents  only,  but  of  entire  monastic  institutions. 
When  the  Venetians  besought  Alexander  VII,  soon  after  his  ac- 
cession, to  assist  them  against  the  Ottomans  in  the  war  of  Candia, 
he  proposed  to  them  the  suppression  of  several  orders  in  their  own 
territories.  They  were  opposed  to  it  on  the  ground  that  these 
orders  afforded  a  provision  for  the  poor  nobili,  I3ut  the  pope  car- 
ried through  his  intention.  The  existence  of  these  convents,  he 
said,  was  a  stumbling-block  rather  than  a  means  of  edification  to 
the  faithful,  and  that  he  acted  like  a  gardener,  who  prunes  off  the 
useless  branches  of  the  vine  in  order  to  render  it  more  fruitful.* 

It  cannot,  however,  be  said  that  any  strikingly  brilliant  talents 
appeared  among  those  now  promoted.  There  was  a  universal 
complaint  in  the  seventeenth  century  of  the  dearth  of  distinguished 
men.t  One  reason  why  men  of  talent  were  frequently  excluded 
from  the  prelature  was,  that  they  were  too  poor  to  fulfil  the  con- 
ditions of  admission.^  Success  depended  almost  exclusively  on 
the  favor  of  the  pope's  kinsmen,  who  could  be  gained  only  by  a 
fawning  adulation  and  abject  submission  most  unfavorable  to  the 
development  of  high  intellectual  powers.  The  effects  of  this  were 
visible  on  the  whole  clergy. 

It  is  a  striking  fact,  that  scarcely  a  single  original  Italian  work 
appeared  on  the  most  important  theological  questions;  neither  on  ^ 
the  exposition  of  Scripture,  which  indeed  then  consisted  of  mere 
repetitions  of  the  works  of  the  sixteenth  century;  nor  on  morals, 
although  this  science  was  elsewhere  much  cultivated;  nor  even  on 
dogmatic  theology.  Even  in  the  congregations  held  to  debate  on 
the  means  of  grace,  strangers  alone  appeared  in  the  arena;  and 
the  Italians  took  but  a  small  part  in  the  later  disputes  concerning 
freedom  of  judgment  and  faith.  After  Girolamo  da  Narni  no  dis- 
tinguished preacher  appeared  even  in  Rome  itself.  In  the  diary 
kept  from  1640  to  1650  by  a  very  strict  catholic,  this  is  remarked 
with  astonishment.  "With  the  carnival,"  he  says,  "comedies 
ceased  in  theatres  and  houses,  and  began  in  churches  and  pulpits; 
the  sacred  office  of  preaching  was  made  subservient  to  the  pur- 
poses of  display  or  flattery.  Metaphysics,  of  which  the  speaker 
understood  little,  and  his  audience  nothing,  were  introduced.  In- 
stead of  precept  and  rebuke,  eulogies  only  were  delivered,  having 
for  their  sole  object  self-advancement.  The  selection  of  a  preacher 
no  longer  depended  on  merit,  but  only  on  connection  and  favor." 

The  result  was,  in  fine,  that  the  powerful  internal  impulse  which 

*  Relatione  de'  IV  ambasciatori,  1G56:  See  Appendix,  No.  129. 

f  Grimani:  "Tolto  I'economia  esteriore  ogni  altra  cosa  si  deteriora;  . . .  .  d' 
huomini  di  valore  effettivamente  scarseggia  al  presente  la  corte  al  maggior  segno." 

X  Relatione  di  Roma  sotto  Clemente  IX:  "Portando  lo  stile  clie  le  cariche  si 
transferiscono  solamente  a  prelati  e  che  la  prelatura  si  concede  solo  a  quelli  che 
hanno  entrata  sufficiente  per  mantenere  il  decoro,  ne  siegue  pero  che  la  maggior 
parte  di  soggctti  capaci  ne  resta  esclusa." 


196  THE  JESUITS  IN  THE  MIDDLE  OF  [BOOK  VIII. 

formerly  governed  court,  state  and  church,  and  imparted  to  them  a 
severe  religious  character,  was  extinguished;  the  tendency  to- 
wards restoration  and  conquest  had  passed  away.  Other  influ- 
ences now  obtained  which  led  only  to  power  and  pleasure,  and 
imprinted  anew  a  worldly  character  on  spiritual  affairs. 

The  question  next  arises,  what  direction  the  order  of  Jesus,  which 
was  so  peculiarly  founded  on  the  principles  of  the  restoration,  had 
taken  under  these  circumstances. 


§   11.  THE  JESUITS  IN  THE  MIDDLE  OP  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

The  most  material  change  in  the  constitution  of  the  Company  of 
Jesus  was  this — that  the  professed  members  attained  to  the  pos- 
session of  power. 

There  were  at  first  but  few  professed  members  who  took  the 
four  vows:  at  a  distance  from  the  colleges,  dependent  on  alms  for 
support,  they  had  hitherto  confined  themselves  to  the  exercise  of  a 
strictly  spiritual  authority.  All  offices  requiring  secular  activity, 
such  as  those  of  rectors  and  provincials,  as  well  as  the  entire  ma- 
nagement of  the  colleges,  had  been  in  the  hands  of  the  coadjutors. 
Now,  however,  this  was  entirely  changed;  the  professed  members 
obtained  places  in  the  administration,  they  received  a  share  of  the 
revenues  of  the  colleges,  and  even  became  rectors  and  provincials.* 

Hence  it  followed  that  the  more  fervent  spirit  of  private  devotion, 
which  had  been  hitherto  kept  alive  chiefly  by  the  strict  seclusion 
of  the  seminaries,  now  gradually  cooled;  even  at  the  admission  of 
members,  it  was  no  longer  possible  to  inquire  minutely  into  their 
call  or  their  capacity  for  an  ascetical  life.  Vitelleschi  especially, 
admitted  many  who  had  no  vocation  of  that  kind.  All  endeavored 
to  reach  the  highest  rank,  which  conferred  at  once  spiritual  consi- 
deration and  temporal  power.  The  union  of  these  was  in  every 
respect  injurious  to  the  cause  of  religion:  the  coadjutors  and  the 
professed  members  had  formerly  acted  as  a  check  upon  each  other; 
now,  practical  importance  and  spiritual  pretensions  were  united  in 
the  same  persons.  Even  the  most  narrow-minded  fancied  them- 
selves men  of  great  talents,  as  none  dared  to  oppose  them.  In  pos- 
session of  exclusive  power,  they  now  began  to  enjoy  at  their  ease 
the  wealth  which  the  colleges  had  accumulated  in  the  course  of  time, 
and  to  think  only  how  they  might  increase  it.  They  abandoned  to 
the  younger  members  of  the  order  the  real  direction  of  affairs,  both 

*  In  a  collection  of  "  Scritture  politiche,  moral!  e  satiriche  sopra  le  massime, 
istituti  e  g^overno  della  compagnia  di  Gosii,"  (MS.  Rom.)  there  is  a  circum- 
stantial essay  of  almost  400  pages,  "  Discorso  sopra  la  religione  de'  padri  Ge- 
suiti  e  loro  modo  di  governare," — written  between  1G8]  and  1 G8G  by  a  man  appa- 
rently fully  initiated, — from  which  the  statenaents  in  the  text  are  principally 
borrowed.     (See  App.  No.  150.) 


§  XI.]  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.  197 

in  the  schools  and  the  church.*  They  even  assumed  a  position  in 
a  great  degree  independent  of  the  General  of  the  order. 

The  magnitude  of  this  change  is  perceptible  from  the  dispositions 
and  the  fortunes  of  the  Generals; — from  the  characters  of  the  men 
chosen  to  preside  over  the  society,  and  from  the  treatment  they  ex- 
perienced. 

How  different  was  Mutio  Vitelleschi  from  his  absolute,  crafty, 
and  inflexible  predecessor  Aqnaviva!  Vitelleschi's  nature  was 
mild,  yielding,  and  conciliatory;  his  acquaintances  called  him  the 
angel  of  peace,  and  on  his  death-bed  he  found  consolation  in  the 
conviction  that  he  had  injured  no  one.  These  qualities  of  a  most 
amiable  disposition  were  far  from  fitting  him  for  the  government  of 
an  order  so  widely  diffused,  so  active  and  so  powerful.  He  was 
not  able  to  maintain  strictness  of  discipline  even  with  regard  to 
dress;  much  less  to  resist  the  inordinate  demands  of  resolute  ambi- 
tion. It  was  under  his  administration  from  1615  to  1645,  that  the 
change  we  have  already  described  was  effected. 

His  immediate  successors  governed  in  the  same  spirit;  in  1649, 
Vincenzo  Caraffa,  aman  who  even  rejected  all  personal  attendance, 
and  was  full  of  humility  and  piety,t  but  could  eflect  nothing  either 
by  his  exaniple  or  by  his  exhortations;  and  in  1651,  Piccolomini, 
who  renounced  the  inclination  for  energetic  and  decisive  measures 
which  was  natural  to  him,  and  was  intent  only  on  satisfying  his 
brethren  of  the  order. 

It  was  now  no  longer  advisable  to  attempt  the  introduction  of 
any  change  in  this  respect.  Alessandro  Gottofredi  (from  January 
to  March  1651)  showed  a  strong  desire  to  do  so;  and  made  some 
attempt  to  curb  the  grasping  ambition  of  his  brethren;  but  the  two 
months  of  his  government  sufficed  to  make  him  universally  hated, 
and  liis  death  was  hailed  as  the  deliverance  from  a  tyrant.  The 
succeeding  general,  Goswin  Nickel,  drew  upon  himself  a  still  more 
decided  antipathy.  He  could  not  be  charged  with  projecting  any 
very  comprehensive  reforms;  on  the  contrary,  he  allowed  matters 
to  go  on  pretty  much  as  they  were;  his  chief  offence  was,  that  he 
used  to  insist  with  obstinacy  on  any  opinions  he  had  once  adopted, 
and  had  rough,  uncivil,  and  repulsive  manners;  but  by  this  sort  of 
character  he  so  deeply  wounded  the  self-love  of  several  powerful 
members  of  the  order,  that  the  general  congregation  of  1661  pro- 

*  Discorso:  "  Molti  compariscono,  pochi  operano:  i  poveri  non  si  visitano,  i 

terreni  non  si  coltivano Escludendo  quei  pochi,  d'ordinario  giovani,  che 

attendono  ad  insegnare  nelle  scuole,  tutti  gli  altri,  o  che  sono  confessori  o  pro- 
curatori  o  rettori  o  ministri,  appena  hanno  occupatione  di  rilievo." 

f  Diario  Deone,  12  Giugno  1649:  "  Martedi  mattina  mori  il  generale  de' 
Gesuiti:  fu  di  poche  lettere,  madi  santita  di  vita  non  ordinaria:  quanto  alia  sua 
persona,  egli  non  ha  mai  voluto  carrozza  al  suo  servigio,  ne  esser  differentiato 
da  qualsivoglia  minimo  tra  di  loro  nel  trattar  del  vitto  o  vestito:  quanto  agli 
altri,  voleva  che  i  padri  Gesuiti  fossero  e  vivessero  da  religiosi  lasciando  i  trat- 
tati  politici  e  '1  frequentare  le  corti,  nel  che  havendo  trovato  difficolta  impossi- 
bile  gli  hanno  cagionato  il  sedio  delta  morte." 
VOL.  II.  — 18 


198  THE  JESUITS  IN  THE  MIDDLE  OF  [BOOK  VIIL 

ceeded  to  measures  against  him,  which,  from  the  monarchical  na- 
ture of  the  institution,  appeared  ahiiost  impossible. 

They  first  entreated  the  permission  of  pope  Alexander  VII,  to 
attach  to  their  general  a  vicar,  with  the  right  of  succession.  The 
permission  was  easily  obtained;  the  curia  even  went  so  far  as  to  re- 
commend a  candidate  for  the  office — that  same  Oliva  who  had  first 
advised  that  the  pope's  nephews  should  be  invited  to  court — and 
the  congregation  was  complying  enough  to  elect  this  favorite  of  the 
palace.  The  only  question  was,  in  what  mode  the  power  of  the 
general  could  be  transferred  to  the  vicar.  The  open  deposition  of 
the  former  was  too  violent  a  measure  to  be  thought  of  In  order  to 
avoid  the  world,  and  yet  to  attain  the  end,  the  question  was  mooted 
as  to  whether  the  vicar  should  have  a  cumulative  power,  that  is,  in 
conjunction  with  the  general,  or  a  privative  one,  that  is,  without  him: 
of  course  the  congregation  resolved  upon  the  latter,  and  as  a  con- 
sequence of  this  decision,  they  actually  pronounced  the  general  to 
have  forfeited  all  his  power,  which  was  to  be  transferred  to  the 
vicar.* 

Thus  it  happened,  that  the  order,  whose  leading  principle  was 
unconditional  obedience,  themselves  deposed  their  head,  and  this 
without  so  much  as  the  imputation  of  a  crime.  From  this  fact  it  is 
evident  how  predominant  aristocratical  tendencies  had  become,  even 
in  an  order  founded  upon  such  totally  ditlerent  principles. 

Oliva  was  a  man  who  loved  external  repose,  luxurious  living, 
and  political  intrigue.  He  possessed  a  villa  near  Albano,  at  which 
he  amused  himself  with  the  cultivation  of  rare  exotic  plants;  when 
he  was  in  Rome,  he  retired  from  time  to  time  to  the  novitiate  house 
of  Saiit'  Andrea,  where  he  gave  audience  to  no  one;  his  table  was 
served  with  the  rarest  dainties,  he  never  went  out  on  foot,  and  in 
his  house,  comfort  was  carried  to  the  highest  pitch  of  refinement; 
in  short,  he  enjoyed  his  position  and  his  power. 

Such  certainly  was  not  the  man  fitted  to  revive  the  ancient  spirit 
of  the  order.  And  in  fact  it  daily  departed  more  widely  from  the 
maxims  on  which  it  had  been  founded. 

The  primary  engagement  of  the  society  was,  to  defend  the  inte- 
rests of  the  see  of  Rome;  indeed  it  was  instituted  for  that  very  pur- 
pose. But  its  connection  with  France  and  the  house  of  Bourbon 
had  become  so  strong  and  intimate,  that  in  all  the  collisions  which 
gradually  arose  between  the  interests  of  Rome  and  those  of  France, 
it  almost  invariably  took  the  side  of  the  latter.t     The  works  of  the 

*  Detailed  account  in  a  contemporary  Discorso:  "  Venendo  noi,"  concludes 
the  author,  "  in  tal  tempo  a  Roma  ed  andando  a  fargli  riverenza  (a  Nickel)  .  .  . 
conchiuse  con  dire  queste  parole:  lo  mi  trovo  qui  abandanato  e  non  posso  piu 
niente." 

f  Relatione  della  nuntiatura  di  Mons""  Scotti,  nunzio  alia  M''  del  re  X"""  1639- 
1641:  "I  Gesuiti  che  dovrebbero  essere  come  altre  volte  defensori  delia  santa 
sede  piu  degli  altri  la  pongono  in  compromesso ....  Professano  totale  ritiratezza 
(dalla  nuntiatura)  dubbiosi  sempre  uell'  accostarsi  al  nuntio  ui  non  perdere  ap- 
presso  ministri  regj." 


§  XI.]  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.  199 

Jesuits  were  sometimes  condemned  by  the  inquisition  at  Rome, 
because  they  defended  too  vehemently  the  rights  of  the  crown. 
The  heads  of  the  Frencli  Jesuits  avoided  all  intercourse  with  the 
pope's  nuncio,  for  fear  of  incurring  the  suspicion  of  ultramontane 
opinions.  Nor  in  other  respects  had  the  see  of  Rome  much  reason 
to  boast  of  the  obedience  of  that  order  at  the  period  in  question;  in 
the  missions  especially,  the  pope's  decrees  were  almost  always  ut- 
terly disregarded. 

Another  of  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  Jesuits  was,  the  re- 
nunciation of  all  worldly  ties,  and  entire  devotion  to  their  spiritual 
duties.  The  rule  that  every  new  member  should  renounce  all  he 
possessed  on  his  admission,  had  formerly  been  most  strictly  en- 
forced. At  first  the  execution  of  this  rule  was  delayed  for  a  time, 
and  when  fulfilled,  it  was  only  conditionally,  because  the  member 
was  always  liable  to  expulsion;  at  last  the  custom  was  introduced, 
that  a  member  should  make  over  his  property  to  the  society  itself, 
taking  care,  however,  that  it  should  always  fall  to  the  share  of  the 
particular  college  which  he  entered,  so  as  frequently  to  keep  the 
administration  of  it  in  his  own  hands,  though  under  another  title.* 
It  frequently  happened  that  tlie  members  of  the  colleges  had 
more  leisure  time  than  their  relations,  who  were  engaged  in  active 
life,  and  therefore  managed  their  aflairs,  received  their  money,  and 
carried  on  their  lawsuits.! 

This  mercantile  spirit  became  predominant  even  in  the  colleges 
in  their  corporate  character.  They  wished  to  secure  to  themselves 
the  possession  of  wealth;  and  as  the  large  donations  they  formerly  / 
received  had  ceased,  they  sought  to  effect  this  by  means  of  trade. 
The  Jesuits  recognised  little  distinction  between  the  cultivation  of 
the  soil,  which  had  been  practised  by  the  earliest  monks,  and  those 
commercial  pursuits  to  which  they  addicted  themselves.  The  Col- 
legio  Romano  had  a  manufactory  of  cloth  at  Macerata,  at  first 
merely  for  their  own  use,  then  for  all  the  colleges  in  the  province, 
and  at  last  for  general  consumption.  Their  agents  frequented  the 
fairs.  The  intimate  connection  subsisting  between  the  different 
colleges  contributed  to  establish  a  system  of  money-changing;  thus 
the  Portuguese  minister  at  Rome  was  authorised  to  draw  upon  the 
Jesuits  of  his  own  country.  In  the  colonies  especially,  their  com- 
mercial speculations  were  highly  successful;  and  the  vast  web  of 
their  commercial  relations,  the  centre  of  which  was  Lisbon,  ex- 
tended over  both  continents. 

*  Vincentii  Caraffse  epistola  de  mediis  conservandi  primsevum  spiritum  socie- 
tatis:  "  Definitis  pro  arbitrio  danlis  domibus  sive  collegiis  in  quibus  aut  sedem 
sibi  fixurus  est  aut  jam  animo  fixerit;  ....  anxie  agunt  ut  quae  societati  reli- 
querunt,  ipsimet  per  se  administrent." 

f  Epistola  Goswini  Nickel  de  amore  et  studio  perfectee  paupertatis:  "  Illud. 
intolerabile,  si  et  lites  inferant  et  ad  tribunalia  confligant  et  violentas  pecunia- 
Tum  repetitiones  faciant,  aut  palam  negotiantur  ad  qusestum,  ....  specie  quidem 
prime  aspectu  etiam  iionesta,  caritate  in  consanguineos,  decepti." 


200  THE  JESUITS  IN  THE  MIDDLE  OF  [BOOK  VIII. 

This  was  a  spirit,  which,  when  once  called  into  activity,  neces- 
sarily affected  the  whole  internal  character  of  the  society. 

The  Jesuits  always  formally  adhered  to  the  fundamental  princi- 
ple of  giving  gratuitous  instruction.  But  they  received  presents  on 
the  entrance  of  any  pupil,  and  at  certain  festivals — at  least  two  in 
the  course  of  the  year;*  they  were  chiefly  anxious  to  have  scholars 
from  among  the  rich,  who  naturally  deriving  from  their  wealth  a 
certain  feeling  of  independence,  would  no  longer  submit  to  the 
severity  of  the  ancient  discipline.  A  Jesuit  who  raised  his  stick 
against  one  of  his  pupils,  received  in  return  a  stab  with  a  poignard, 
and  a  young  man  in  Gubbio  who  thought  himself  treated  with  too 
much  severity  by  the  father  prefetto,  killed  him.  In  Rome  itself 
the  disturbances  in  the  Collegio  furnished  constant  matter  of  con- 
versation to  the  city  and  the  palace.  On  one  occasion  the  tutors 
were  kept  locked  up  a  whole  day  by  their  scholars;  and  at  length 
the  rector  was  actually  dismissed  in  compliance  with  their  demands. 
These  were  among  the  symptoms  of  a  universal  struggle  between 
the  ancient  order  of  things  and  the  new  spirit;  a  struggle  in  which 
the  latter  was  finally  victorious.  The  Jesuits  could  no  longer  ex- 
ercise that  influence  over  the  minds  of  men  which  they  had  for- 
merly possessed. 

But  indeed  it  was  no  longer  their  aim  to  subjugate  the  world,  or 
to  imbue  it  with  the  spirit  of  religion.  On  the  contrary,  the  spirit 
which  once  animated  them  had  fallen  before  the  temptations  and 
influences  of  the  world,  and  their  sole  endeavor  now  was  to  make 
themselves  necessary  to  mankind,  let  the  means  be  what  they 
might. 

To  this  end  they  not  only  accommodated  the  rules  of  their  insti- 
tute, but  even  the  precepts  of  religion  and  morality.  To  the  ofiice 
of  confession,  which  enabled  them  to  exercise  so  immediate  an  in- 
fluence on  the  most  secret  recesses  of  domestic  life,  they  gave  a 
direction  which  will  be  memorable  to  the  end  of  time. 

Of  this  we  possess  authentic  and  undoubted  proofs.  In  nume- 
rous elaborate  works  they  have  stated  and  expounded  the  rules 
which  they  observed  at  confession  and  absolution,  and  which  they 
prescribed  to  others.  These  rules  are  essentially  the  same  as  those 
with  which  they  have  so  often  reproached.  Let  us  endeavor  to 
understand  the  leading  principles  by  pursuing  which  they  acquired 
such  extensive  power. 

In  confession  everything  must  inevitably  depend  upon  the  con- 
ception formed  of  transgression  and  of  sin. 

*  Discorso:  "  Per  lo  meno  I'anno  due  volte  cioe  al  natale  e  nel  giorno  della 
propria  festa  si  fanno  le  loro  offerte  ovvero  mancie,  le  quali  ascendono  a  soma 

considerabile II  danaro  poi  di  queste  offerte  o  che  venga  impiegato  in  ar- 

genti,  quadri  o  tappezzerie,  calici  o  altri  addobbi  somiglianti,  tutto  ridonda  in 
utilita  de'  collegi  medesimi.  Avegna  che  i  rettori  locali  se  ne  servono  indiffe- 
rentemente,  dal  che  ne  derivano  infinite  ofFensioni,  poco  o  nulla  stimano  i  la- 
raenti  de'  proprj  scolari." 


§  XI.]  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.  201 

Sin  they  define  to  be  a  wilful  departure  from  the  commands  of 
God.* 

And  in  what,  we  may  further  inquire,  consists  this  wilfulness? 
Their  answer  is,  in  perfect  knowledge  of  the  nature  of  the  sin  com- 
mitted, and  in  the  full  consent  of  the  will  to  its  commission. t 

They  adopted  this  principle  from  the  ambition  of  propounding 
something  entirely  new,  combined  with  the  desire  of  accommodating 
themselves  to  the  common  practices  of  mankind.  With  scholastic 
subtlety,  and  with  a  comprehensive  view  of  the  various  cases  fall- 
ing within  its  scope,  they  carried  out  this  principle  to  its  most 
revolting  consequences. 

According  to  their  doctrine,  it  was  enough  not  to  will  the  com- 
mission of  sin,  as  such;  the  less  the  sinner  thought  of  God  during 
the  commission  of  his  offence,  and  the  more  violent  the  passion 
which  hurried  him  into  its  commission,  the  greater  was  the  hope  of 
pardon.  Habit,  or  even  bad  example,  which  limit  the  freedom  of 
the  will,  are  sufficient  exculpations.  It  is  evident  how  infinitely 
the  boundaries  of  transgression  were  thus  narrowed;  since  no  man 
loves  sin  for  itself  They  also  recognised  other  grounds  of  excuse. 
For  example,  duelling  is  strictly  prohibited  by  the  church;  never- 
theless the  Jesuits  asserted  that  if  any  man  were  in  danger  of  being 
held  a  coward,  or  of  losing  an  office  or  the  favor  of  his  prince,  by 
refusing  to  fight  a  duel,  he  was  not  to  be  condemned  for  fighting. J 
Perjury  is  in  itself  a  deadly  sin;  but,  said  the  Jesuits,  a  man  who 
only  swears  outwardly,  without  inwardly  intending  what  he  swears, 
is  not  bound  by  his  oath;  for  he  does  not  swear,  he  jests, § 

These  doctrines  are  to  be  found  in  works  which  expressly  de- 
scribe themselves  as  moderate.  Who  would  wish  now,  as  those 
times  have  gone  by,  to  trace  further  the  tortuous  aberrations  of  a 
subtlety  destructive  of  all  morality:  or  to  explore  the  records  of 
perverted  acuteness  in  which  these  teachers  have  labored  with  all 
the  ardor  of  literary  rivalry  to  outdo  each  other?  But  it  cannot  be 
denied  that  the  most  repulsive  maxims  of  individual  doctors,  are 
rendered  most  dangerous  by  another  principle  maintained  by  the 
Jesuits,  namely,  by  their  doctrine  of  probability.  They  maintained 
that  it  was  permitted  in  doubtful  cases  to  follow  an  opinion,  of  the 
justice  of  which  the  individual  himself  was  not  convinced — sup- 

*  Definition  by  Fr.  Toledo:  "  voluntarius  recessus  a  regula  divina." 

f  Busembaum,  Medulla  theologiee  moralis  lib.  v,  c.  ii,  dub.  iii,  thus  expresses 
himself:  "  Tria  requiruntur  ad  peccatum  mortals  (quod  gratiam  et  amicitiara 
cum  dec  solvit),  quorum  si  unum  desit,  fit  veniale  (quod  ob  suam  levitatem 
gratiam  et  amicitiam  non  tollit):  1.  ex  parte  intellectus,  plena  advertentia  et  de- 
liberatio,  2.  ex  parte  voluntatis;  perfectus  consensus,  3.  gravitas  materiae." 

:j:  "  Privandus  alioqui  ob  suspicionem  ignaviae,  dignitate,  officio  vel  favore 
principis."     Busembaum,  lib.  iii,  tract,  iv,  cap.  i,  dub.  v,  art.  i,  n.  6. 

§  "  Qui  exterius  tantum  juravit,  sine  animo  jurandi,  non  obligatur,  nisi  forte 
ratione  scandali,  cum  non  juraverit  sed  luserit,"  (lib.  iii,  tract,  ii,  c.  ii,  dub.  iv, 
no.  8.) 

18* 


202  THE  JANSENISTS.  [BOOK  VIII. 

posing  always  that  it  was  defended  by  any  author  of  credit;*  they 
held  it  not  only  allowable  to  be  directed  by  the  most  indulgent 
teachers,  they  even  recommended  it.  Scruples  of  conscience  were 
to  be  disregarded  and  contemned;  indeed  the  true  way  to  free  the 
mind  from  them,  was  to  follow  the  most  tolerant  opinions,  even  if 
they  were  less  safe.t  The  secret  operations  of  that  awful  tribunal 
which  is  established  in  the  inmost  depths  of  the  heart  of  man,  were 
thus  changed  into  mere  outward  acts.  A  slight  turn  of  the  thoughts 
was  held  to  exonerate  from  all  guilt.  In  the  manuals  written  by 
the  Jesuits  for  the  guidance  of  their  novices,  all  the  possible  acci- 
dents of  life  are  treated  much  in  the  same  spirit  as  in  the  systems  of 
civil  law,  and  judged  according  to  the  gradations  of  their  veniality; 
it  was  only  necessary  to  refer  to  these  books  and  follow  the  direc- 
tions therein  contained,  without  any  individual  conviction,  to  ob- 
tain the  certainty  of  absolution  from  God  and  the  church. 

With  a  singular  kind  of  simplicity  the  Jesuits  themselves  were 
sometimes  astonished  to  find  how  easy  the  yoke  of  Christ  was 
rendered  by  their  doctrines. 


§  12.    THE  JANSENISTS. 

It  is  obvious  that  all  vitality  must  have  been  extinct  in  the  ca- 
tholic church,  if  some  opposition  had  not  instantly  arisen  to  these 
most  corrupting  doctrines,  and  to  the  whole  state  of  public  opinion 
and  public  morals  of  which  they  were  both  effect  and  cause. 

Most  of  the  orders  were  already  at  variance  with  the  Jesuits; 
the  Dominicans  on  account  of  their  dissent  from  Thomas  Aquinas, 
the  Franciscans  and  Capuchins  on  account  of  the  exclusive  power 
which  the  Jesuits  claimed  in  the  missions  of  further  Asia:  some- 
times they  were  attacked  by  the  bishops,  whose  authority  they 
lessened;  at  other  times  by  the  parish  priests  with  whose  duties 
they  interfered;  even  in  the  universities,  especially  in  France  and 
the  Netherlands,  they  frequently  encountered  opposition.  But  all 
this  desultory  warfare  constituted  no  vigorous  or  effective  resistance, 
which  indeed  could  only  spring  from  a  more  profound  conviction, 
quickened  by  a  fresher  spirit. 

For  the  moral  code  of  the  Jesuits  was  in  exact  accordance  with 
their  theological  dogmas;  in  both,  they  allowed  great  scope  to  the 
freedom  of  the  will. 

This,  however,  was  the  very  point  against  which  was  directed 

*  Em.  Sa:  Aphorismi  Confessariorum  s.  v.  dubium.  "Potest  quis  facere 
quod  probabili  ratione  vel  auctoritate  putat  licere,  etiarnsi  oppositum  tutius  sit: 
sufficit  autem  opinio  alicnjus  gravis  autoris." 

t  Busembaiim,  lib.  I,  c.  iii:  "  Reaiedia  conscientiae  scrnpulosfe  sunt  1.  scru- 
pulos  contemnere,  2.  assuefacere  se  ad  sequendas  sententias  mitiores  et  minus 
etiam  certas." 


§  XII.]  THE  JANSENISTS.  203 

the  most  formidable  opposition  ever  encountered  by  the  Jesuits, 
the  origin  and  progress  of  which  were  as  follows. 

Daring  those  years  in  which  the  disputes  concerning  the  means 
of  grace  kept  the  whole  body  of  theologians  of  the  catholic  church 
in  a  state  of  constant  contention,  two  young  men,  Cornelius  Jansen 
of  Holland,  and  Jean  du  Verger  of  Gascony,  were  pursuing  their 
studies  at  Louvain;  both  of  whom,  actuated  by  an  equally  pro- 
found conviction,  had  espoused  the  more  rigid  doctrine  which  had 
never  entirely  disappeared  at  that  university,  and  had  conceived  an 
intense  hatred  to  the  Jesuits.  Du  Verger  was  the  superior  in  rank 
and  fortune;  he  therefore  took  his  friend  with  him  to  Bayonne. 
There  they  devoted  themselves  to  a  profound  and  unremitting  study 
of  the  works  of  St.  Augustine,  and  imbibed  for  the  doctrines  of 
that  father  of  the  church  concerning  grace  and  free-will,  an  enthu- 
siasm which  decided  the  complexion  of  their  whole  remaining 
lives.*  While  Jansenius  who  became  professor  at  Louvain  and 
bishop  of  Ypres,  labored  to  restore  the  influence  of  these  doc- 
trines by  theoretical,  Du  Verger,  Avho  was  made  abbot  of  St.  Cyran, 
strove  to  accomplish  the  same  end  by  practical,  asceticism. 

The  book  entitled  Augnstinus,  in  which  Jansenius  fully  and  sys- 
tematically expounded  his  own  religious  creed,  is  most  remarkable; 
not  only  as  boldly  assailing  the  moral  code  and  religious  dogmas  of 
the  Jesuits,  but  as  making  this  assault  for  the  purpose  of  restoring 
the  doctrines  of  grace,  sin,  and  forgiveness,  which  liad  degenerated 
into  mere  traditional  formulae,  to  the  efficacy  of  a  vital  faith. 

Jansenius  sets  out  from  the  principle  of  the  servitude  of  man's 
will;  he  maintains  that  it  is  taken  captive  and  held  in  bonds  by  the 
desire  after  earthly  things,  and  unable  of  its  own  strength  to  raise 
itself  from  that  condition;  grace  must  come  to  the  assistance  of  the 
will;  that  grace  which  is  not  so  much  remission  ofsins,  as  liberation 
of  the  soul  from  the  bonds  of  desire.t 

We  now  arrive  at  his  own  peculiar  views.  Grace,  he  says,  is 
manifested  by  that  higher  and  purer  pleasure  which  was  felt  by  the 
soul  in  godly  things.  The  effectual  grace  of  the  Saviour  is  no  other 
than  a  spiritual  delight,  by  which  the  will  is  impelled  to  intend  and 
to  perform  that  which  God  has  decreed.  It  is  the  involuntary  im- 
pulse given  by  God  to  the  will  of  man,  in  consequence  of  which  he 
takes  delight  in  good,  and  is  moved  to  strive  after  its  attainment.^ 

*  Synopsis  vitas  Jansenii,  prefixed  to  the  Augustinus:  "InCantabriam  deinde 
migravit,  ubi  eruditissimorum  virorum  consuetudine  et  familiari  studiorum  com- 
munione  in  S.  S.  Patrum  et  praesertim  Augustini  intelligentia  magnos  progressus 
fecisse  saepe  testatus  est." 

I  Corn.  Jansenii  Augustinus,  torn,  iii,  lib.  i,  cap.  ii:  "  Liberatio  voluntatis 
non  est  peccati  remissio,  sed  relaxatio  quajdam  delectabilis  vinculi  concupiscen- 
tialis,  cui  innexus  servit  animus  quoad  per  gratiam  infusa  coelesti  dulcedine  ad 
suprema  diligenda  transferatur."  Pascal  interprets  this  doctrine  in  the  same 
manner.  "  Dieu  change  le  cceur  de  I'homme  par  une  douceur  celeste  qu'il  y 
repand."     Lettres  Provinciates,  1.  xviii,  torn,  iii,  p.  413. 

■^  Tom.  iii,  lib.  iv,  cap.  i. 


204  THE  JANSENISTS.  [BOOK  VIII. 

Jansenius  repeatedly  inculcates  the  maxim,  that  the  motive  to  good 
should  not  be  fear  of  punishment,  but  love  of  righteousness. 

From  this  point  he  ascends  to  the  higher  question — what  this 
righteousness  is? 

The  answer  is,  God  himself. 

For  we  must  not  figure  to  ourselves  God  under  a  bodily  form,  nor 
under  any  image,  not  even  that  of  the  light;  we  must  look  upon  him 
and  love  him  as  the  Eternal  Truth,  from  which  flows  all  truth  and 
wisdom;  as  Righteousness,  not  considered  as  a  quality  of  the  soul, 
but  as  an  Idea,  a  supreme  inviolable  rule  existing  in  the  soul.  The 
rules  of  our  actions  have  their  origin  in  the  eternal  law,  and  are  a 
reflection  of  its  light;  whosoever  loveth  righteousness,  loveth  God.* 

Man  does  not  necessarily  become  good  by  directing  his  mind  to 
to  this  or  that  particular  virtue,  but  by  keeping  in  view  the  one  im- 
mutable, supreme  Good,  which  is  truth,  which  is  God  himself.  Vir- 
tue is  the  love  of  God. 

In  this  very  love  consists  the  liberation  of  the  will;  since  its  inex- 
pressible sweetness  annihilates  the  pleasure  arising  from  the  grati- 
fication of  man's  evil  desires;  hence  arises  a  voluntary  and  blissful 
necessity  not  to  commit  sin,  but  to  live  a  good  life;t  and  this  is  the 
true  free  will — a  will  freed  from  evil  and  exclusively  determined 
by  good. 

The  degree  to  which  the  dogmatical  deductions  in  this  work  are 
developed  with  all  the  clearness  of  philosophical  argument,  in  the 
midst  of  the  polemical  zeal  of  hostile  discussion,  is  worthy  of  admi- 
ration: the  fundamental  ideas  are  at  once  moral  and  religious, 
speculative  and  practical;  it  opposes  to  the  mere  outward  observ- 
ances, and  the  relaxation  of  all  self-discipline,  of  the  Jesuitical  sys- 
tem, a  rigorous  examination  and  government  of  the  heart  and  mind; 
the  ideal  of  a  system  of  action  proceeding  from,  and  terminating 
in,  the  love  of  God. 

Whilst  Jansenius  was  still  employed  on  this  work,  his  friend  was 
endeavoring  to  show  forth  in  his  own  life,  and  practically  to  difi"use 
among  his  disciples,  the  ideas  upon  which  it  was  founded. 

St.  Cyran,for  thus  was  Du  Verger  called,  had  formed  for  himself 
in  the  midst  of  Paris  a  learned  and  ascetical  hermitage.  He  en- 
deavored by  an  unwearied  study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  and  the 
fathers  of  the  church,  to  imbue  himself  with  their  spirit.  Those 
peculiarities  of  doctrine  in  which  he  concurred  with  Jansenius,  ne- 
cessarily led  him  to  their  immediate  application  to  the  sacrament  of 
penance.     He  was  not  satisfied  with  the  penances  enjoined  by  the 

*  Tom.  iii,  lib.  v,  cap.  iii:  "  Regulfe  vivendi  et  quasi  himina  virtutum  immu- 
tabilia  et  sempiterna  non  sunt  aliud  quam  lex  teterna  quae  in  ipsa  Dei  seterni  veri- 
tate  splendet,  quam  proinde  diligendo  non  aliud  diligit  nisi  ipsura  Deum  seu 
veritatem  et  justitiam  ejus  incommutabilem,a  qua  promanat  ex  cujus  refulgentia 
lucis  fulget  quidquid  velut  justum  et  rectum  approbamus." 

f  Tom.  iii,  lib.  vii,  cap.  ix:  "Voluntas  felix,  immutabilis  et  necessaria  non 
peccandi  recteque  vivendi." 


§  XII.]  THE  JANSENISTS.  205 

church;  he  was  heard  to  say  that  the  churcli  had  been  purer  in  her 
mfancy,  as  streams  near  their  source;  that  many  of  the  truths  of 
the  gospel  were  now  obscured.*  His  demands  were  extremely 
rigorous.  Lowliness,  patience,  dependence  upon  God,  complete 
renunciation  of  the  world,t  and  the  devotion  of  all  the  thoughts 
and  words  and  deeds  to  the  love  of  God — this  alone  would  he 
allow  to  be  Christianity.  He  had  so  profound  a  conception  of  the 
necessity  of  an  inward  change,  that  according  to  him  grace  must 
precede  repentance.  "  When  it  is  the  will  of  God  to  save  a  soul, 
he  works  inwardly  on  the  spirit;  if  the  heart  is  changed  and  true 
contrition  felt,  everything  else  follows;  absolution  only  marks  the 
first  ray  of  grace:  as  the  physician  must  watch  and  follow  the 
movements  and  internal  operations  of  nature,  so  must  those  who 
minister  to  the  soul's  health,  the  workings  of  grace."  It  was  a 
frequent  remark  of  his,  that  he  had  passed  through  the  several 
phases  of  temptation  and  sin,  to  contrition,  prayer,  and  exaltation. 
He  communicated  his  thoughts  to  very  few,  and  then  briefly,  and 
in  a  manner  expressive  of  the  serenity  of  his  mind;  but  his  whole 
soul  was  filled  with  his  subject,  as  he  always  waited  for  a  fitting 
opportunity  and  a  suitable  frame  of  mind,  not  alone  in  himself  but 
in  others,  the  impression  he  made  was  irresistible;  his  hearers  fre- 
quently felt  an  involuntary  change  come  over  them,  and  burst  into 
unlooked  for  tears.J  He  soon  had  as  proselytes  some  of  the  most 
distinguished  men  in  France,  among  whom  were  Arnauld  d'Andilly, 
who  was  on  intimate  terms  with  cardinal  Richelieu  and  Anne  of 
Austria,  and  was  employed  in  the  most  important  aflairs  of  state; 
and  his  nephew  Le  Maitre,  who  though  remarkable  for  being  the 
most  eloquent  speaker  in  the  French  parliament,  and  with  the  most 
brilliant  career  before  him,  now  retired  from  the  world  into  strict 
seclusion.  Angelique  Arnauld,  whom  we  have  already  mentioned, 
and  her  nuns  of  Portroyal,  attached  themselves  to  St.  Cyran  with 
that  absolute  devotedness  which  pious  women  are  wont  to  feel  for 
their  prophet. 

Jansenius  died  before  he  could  see  his  book  printed;  St.  Cyran, 
immediately  after  his  first  conversions,  was  thrown  into  prison  by 
Richelieu,  who  had  a  natural  antipathy  to  efforts  so  directed  and 
so  successful;  but  these  calamities  did  not  check  the  diff"usion  of 
their  doctrines. 

The  Book  of  Jansenius  gradually  produced  a  deep  and  general 
impression,  both  from  its  inherent  merits  and  from  its  polemical 
boldness. §     St.  Cyran  continued  to  make  converts  even  from  his 

*  Extracts  from  his  trial  in  Reuchlin,  Geschichte  von  Portroyal,  T,  p.  451. 

t  "  S'humilier,  souffrir  et  dependre  de  Dieu  est  toute  la  vie  Chretienne." 

:i:_Memoires  pour  servir  a  I'histoire  de  Portroyal  par  M''  Fontaine,  i,  p.  225. 
Racine,  Hist,  de  Portroyal,  p.  134. 

§  Gerberon,  Histoire  du  .Tansenisme,  i,  63:  "  Les  theologiens  de  Paris  s'appli- 
querent  tellement  a  I'etude  de   I'Augustin  d'Ipres,  od  il  reconnoissient  celui 


206  THE  JANSENISTS.  [BOOK  VIII. 

prison:  the  unmerited  sufferings  whicii  had  fallen  to  his  lot,  and 
which  he  bore  with  the  greatest  resignation,  increased  the  reverence 
with  which  he  was  regarded;  and  when  he  obtained  his  freedom 
by  the  death  of  cardinal  Richelieu,  he  was  beheld  as  a  saint,  a  John 
the  Baptist.  He  died  a  few  months  afterwards,  on  the  11th  of 
October,  1643;  but  he  had  established  a  school  which  looked  upon 
his  and  Jansenius's  doctrines  as  their  gospel.  "  His  disciples,"  says 
one  of  them,  "go  forth  as  young  eagles  from  under  his  wings;  heirs 
of  his  virtues  and  piety,  who  again  transmit  to  others  what  they 
have  received  from  their  master.  Elijah  left  behind  him  more  than 
one  Elisha  who  completed  his  work." 

In  endeavoring  to  obtain  a  clear  view  of  the  relation  which  the 
Jansenists  bore  to  the  predominant  religious  parties,  we  are  forcibly 
reminded  of  the  early  protestants.  They  aim  with  the  same  zeal 
at  sanctification  of  life;  they  strive  with  the  same  earnestness  to  re- 
form the  system  of  faith,  by  a  rejection  of  the  additions  and  inter- 
polations of  the  schools.  But  these  points  of  resemblance  are,  in 
my  opinion,  very  far  from  justifying  us  in  pronouncing  them  to  be 
a  sort  of  unconscious  protestants.  The  main  difference,  in  an  histo- 
rical point  of  view,  consists  in  this;  that  they  voluntarily  admitted 
a  principle  which  protestantism  from  the  very  first  utterly  rejected; 
they  remained  steadily  attached  to  the  most  eminent  fathers  of  the 
Latin  church,  whose  authority  had  been  thrown  off  by  Germany 
as  early  as  the  year  1523,  such  as  St  Ambrose,  St.  Augustine,  and 
St.  Gregory;  and  even  adopted  some  of  those  of  the  Greek  church, 
especially  St.  Chrysostom.  In  the  works  of  these  illustrious  men 
they  thought  they  possessed  a  genuine  and  unadulterated  tradition, 
from  which  St.  Bernard  had  never  deviated,  but  which,  subsequent 
to  the  times  of  this  "  last  of  the  fathers,"  had  become  obscured  by 
the  intrusion  of  the  Aristotelic  doctrines.  We,  therefore,  find  them 
far  removed  from  that  energetic  zeal  with  which  the  protestants 
resorted  directly  to  the  Holy  Scriptures;  their  consciences  were 
satisfied  with  the  primary  formations  v/hich  had  become  the  sub- 
stratum of  the  later  system.  They  adhere  to  the  maxim,  that  the 
visible  church,  in  spite  of  moments  of  eclipse  or  of  disfigurement,  is 
yet  of  one  spirit  and  even'of  one  body  with  Christ,  infallible,  and 
immortal;  they  strenuously  uphold  the  episcopal  hierachy;  they 
have  the  most  profound  conviction  that  St.  Augustine  was  inspired 
by  God  to  expound  to  the  world,  in  all  its  fulness,  the  doctrine  of 
grace,  which  is  the  very  essence  of  the  new  covenant;  in  him  is  to 
be  found,  according  to  them,  the  consummation  of  the  Christian 
theology,  which  they  desire  to  grasp  at  its  very  root,  to  understand 
to  its  very  core,  and  to  avoid  tlie  Pelagian  errors  which  had  often 
been  mistaken  for  the  opinions  of  St.  Augustine.  The  spirit  of 
Luther  was  awakened  by  Augustine,  but  he  then  resorted  without 

d'Hippone, ....  que'on  commenQoit  a  n'entendre  plus  parmi  ces  Iheologiens  que 
les  noras  de  Jansenius  et  de  S.  Augustin." 


§  XII.]  THE  JANSENISTS.  207 

hesitation  or  compromise  to  the  wellspring  of  instruction,  the  Holy- 
Scriptures,  the  word  of  Gocl,  while  on  the  contrary,  orthodox  catho- 
hcism  held  fast  to  the  system  matured  by  the  lapse  of  centuries,  in 
all  its  integrity,  the  Jansenists,  on  the  other  hand,  seek  to  enforce 
the  creed  of  Augustine  as  such; — as  compreliending  all  that  had 
gone  before,  and  as  laying  the  foundation  of  all  that  was  to  come 
after.  Protestantism  rejects  tradition;  Catholicism  clings  to  it;  Jan- 
senism seeks  to  purify  it,  and  to  re-establish  it  in  its  primitive  form 
and  authenticity,  and  thus  hopes  to  effect  the  regeneration  both  of 
life  and  doctrine. 

A  company  of  persons  of  some  consideration,  who  embraced 
these  opinions,  soon  assembled  in  the  hermitage  of  Portroyal  des 
Champs,  whither  Le  Maitre  had  originally  retired. 

At  first  indeed  the  circle  was  very  limited,  consisting  principally 
of  members  and  friends  of  the  Arnauld  family.  Le  Maitre  induced 
four  of  his  brothers  to  join  him.  Their  mother,  from  whom  they 
had  imbibed  their  religious  sentiments,  was  by  birth  an  Arnauld; 
Arnauld  d'Andilly  was  the  oldest  friend  of  St.  Cyran,  who  be- 
queathed his  heart  to  him,  and  after  a  time  he  too  joined  the  com- 
pany; his  youngest  brother,  Antoine  Arnauld,  was  the  author  of 
the  first  considerable  work  in  defence  of  their  opinions.  Many 
other  relations  and  friends  soon  followed  their  example.  The  con- 
vent also  of  Portroyal  at  Paris  was  almost  exclusively  in  the  hands 
of  that  family;  Andilly  relates  that  his  mother,  who  retired  thither 
at  the  close  of  her  life,  beheld  around  her  twelve  daughters  and 
grand-daughters.*  It  may  not  be  superfluous  to  mention  that  the 
expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  from  Paris  in  the  year  1594,  had  been 
mainly  owing  to  the  potent  and  brilliant  eloquence  of  an  elder 
Antoine  Arnauld,  from  whom  all  these  were  descended.  Antipa- 
thy to  the  Jesuits  appeared  to  be  hereditary  in  the  race. 

This  narrow  circle  of  friends,  however,  was  soon  largely  ex- 
tended. 

Many  joined  them,  who  had  no  other  connection  but  that  of 
similarity  of  opinions;  Singlin,  a  disciple  of  St.  Cyran,  and  an  emi- 
nent preacher  at  Paris,  was  especially  active  in  the  cause.  He  was 
remarkable  for  the  peculiarity,  that  whereas  in  the  comaiovi  inter- 
course of  life  he  expressed  himself  with  difficulty,  he  no  sooner 
ascended  the  pulpit  than  he  displayed  the  most  overpowering  elo- 
quence.! His  most  zealous  followers  were  sent  to  Portroyal,  where 
they  were  cordially  welcomed.  They  were  chiefly  young  ecclesi- 
astics, and  learned  men,  rich  merchants,  men  of  the  highest  families, 
physicians  who  had  already  acquired  a  station  in  the  world,  and 
members  of  various  religious  orders;  in  short,  all  of  them  were  men 
who  were  induced  to  take  this  step  from  inward  impulse  and  sin- 
cere conviction. 

*  Mumoires  d'Arnanld  d'Andill}',  i,  p.  341. 
f  Memoires  de  Fontaine,  ii,  p.  283. 


208  THE  JANSENISTS.  [BOOK  VIIL 

In  this  retreat,  which  may  be  Hkened  to  a  convent  held  together 
by  no  vows,  many  rehgious  exercises  were  performed;  the  churches 
were  zealously  attended;  prayers  were  frequently  offered  up  both 
in  company  and  in  solitude;  agricultural  pursuits,  or  some  handi- 
craft, were  followed  by  the  members;  but  they  chiefly  devoted 
their  time  to  letters;  the  religious  society  of  Portroyal  was  likewise 
a  sort  of  literary  academy. 

Whilst  the  Jesuits  were  hoarding  up  learning  in  huge  folios,  or 
were  losing  themselves  in  the  mazes  of  the  revolting  subtleties  of 
an  artificial  system  of  morals  and  dogmas,  the  Janseuists  addressed 
themselves  to  the  nation. 

They  began  by  translating  the  Holy  Scriptures,  the  fathers  of  the 
church,  and  Latin  prayer-books;  they  happily  avoided  the  old 
Frankish  forms  which  had  fill  now  been  so  prejudicial  to  the  popu- 
larity of  all  works  of  that  kind,  and  expressed  themselves  with  an 
attractive  clearness  of  style.  The  establishment  of  a  seminary  at 
Portroyal  led  them  to  compose  school  books  on  the  ancient  and 
modern  languages,  logic  and  geometry,  which,  emanating  from 
minds  not  trammeled  by  antiquated  forms,  contained  new  methods, 
the  merits  of  which  have  been  universally  admitted.*  They  also 
published  polemical  writings,  the  acuteness  and  precision  of  which 
confounded  their  enemies;  or  works  of  the  profoundest  piety,  such 
as  "  Les  Heures  de  Portroyal,"  which  were  received  with  the  ut- 
most eagerness,  and  were  as  new  and  as  much  in  request,  after  the 
lapse  of  a  century,  as  on  the  first  day  of  their  appearance.  Men  of 
the  lofty  genius  and  the  profound  science  of  Pascal,  of  the  poetical 
originality  and  perfection  of  Racine,  and  of  the  wide  range  of 
knowledge  of  Tillemont  were  formed  within  their  walls.  Their 
labours  extended,  as  we  see,  far  beyond  the  circle  of  ascetic  theology 
which  Jansen  and  Du  Verger  had  traced.  It  would  not  be  too 
much  to  assert,  that  this  union  of  men  of  high  intellect  and  filled 
with  noble  objects,  who,  in  their  mutual  intercourse  and  by  their 
original  and  unassisted  efforts,  gave  rise  to  a  new  tone  of  expression 
and  a  new  method  of  communicating  ideas,  had  a  most  remarkable 
influence  on  the  whole  form  and  character  of  the  literature  of  France, 
and  hence  of  Europe;  and  that  the  literary  splendor  of  the  age  of 
Louis  XIV  may  be  in  part  ascribed  to  the  society  of  Portroyal. 

It  was  impossible  that  the  spirit  which  had  given  birth  to  all 
these  productions  should  not  penetrate  the  whole  nation;  adherents 
arose  in  all  quarters,  especially  among  the  parish  priests,  who  had 
long  regarded  with  detestation  the  mode  of  confession  practised  by 
the  Jesuits.  Sometimes  it  appeared — for  instance  in  the  time  of 
cardinal  Retz — as  if  the  Jansenists  were  about  to  make  converts 
among  the  higher  clergy;  and  some  important  offices  were  actually 
distributed  among  thern.      We  soon  find  them  not  only  in  the 

*  Notice  de  Petitot,  preceding  the  Memoirs  of  Andilly,  I,  in  other  respects 
a  work  surprisingly  full  of  party  spirit. 


§  XIII.]  POSITION  OF  THE  COURT  OF  ROME.  209 

Netherlands  and  in  France,  bnt  even  in  Spain  they  had  some  par- 
tisans, and  in  the  time  of  Innocent  X  a  Jansenist  preacher  pubUcly 
promulgated  his  doctrines  in  Rome.* 

The  main  question  now  was,  in  what  light  the  see  of  Rome 
would  regard  these  opinions. 


§  13.    THE  POSITION  OF  THE  COURT  OF  ROME  WITH  RELATION  TO 
THE  TWO  PARTIES. 

This  was  a  renewal  of  the  same  struggle,  though  under  a  some- 
what altered  form,  which  forty  years  before,  neither  Clement  VIII 
nor  Paul  V  had  ventured  to  decide. 

I  know  not  whether  Urban  VIII  or  Innocent  X  would  have 
shown  more  determination,  had  there  not  unfortunately  occurred  in 
the  work  of  Jansenius  a  passage  at  which  the  Roman  see  took 
great  offence  on  other  grounds. 

In  his  third  book  touching  the  State  of  Innocence,  Jansenius 
comes  to  a  principle  of  St.  Augustine,  which  he  was  aware  had 
been  condemned  by  the  Roman  court.  He  hesitated  for  a  moment 
whom  to  follow — the  father  of  the  church  or  the  pope;  but,  after 
some  deliberation,  he  remarks!  that  the  Roman  see  occasionally 
condemned  a  doctrine  merely  for  the  sake  of  peace  without  en- 
tirely meaning  to  declare  it  to  be  false:  he  therefore  decides  abso- 
lutely for  the  principle  of  St.  Augustine. 

His  opponents  naturally  availed  themselves  of  this  passage, 
which  they  described  as  an  attack  upon  the  infaUibility  of  the  pope. 
Urban  VIII  was  easily  persuaded  to  express  his  disapprobation  of 
a  work  containing  maxims  derogatory  to  the  apostolical  dignity, 
and  already  condemned  by  former  popes. 

But  his  denunciation  had  little  effect  in  arresting  the  rapid  spread 
of  the  Jansenist  doctrines,  which  produced  a  general  schism  in 
France.     The  opponents  of  Portroyal  deemed  it  necessary  to  obtain 

*  Deone,  torn,  iv:  "Fu  citato  per  il  sant'  officio  Monsieur  Honorato  Herzan 
(Hersent),  dottor  della  Sorbona  di  Parig-gi,  per  la  predica  che  fece  in  San  Luigi 
nel  giorno  della  festa,  nella  quale  sostenne  e  difese  I'opinione  di  Jansenio  con 
esaltarlo  per  unico  interprete  di  S.  Agostino  non  specificandolo  ma  pero  deline- 
andolo  che  da  ciasclieduno  era  inteso.  Egli  si  ritiru  in  casa  dell'  ambasciator 
di  Francia  e  di  la  a  Pariggi.  II  suo  libro  e  prohibito,  et  il  maestro  del  sacro 
palazzo  ne  ha  havuto  qualche  travaglio  per  haverne  permessa  la  stampa:  ec-li  si 
scusa  con  dire  che  veniva  dedicato  al  papa  e  era  in  lingua  francese,  la  quale  eo-li 
non  intende,  pero  contenendo  il  libro  1'  opinione  favorevole  all'  opinione  loro 
contro  1'  opinione  de'  Gesuiti." 

f  De  statu  naturae  purse,  iii,  cap.  xxii,  p.  403.     "Quodsi,"  he  adds,  "vel 
tunc  ostcndi  potuisset  banc  aliasque  nonnullas  propositiones  ah  Angustino  doe- 
torum  omnium  coryphajo  traditas,  nunquam,  arbitror,  hujusmodi  decretum  ab 
apostolica  sede  permanasset." 
VOL.  II. — 19 


210  POSITION  OP  THE  COURT  OF  ROME  [BOOK  VIII. 

from  Rome  another  and  a  more  explicit  condemnation  of  tlieir  ad- 
versaries. To  this  end  they  compressed  into  five  propositions  the 
fundamental  doctrines  of  Jansenius,  as  they  miderstood  them,  and 
required  pope  Innocent  X  to  pronounce  his  apostolical  judgment 
upon  them.'^ 

The  Roman  court  now  proceeded  to  a  formal  investigation  of  the 
work  of  Jansenius;  a  congregation  of  four  cardinals  was  formed, 
under  whose  supervision  the  examination  was  carried  on  by  thir- 
teen theological  consultores. 

The  five  propositions  were  so  framed,  that  at  first  sight  they  ap- 
peared absolutely  heterodox;  but  when  considered  with  greater 
attention,  might  be  interpreted  at  least  in  part,  in  an  orthodox 
sense.t  A  diversity  of  opinion  immediately  arose  among  the  con- 
sultores. Four  of  them.  viz.  two  Dominicans,  one  minorite  named 
Luca  Wadding,  and  the  general  of  the  Augustines  thought  the  con- 
demnation unadvisable,  but  the  remaining  nine  were  in  favor  of 
it.J  All  now  depended  upon  the  question,  whether  the  pope  would 
side  with  the  majority. 

The  whole  controversy  was  disagreeable  to  Innocent  X.  His 
character  and  temper  inclined  him  to  hate  all  abstruse  theological 
inquiries;  but,  besides  this,  he  foresaw  from  that  now  set  on  foot, 
none  but  the  most  unpleasant  consequences,  let  the  judgment  he 
pronounced  be  what  it  might.  In  spite  of  the  decision  of  so  large 
a  majority,  he  could  not  make  up  his  mind.  "  When  he  came  to 
the  edge  of  the  precipice,"  says  Pallavicini,  "  and  measured  with 
his  eyes  the  width  of  the  leap,  he  stopped  short,  and  could  not  be 
persuaded  to  go  further." 

But  the  whole  court  was  not  restrained  by  these  considerations. 
Immediately  at  the  side  of  the  pope  stood  one  of  the  secretaries  of 
the  state,  cardinal  Chigi,  who  was  incessantly  laboring  to  incite 
liim  to  open  measures  against  the  Jansenists.  Whilst  Chigi  had 
been  at  Cologne  the  book  had  fallen  into  his  hands;  some  passages 
had  even  then  so  excited  his  fanatical  fury,  that  he  had  flung  the 
book  from  him,  and  his  indignation  and  hatred  had  been  strength- 
ened by  the  suggestions  of  certain  members  of  the  German  monas- 
tic orders;  he  had  taken  a  most  active  part  in  the  abovementioned 
congregation  of  cardinals,  and  had  greatly  contributed  to  bring 
about  the  results:  he  strenuously  advised  the  pope  not  to  be  silent; 
silence,  he  said,  would  now  amount  to  acquiescence  in  their  doc- 
trines; his  holiness  nuist  not  allow  the  maxim  of  the  pope's  infalli- 
bility to  fall  into  discredit,  for  one  of  the  noblest  prerogatives  of  the 

*  Pallavicini,  Vita  (li  Alessandro:  ....  "  accioche  ben  informato  dicliiar- 
asse  cio  che  dovea  permettersi  o  proibirsi  intorno  cinque  principali  propositioni 
di  quell'  autoje." 

f  Racine,  Abregede  I'histoire  ecclesiastique,  torn,  xi,  p.  15. 

X  Pallavicini,  who  was  himself  one  of  the  consultores,  communicates  these 
details.  He  says  of  the  pope,  "  II  suo  intelletto  alienissimo  delle  sottigliezze 
scolastiche." 


§  XIII.]  WITH  RELATION  TO  THE  PARTIES.  211 

apostolical  chair  was,  the  power  of  deciding  the  doubts  of  the 
faithful.* 

Innocent  was,  as  we  know,  a  man  who  allowed  himself  to  be 
carried  away  by  sudden  impressions.  In  an  unlucky  hour  he  yielded 
to  the  representations  made  to  him  of  the  danger  threatening  the 
pope's  infallibility.  As  this  occurred  on  St.  Athanasius's  day,  he 
received  it  in  the  light  of  an  inspired  warning.  On  the  1st  of  June, 
1653,  he  published  his  bull,  condemnatory  of  the  five  propositions, 
as  being  heretical,  blasphemous,  and  accursed.  He  declared  that 
he  hoped  thus  to  restore  peace  to  tfie  church;  he  had  nothing  more 
earnestly  at  heart  than  to  be  able  to  steer  the  vessel  of  the  church 
into  smooth  water,  and  into  the  harbor  of  salvation. t 

But  the  consequences  which  ensued  were  the  very  reverse  of 
those  he  contemplated. 

The  Jansenists  denied  that  those  propositions  were  to  be  found 
in  the  book  of  Jansenius,  and  still  more  positively,  that  they  inter- 
preted them  in  the  sense  in  which  they  had  been  condemned. 

It  now  first  became  obvious  in  what  a  false  position  the  court  of 
Rome  had  placed  itself.  The  French  bishops  demanded  that  Rome 
should  declare  that  the  propositions  in  question  were  really  con- 
demned in  the  sense  intended  by  Jansenius.  Chigi,  who  mean- 
while had  ascended  the  throne  under  the  name  of  Alexander  VII, 
had  the  less  pretext  for  refusing  this,  since  he  had  taken  the  chief 
share  in  their  condemnation;  he  now  declared  formally  and  plainly, 
that  "  the  five  propositions  were  certainly  taken  from  the  book  of 
Jansenius,  and  had  been  condemned  in  the  sense  of  their  author."  J 

But  the  Jansenists  were  ready  to  meet  him  on  this  point;  they 
replied  that  a  declaration  of  such  a  nature  overstepped  the  limits  of 
the  papal  authority;  that  the  pope's  infallibility  did  not  extend  to  a 
judgment  of  facts. 

To  the  dogmatical  difference  was  thus  added  a  question  as  to  the 
limits  of  the  papal  power;  in  the  midst  of  their  undeniable  opposi- 
tion to  the  Roman  see,  the  Jansenists  siill  knew  how  to  maintain 
the  character  of  good  catholics. 

This  party  could  now  no  longer  be  crushed.  Attempts  were 
occasionally  made  on  the  part  of  the  crown  to  effect  that  object,  and 
formularies  in  the  spirit  of  the  bull  of  condemnation  were  promul- 
gated, which  all  ecclesiastics,  and  even  all  schoolmasters  and  nuns, 
were  required  to  subscribe.  The  Jansenists  did  not  refuse  to  con- 
demn the  five  propositions,  which,  as  we  have  said,  were  suscepti- 
ble of  a  heterodox  interpretation;  they  simply  refused  to  recognise, 

*  Communicated  by  Pallavicini. 

f  Coquel.  vi,  iii,  248.  We  learn  from  Pallavicini  that  this  bull  was  compos- 
ed by  Chigi  and  Albizi,  an  assessor  of  the  inquisition,  and  principally  by  the 
latter. 

X  Cocquel,  vi,  iv,  151.  "  Quinque  illas  propositiones  ex  libro  prfememorati 
Cornelii  Jansenii  episcopi  Iprensis  cui  titulus  Augustinus  excerptas  ac  in  sensu 
ab  eodem  .Tansenio  inlento  damnatas  fuisse  declaramus  et  definimus." 


212  RELATION  OF  THE  HOLY  SEE 


BOOK  VIIL 


by  signing  any  paper  unconditionally,  that  these  propositions  were 
contained  in  Jansenius— that  they  were  the  doctrines  of  their  mas- 
ter; no  persecution  could  wring  this  acknowledgment  from  them. 
Their  constancy  had  the  effect  of  daily  increasing  their  numbers  and 
their  credit;  there  were  soon  to  be  found,  even  among  the  bishops, 
numerous  partisans  of  their  opinions.* 

In  order  to  restore  at  least  outward  peace  to  the  church,  Clement 
IX  was  compelled,  in  the  year  1668,  to  declare  himself  satisfied  with 
a  subscription  such  as  even  a  Jansenist  need  not  have  hesitated  to 
give,  and  which  condemned  the  five  propositions  in  general  terms, 
without  insisting  that  the  doctrines  inculcated  in  them  were  truly 
and  actually  those  of  Jansenius.t  This,  in  fact,  implied  a  material 
concession  on  the  part  of  the  Roman  court;  for  it  not  only  allowed 
the  claim  to  the  right  of  deciding  on  matters  of  fact  to  drop,  but  it 
connived  at  the  ntter  neglect  of  the  sentence  of  condemnation  pro- 
nounced by  itself  against  Jansenius. 

From  that  time  the  party  of  St.  Cyran  and  Jansenius  arose  to 
considerable  power  and  importance;  tolerated  by  the  curia,  encou- 
raged by  some  of  the  nobles,  on  good  terms  with  the  royal  court, 
(the  celebrated  minister  Pomponne  was  a  son  of  Andilly,)  and  pos- 
sessing, by  means  of  their  literary  activity,  an  influence  over  the 
whole  nation.  But  with  the  rise  and  progress  of  this  party  a  vehe- 
ment opposition  to  the  see  of  Rome  also  gained  ground  in  spite  of 
the  apparent  conclusion  of  a  peace  between  them;  the  Jansenists 
knew  full  well  that  had  the  designs  of  the  curia  succeeded,  they 
would  have  ceased  ere  this  to  exist. 


§   14.    RELATION  OF  THE  HOLY  SEE  TO  THE  TEMPORAL  POWER. 

Meanwhile  another  not  less  dangerous  opposition  now  menaced 
the  power  of  Rome  with  ever-increasing  violence  and  extension. 

*  A  Letter  from  nineteen  bishops  to  the  Pope,  1667,  1  Dec:  "Novum  et 
inauditum  apud  nos  nonnulli  dogma  procuderunt,  ecclesiae  nempe  decretis,  quibus 
quotidiana  nee  revelata  divinitus  facta  deciduntur,  certam  et  infallibilem  con- 
stare  veritatem."  This  is  in  fact  the  recognised  solution  of  the  question  of 
"droit"  and  "  fait." 

t  The  last  formulary  of  Alexander  VII  (15  Feb.  1665,)  is  as  follows:  "Je 
rejette  et  condamme  sincerement  les  cinq  propositions  extraites  du  livre  de  Cor- 
nelius Jansenius  intitule  Augustinus,  et  dans  le  sens  du  meme  auteur,  comrae 
le  saint  siege  apostolique  les  a  condamnees  par  les  susdites  constitutions."  On 
the  other  hand  there  is  the  more  circumstantial  declaration  of  peace:  "  Vous  de- 
vez  vous  obliger  a  condamner  sincerement,  pleinement,  sans  aucune  reserve  ni 
exception  tous  les  sens  que  I'eglise  et  le  pape  out  condamnes  et  condamnent  dans 
les  cinq  propositions."  A  second  article  follovi's:  "  Declarons  que  ce  serait  faire 
injure  a  I'eglise  de  comprendre  entre  les  sens  condamnes  dans  ces  propositions 
la  doctrine  de  S'  Augustin  et  de  S'  Thomas  touchant  la  grace  efficace  par  elle- 
meme  necessaire  a  toutes  les  actions  de  la  piete  chretienne  et  la  predestination 
gratuite  des  elus." 


^  XIV.]  TO  THE  TEMPORAL  POWER.  213 

In  the  seventeenth  century  the  Roman  See  hcgan  to  assert  its 
jurisdictional  privileges,  I  know  not  whether  with  more  vivacity 
and  effect,  but  certainly  more  systematically  and  with  more  un- 
yielding pertinacity,  than  at  any  former  period.  Urban  VIII,  who 
owed  the  tiara  in  part  to  the  consideration  he  had  acquired  as  a 
zealous  champion  of  these  claims,*  estabhshed  a  Congregation  of 
Immunity,  whose  express  function  it  was  to  defend  them.  The 
cardinals  had  generally,  as  young  prelates,  formed  some  connection 
with  the  temporal  sovereigns  of  Europe;  it  was  only  to  a  few 
therefore,  who  had  sought  to  obtain  preferment  by  the  zeal  which 
they  displayed  on  this  subject,  that  he  confided  the  office  of  keeping 
a  watchful  eye  on  every  attempt  of  temporal  princes  to  encroach 
on  the  spiritual  jurisdiction.  From  that  time  the  vigilance  exercised, 
was  far  more  keen  and  regular,  and  the  admonitions  more  urgent; 
a  result  which  official  zeal  and  self-interest  conspired  to  bring  about. 
The  public  opinion  of  the  court  accepted  it  as  a  proof  of  piety,  to 
keep  jealous  guard  over  every  point  of  these  ancient  and  traditional 
rights.! 

But  was  it  likely  that  political  states  would  complacently  submit 
to  this  more  rigorous  supervision?  The  sentiment  of  religious  union 
which  the  struggle  with  protestantism  had  excited,  was  cooled;  the 
general  tendency  of  nations  was  towards  internal  strength  and 
political  compactness;  it  followed  that  the  court  of  Rome  fell  into 
bhter  altercations  with  all  the  catholic  states.  Even  the  Spaniards 
occasionally  made  attempts  to  curb  the  influence  of  Rome;  for  ex- 
ample, to  add  some  civil  assessors  to  the  tribunal  of  the  inquisition 
at  Naples.  The  court  of  Rome  had  shown  reluctance  to  admit  the 
claim  of  the  emperor  to  the  patriarchate  of  Aquileja,  from  the  fear 
that  he  would  use  it  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  a  greater  degree 
of  ecclesiastical  independence.  The  estates  of  the  empire  en- 
deavored in  the  election-capiiulationsof  1654  and  1658,  to  limit  the 
jurisdictions  of  the  nuncios  and  the  curia  by  stricter  provisions. 
Venice  was  in  a  state  of  incessant  agitation  concerning  the  influence 
of  the  court  over  the  nomination  to  the  spiritual  offices  of  the  coun- 
try; concerning  the  pensions  and  the  insolent  i)retensions  of  the 

*  Relatione  de' IV  ambasciatori  1G25:  "Professa  sopra  tutte  le  cose  haver 
1'  animo  inflessibile  ecjie  la  sua  independenza  non  ammeUa  alcuna  ragiouedegl' 
interessi  de'  principi.  ^^a  quello  in  che  preme  pon  insistenza  et  a  che  tende  1' 
impiego  di  tutto  il  suo  spirito  e  di  conservare  e  di  accrescer  la  giurisdittione  ec- 
clesiastica.  Questo  medesimo  concetto  fu  sempre  sostenuto  dal  pontefice  nella\ 
sua  minor  fortuna,  e  cio  e  stato  anche  grandissima  causa  della  sua  esaltationejj^^ 

f  Joh.  Bapt.  de  Luca  S.  R.  E.  Cardinalis;  Relatio  curiae  Romanse  1683.  UTsc. 
XVII,  p.  109:  "  Etiam  apud  bonos  et  zelantes  ecclesiasticos  remanet  quaestio,  an 
hujus  congregationis  erectio  ecclesiastica;  immunitati  et  jurisdiction!  proficuavel 
prtejudiciaiis  fuerit, potissime  quia  bonus  quidem  sed  forte  indiscretus  vel  asper 
zelus  aliquorum,  qui  circa  initia  earn  regebant,  aliqua  produxit  inconvenientia 
praejudicialia,  atque  asperitatis  vel  nimium  exactas  et  exorbitantis  defensionis 
opinionem  impressit  apud  seculares."  An  admission  undoubtedly  very  im- 
portant from  a  cardinal. 

19* 


214  THE  TEMPORAL  POWER.  ■  [BOOK  VIIl. 

papal  families:  Genoa  and  Savoy  found  frequent  cause  to  recall 
their  respective  envoys  from  Rome:  but  the  most  vigorous  resist- 
ance proceeded  from  the  French  church,  as  indeed  the  fundamental 
principle  of  its  restoration  would  lead  us  to  expect.*  The  nuncios 
find  no  end  to  the  objections  and  remonstrances  which  they  think 
themselves  called  upon  to  make,  especially  concerning  the  limits 
imposed  on  the  spiritual  jurisdiction;  they  complain  that  before  they 
had  taken  a  single  step,  appeals  were  preferred  against  them;  that 
they  were  robbed  of  the  control  over  marriages,  under  the  pretext 
of  some  intended  abduction;  that  they  were  deprived  of  all  crimi- 
nal jurisdiction;  that  occasionally  a  clergyman  was  executed  with- 
out being  first  degraded  from  his  holy  otiice;  that  the  king  without 
consulting  them  published  edicts  concerning  heresy  and  simony; 
and  that  the  tenths  to  the  crown  had  gradually  assumed  the  cha- 
racter of  a  permanent  tax.  The  more  reflecting  and  timid  adherents 
of  the  curia  beheld  in  these  usurpations  the  forerunners  of  an  open 
schism. 

The  state  of  things  brought  on  by  these  disputes  was  necessarily 
connected  with  other  circumstances,  especially  with  the  political 
attitude  assumed  by  the  Roman  court. 

Out  of  deference  for  Spain,  neither  Innocent  nor  Alexander  had 
ventured  to  recognise  Portugal,  which  had  severed  herself  from  that 
kingdom,  or  to  grant  canonical  institution  to  the  Portuguese  bishops 
nominated  by  their  own  government.  Almost  the  whole  body  of 
the  legitimate  episcopacy  of  Portugal  died  out;  the  church  lands  were 
in  great  part  abandoned  to  the  officers  of  the  army;  and  king,  clergy, 
and  laity  lost  the  habit  of  their  former  submissiveness  to  Rome. 

Moreover  the  successors  of  Urban  VIII  inclined  again  to  the  side 
of  Spain  and  Austria. 

Nor  can  this  be  wondered  at,  considering  that  the  overwhelming 
power  of  France  so  soon  began  to  reveal  a  character  dangerous  to 
the  freedom  of  Europe.  Another  cause  was,  that  these  popes  owed 
their  elevation  to  the  Spanish  influence,  and  both  of  them  were  per- 
sonal enemies  of  Mazarin.t 

In  Alexander  this  hostility  displayed  itself  still  more  strongly;  he 
could  not  forgive  the  cardinal  for  allying  himself  with  Cromwell, 
nor  for  long  preventing  the  conclusion  of  peace  with  Spain,  from 
personal  considerations. 

The  consequence  was,  that  the  opposition  to  the  Roman  see  in 

*  Relatione  della  nuntiatura  di  Francia  di  Mons''  Scotti  1641,  5  Aprile.  He 
(rives  a  separate  section.  Dell'  impedimenti  della  nuntiatura  ordinaria.  "  Li 
giudici  regj  si  puo  dire  che  levino  tulta  la  giurisdittione  eccl"=^  in  Francia  alii 
prelati." 

f  Deone,  Ottobre  1644:  "  Si  sa  veramente  che  resclusione  di  Panfilio  fatta  da 
cardinali  Frances!  nel  conclave  non  era  volontaregiane  instanza  del  cl.  Antonio, 
ma  opera  del  c'  Mazzarini,  emulo  e  poco  ben  affetto  al  c'  Panziroli,  il  quale  pre- 
vedea  che  doveva  aver  gran  parte  in  questo  ponteficato."  As  was  really  the 
case. 


§  XV.]  LATER  EPOCHS  OF  THE  PAPACY.  215 

France  became  more  inveterate,  and  from  time  to  time  broke  out  in 
violences  most  irritating  and  distressing  to  Alexander. 

A  quarrel  whicli  arose  in  Rome  between  the  followers  of  M.  de 
Creqny,  the  French  ambassador,  and  the  Corsican  city  guard,  in 
which  Crcquy  at  length  received  a  personal  insult,  furnished  the 
king  with  an  occasion  of  interference  in  the  differences  of  the  Roman 
see  with  the  houses  of  Este  and  Farnese,  and  at  last  of  actually 
marching  troops  into  Italy.  The  unfortunate  pope  endeavored  to 
save  himself  by  means  of  a  secret  protest;  but  in  the  eye  of  the  world 
lie  was  obliged  to  accede  to  all  the  demands  made  by  the  king  in  the 
treaty  of  Pisa.  The  fondness  of  the  popes  for  inscriptions  in  their 
honor  is  well  known;  it  was  a  saying  in  Rome,  that  they  would  not 
let  one  stone  be  laid  upon  another  in  a  wall,  without  their  cipher. 
Alexander  was  compelled  to  permit  the  erection  of  a  pyramid  in  one 
of  the  most  frequented  places  of  his  capital,  the  inscription  on  which 
was  to  perpetuate  the  memory  of  his  humiliation. 

This  act  alone  was  sufficient  to  degrade  the  dignity  of  the  papacy. 

But  other  causes  had  already  conspired,  about  the  year  1660, 
greatly  to  lessen  its  authority.  The  papal  see  had  been  the  origina- 
tor of  the  peace  of  Vervins,  had  promoted  it  by  negotiation,  and  had 
brought  it  to  a  conclusion.  At  the  ratification  of  the  peace  of  West- 
phalia, it  had  been  present  in  the  person  of  its  delegates,  but  even 
then,  had  found  itself  reduced  to  protest  against  the  conditions  on 
which  the  other  powers  agreed.  In  the  peace  of  the  Pyrenees,  the 
pope  did  not  even  take  any  ostensible  part;  his  envoys  were  not  ad- 
mitted to  the  conferences — scarcely  indeed  was  there  the  smallest 
reference  to  him  in  the  whole  transaction.*  How  soon  after  this 
were  treaties  of  peace  concluded,  in  which  dispositions  were  made 
relating  to  papal  fiefs,  without  so  much  as  consulting  the  pope! 


§    15.    TRANSITION    TO    THE    LATER    EPOCHS    OF    THE    PAPACV. 

It  is  a  most  remarkable  fact,  and  one  which  aflfords  an  insight  into 
the  general  course  of  human  affairs,  that,  at  the  moment  when  its 
schemes  for  the  re-establishment  of  an  universal  supremacy  fell  to 
the  ground,  the  papacy  began  also  to  decay  at  the  core. 

At  the  period  of  the  restoration  of  Catholicism,  every  thing  which 
could  secure  its  stability  seemed  to  be  effected.  The  doctrines  of 
the  church  were  renovated;  her  privileges  more  strongly  central- 
ised; alliances  concluded  with  temporal  sovereigns;  the  ancient 
orders  reformed  and  new  ones  instituted;  the  political  powers  of 

*  Galeazzo  Gualdo  Priorato  della  pace  conchisa  fra  le  due  corone  16G4,  con- 
tains, p.  120,  "  Osservationi  sopra  le  cause  per  le  quali  si  conclude  la  pace  senza 
intervento  del  papa."  We  see  that  the  misunderstanding  between  the  pope  and 
Mazarin  was  at  that  time  notorious. 


216  LATER  EPOCHS  OP  THE  PAPACY.  [BOOK  VIII. 

the  States  of  the  Church  concentrated  and  converted  into  an  organ 
of  ecclsiastical  influence;  the  spirit  and  the  intellectual  condition  of 
the  curia  reformed;  and  every  thing  directed  towards  the  one  end 
of  the  re-establishment  of  the  supremacy  of  Rome  and  of  the  catho- 
lic faith. 

This,  as  we  have  seen,  was  not  a  new  creation;  it  was  a  resusci- 
tation effected  by  the  force  of  new  ideas,  which,  after  sweeping 
away  some  abuses,  only  gave  a  fresh  impulse  to  the  existing  ele- 
ments of  social  life. 

Without  doubt,  however,  a  renovation  of  this  sort  is  more  ex- 
posed to  the  decline  of  the  vivifying  principle  than  a  radically  new 
creation. 

The  first  check  which  the  catholic  restoration  received  was  in 
France.  The  papal  power  could  not  force  its  way  by  the  beaten 
track;  it  was  constrained  to  witness  the  formation  and  growth  of  a 
church,  catholic  indeed,  but  not  under  the  influences  it  desired;  it 
was  constrained  to  stoop  from  its  lofty  pretensions,  and  to  come  to 
terms  with  a  church  so  constituted. 

To  this  shock  to  the  omnipotence  of  Rome,  other  causes  of  decay 
were  soon  added.  Violent  internal  dissensions  arose;  disputes 
concerning  the  most  important  points  of  faith,  and  concerning  the 
relation  of  the  spiritual  to  the  temporal  power;  in  the  curia,  nepo- 
tism displayed  itself  under  the  most  dangerous  form;  while  the 
financial  resources,  instead  of  being  wholly  applied  to  their  proper 
objects,  fell  for  the  most  part  into  the  hands  of  a  few  families. 

But  Rome  had  still  a  grand  and  universal  object  towards  which 
it  advanced  with  singular  good  fortune.  In  the  pursuit  of  this  high 
endeavor  all  contradictions  were  reconciled,  the  ditferences  of  doc- 
trine and  of  the  ecclesiastical  and  temporal  powers  were  allayed, 
the  divisions  between  states  were  healed,  the  progress  of  the  com- 
mon enterprises  was  promoted,  the  curia  was  the  centre  and  the 
index  to  the  whole  catholic  world,  and  conversions  continued  to  be 
made  on  the  grandest  scale. 

But  we  observed  how  it  came  to  pass,  that  notwithstanding  these 
flattering  appearances,  the  papacy,  far  from  attaining  its  end,  was 
thrown  back  upon  itself  by  internal  dissensions  and  external  resis- 
tance. 

From  that  time  the  whole  political  and  social  condition  of  Rome 
assumed  a  new  form. 

The  spirit  of  conquest  and  acquisition,  directed  towards  a  great 
cause,  implies  a  certain  devotedness;  it  is  incompatible  with  the 
narrowness  of  selfish  views  and  selfish  enjoyments.  Now,  how- 
ever, the  love  of  pleasure  and  the  love  of  gain  had  taken  possession 
of  the  curia;  a  society  of  amiuitants  was  formed,  who  thought  they 
had  a  right  to  the  revenues  of  the  state  and  to  the  administration 
of  the  church;  and  while  they  abused  this  right  in  a  manner  rui- 
nous to  the  public,  they  clung  to  it  with  a  zeal  as  fervent  as  if  the 
whole  existence  of  religion  had  depended  upon  it. 


§  XVI.]  LOUIS  XIV  AND  INNOCENT  XI.  217 

This  was,  however,  the  very  cause  which  aronsed  an  irrecon- 
cileable  hostiUty  to  the  conrtof  Rome  from  opposite  sides. 

A  doctrine  arose, originating  in  anew  intuition  of  the  profounder 
meaning  of  reUgion,  which  the  court  of  Rome  condemned  and  per- 
secuted, but  could  not  silence.  Sovereigns  and  states  assumed  an 
independent  bearing,  and  emancipated  themselves  completely  from 
all  subservience  to  the  papal  policy;  in  the  management  of  their 
political  and  civil  affairs,  they  clainled  a  right  of  self-government, 
which  had  the  effect  of  continually  abridging  the  influence  of  the 
curia  even  in  ecclesiastical  matters. 

The  history  of  the  papacy  from  henceforward  rests  on  these  two 
important  changes. 

In  the  epochs  which  follow,  far  from  displaying  any  spontaneous 
energy,  it  was  completely  occupied  with  finding  means  of  defending 
itself,  as  well  as  it  could,  from  the  attacks  which  assailed  it  on  every 
side.  The  attention  of  mankind  is  naturally  attracted  by  energy 
and  power,  nor  is  it  possible  to  understand  historical  events  but  by 
a  consideration  of  the  active  causes  of  them;  it  therefore  forms  no 
part  of  the  purpose  of  this  work  to  describe  the  modern  phases  of 
the  papacy.  But  as  one  of  the  most  singular  spectacles  ever  ex- 
hibited on  the  world's  stage  still  remains  unnoticed,  and  as  we  pre- 
fixed to  the  more  immediate  subject  of  our  work,  an  introductory 
sketch  of  the  earlier  ages  of  the  papacy,  we  cannot  conclude  Avith- 
out  attempttng  to  give  at  least  a  brief  outline  of  its  more  recent 
history. 

The  first  thing  which  presents  itself  to  our  notice,  is  the  attack 
from  the  side  of  the  catholic  states.  This  is  intimately  connected 
with  the  division  of  the  catholic  world  into  two  hostile  parties,  the 
Austrian  and  the  French,  which  the  pope  had  no  longer  the  power 
either  to  coerce  or  to  tranquillise.  The  political  position  which 
Rome  assumed,  may  be  taken  as  the  measure  of  the  spiritual  de- 
votedness  which  it  could  command.  We  have  marked  the  first 
shock  to  its  political  importance;  we  are  now  about  to  contemplate 
its  further  decline. 


§  16.    LOUIS  XIV  AND  INNOCENT  XI. 

Whatever  was  the  attachment  of  Louis  XIV  to  the  catholic  faith, 
he  could  not  endure  that  the  see  of  Rome  should  pursue  a  policy 
independent  of  his  own — nay,  often  opposed  to  it. 

Clement  X  (1670  to  1676),  like  Innocent  and  Alexander  (and  if 
not  Clement  IX  himself,  yet  his  court  and  dependents),  leaned  to 
the  side  of  the  Spaniards,  an  inclination  which  he  shared  with  his 
nephew,  PauluzziAltieri.*  For  this  Louis  XIV  revenged  himself 
by  incessant  encroachments  on  the  spiritual  power. 

*  Morosini,  Relatione  di  Francia,  1671:  "  Conosciuta  naturale  partialita  del 


218  LOUIS  XIV  AND  INNOCENT  XI.  [BOOK  VIII. 

He  arbitrarily  confiscated  church  property,  suppressed  monastic 
orders,  and  claimed  the  privilege  of  charging  church  livings  with 
military  pensions;  he  endeavored  to  extend  to  those  provinces  of 
his  kingdom  in  which  it  had  never  obtained  the  right  of  receiving 
the  revenues  of  a  bishopric  so  long  as  it  was  vacant,  and  of  pre- 
sentation to  its  dependent  livings,  which  had  become  so  celebrated 
under  the  name  regale;  and  he  inflicted  the  deepest  wound  on  the 
holders  of  the  Roman  funds, "by  subjecting  the  donations  sent  to 
Rome  to  a  strict^and  controlling  supervision.* 

He  continued  the  same  course  during  the  pontificate  of  Inno- 
cent XI,  who,  though  he  observed  the  same  general  line  of  policy 
as  his  predecessor,  opposed  a  stronger  resistance  to  the  measures  of 
Louis. 

Innocent  XI,  of  the  house  of  Odescalchi  of  Como,  came  to  Rome 
in  his  twenty-fifth  year,  with  no  other  fortune  than  his  sword  and 
pistols,  to  seek  some  secular  employment  there,  or  perhaps  to  take 
service  in  the  Neapolitan  army.     The  advice  of  a  cardinal,  who 
saw  more  deeply  into  his  character  than  he  did  himself,  induced 
him  to  enter  upon  the  career  of  the  curia.     This  he  did  with  so 
much  zeal  and  earnestness,  and  gradually  secured  such  a  reputa- 
tion for  ability  and  good  intentions,  that  while  the  conclave  was 
sitting,  the  people  shouted  his  name  under  the  porticos  of   St. 
Peter's,  and  there  was  a  general  feeling  of  satisfaction,  when,  on 
the  21st  of  September,  1676,  his  election  was  declared. 
/^  He  was  a  man  of  such  mildness  and  humility  of  manner,  that 
/when  he  called  for  any  of  his  servants,  it  was  with  the  reservation, 
/  "if  it  was  convenient  to  them;"  of  such  purity  of  heart  and  life, 
I    that  his  confessor  declared  that  he  had  never  discovered  in  him 
\    anything  which  could  sever  the  soul  from  God;  meek  and  gentle, 
\  but  impelled  by  the  same  conscientiousness  which  governed  his 
\private  life,  to  fulfil  the  duties  of  his  office  with  inflexible  integrity. 
"   He  immediately  attacked  the  abuses  in  the  state,  more  particu- 
larly of  the  financial  administration.     The  expenditure  had  risen 
to  2,578,106  sc.  91  baj.  a  year;  the  revenue  (dataria  and  spolia 
included)  amounted   to  only  2,408,500  sc.  71   baj.;   a  deficit  of 
170,000  sc.  yearly,  which  threatened  to  occasion  a  public  bank- 
ruptcy.t     That  matters  did  not  proceed  to  this  extremity,  is  un- 
questionally  attributable  to  Innocent  XI.     He  was  the  first  pope 
who  totally  abstained  from  nepotism.     He  declared  that  he  loved 
his  nephew  Don  Livio,  who  merited  his  affection  by  his  modesty; 

card!  Altieri  per  la  corona  cattolica  rende  alia  X""*  sospetta  ogni  sua  attLone.     II 
.    pontefice  presente  e  considerato  come  un  imagine  del  dominio  che  risiede  vera- 
mente  nell'  arbitrio  del  nipote." 

*  Instruzione  per  mons''  arcivescovo  di  Patrasso,  1674:  "Questo  fatto  arrivato 
alia  corte  sicome  eccito  lo  stupore  e  lo  scandolo  universale  cosi  pervenuto  alia 
notitia  di  N.  S'^  mosse  un  estrerno  cordoglio  nell'  animo  di  S.  Beat»^" 

t  Stato  della  camera  nel  presente  pontificato  di  Innocenzo  XI,  MS.  CBibl. 
Alb.) 


§  XVI.]  LOUIS  XIV  AND  INNOCENT  XI.  219 

but  that,  for  that  very  reason,  he  would  not  have  him  in  the  palace. 
He  abolished  all  the  places  and  pensions  which  had  hitherto  been 
regarded  as  the  exclusive  property  of  the  papal  nephevrs,  as  well 
as  many  others  which  were  a  burthen  to  the  public.  He  put  an 
end  to  innumerable  abuse  and  exemptions,  and  as  soon  as  the 
state  of  the  money  market  permitted  it,  he  reduced  the  monti, 
without  hesitation,  from  four  to  three  per  cent.*  After  a  few  years 
he  actually  succeeded  in  raising  the  revenue,  considerably  above 
the  expenditure  of  the  state. 

With  the  same  determination  which  characterised  his  domestic 
policy.  Innocent  now  met  the  attacks  of  Louis  XIV. 

Three  or  four  bishops  of  the  Jansenist  party,  who  opposed  the 
extension  of  the  regale  mentioned  above,  were  harassed  and  per- 
secuted by  the  court  on  that  account.  One  of  them,  the  Bishop  of 
Pamiers,  was  reduced  to  live  for  a  tim.e  on  alms.  They  appealed 
to  the  pope,  who  instantly  took  them  under  his  protection. t 

He  twice  admonish(;d  the  king  not  to  lend  an  ear  to  flatterers, 
and  not  to  touch  the  liberties  of  the  church;  for  that  if  he  did,  he 
might  cause  the  fountains  of  the  divine  mercy  to  dry  up  from  his 
kingdom.  As  he  received  no  answer,  he  reiterated  his  warnings  a 
third  time;  now,  however,  he  added,  he  would  write  no  more,  he 
would  no  longer  content  himself  with  admonitions,  he  would  make 
use  of  every  weapon  which  God  h.ad  placed  in  his  liands.  He 
would  fear  no  danger,  no  storm;  he  beheld  his  glory  in  the  cross  of 
Christ.  J 

It  has  ever  been  a  maxim  of  the  French  court  to  control  the 
papal  power  by  means  of  tlie  national  clergy,  the  national  clergy 
by  means  of  the  papal  power.  But  never  did  a  prince  rule  his 
clergy  more  absolutely  than  Louis  XIV.  The  speeches  addressed 
to  him  on  solemn  occasions  breathe  an  abject  submission  which  has 
no  equal.  "  We  scarcely  dare,"  says  one  of  them,§  '•'■  to  prefer  any 
requests,  from  the  fear  of  setting  bounds  to  the  zeal  of  your  majesty 
for  the  church.  The  melancholy  privilege  of  making  objections  or 
complaints,  is  now  transformed  into  tlie  sweet  necessity  of  celebrat- 
ing the  praises  of  our  benefactor."  The  prince  de  (blonde  said,  that 
if  the  king  were  to  think  fit  to  go  over  to  the  protcstant  church,  the 
clergy  would  be  the  first  to  follov/  him. 

It  is  at  least  certain  that. the  clergy  did  not  scruple  to  stand  by 


*  In  a  MS.  of  763  pages  of  the  year  1743,  entitled  "EreUione  et  aggionte 
de'  monti  camerali,"  are  the  decrees  and  briefs  relating  to  this  measure.  In  a 
brief  to  the  Tesoriere  Negroni  in  1G84,  Innocent  first  declares  his  intention  "d' 
andar  liberando  la  camera  del  frutto  di  4  P''  C*"  che  in  questi  tempi  e  troppo  ri- 
goroso." 

f  Racine,  Histoire,  ecclesiastique,  X,  p.  328. 

X  Brief  of  27  Dec.  1679. 

§  Remontrance  du  clerge  de  France  (assemblee  a  St.  Germain  en  Laye  en 
I'annee  1680)  faite  au  roi  le  10  Juliet  par  Pil^^e  et  rov"'^  J.  Bapt.  Adheimar  de 
Monteil  de  Grignan.     Mem.  du  clerge,  torn,  xiv,  p.  787. 


220  LOUIS  XIV  AND  INNOCENT  XI.  [BOOK  VIII. 

their  king  against  the  pope;  from  year  to  year  the  declarations 
which  they  issued  were  more  decidedly  in  favor  of  the  throne.  At 
last  followed  the  assembly  of  1682.  "It  was  summoned  and  dis- 
missed," says  a  Venetian  ambassador,  "  at  the  convenience  of  the 
ministry,  and  conducted  in  entire  accordance  with  its  suggestions."* 
The  four  articles  which  it  drew  up  have  from  that  time  been  con- 
stantly regarded  as  the  manifesto  of  the  Galilean  liberties.  The 
first  three  repeat  principles  maintained  before: — that  the  temporal 
power  is  independent  of  the  spiritual;  that  a  council  is  superior  to 
the^pope;  that  tlie  usages  of  the  Galilean  church  are  inviolable.  The 
fourth,  however,  is  peculiarly  worthy  of  note,  since  it  limits  not 
only  the  temporal,  but  the  spiritual  authority  of  the  pope.  "  Even 
in  questions  of  faith,  the  decision  of  the  pope  is  subject  to  amend- 
ment, so  long  as  it  has  not  received  the  assent  of  the  church,"  We 
see  that  the  two  national  authorities  supported  each  other..  The 
king  was  freed  from  the  interference  of  the  temporal,  the  clergy 
from  the  unlimited  authority  of  the  spiritual,  power  of  the  papacy. 
It  was  observed  by  contemporaries,  that  if  France  remained  within 
the  pale  of  the  catholic  church,  she  stood  on  the  very  threshold, 
ready  to  quit  its  enclosure.  The  king  exalted  the  articles  above 
mentioned  into  a  kind  of  confession  of  faith — a  symbolical  book. 
They  were  to  be  taught  in  all  the  schools,  and  no  man  was  to  be 
permitted  to  take  a  degree  in  the  faculty  of  law  or  theology  without 
swearing  to  them.  But  the  pope  had  still  a  weapon  left.  While 
the  king  bestowed  the  highest  favor  and  preferment  on  the  authors 
of  this  declaration — the  members  of  the  assembly — Innocent  refused 
to  grant  them  spiritual  institution.  They  might  take  the  revenues, 
but  the  ordination  they  did  not  receive,  nor  consequently,  could 
they  perform  a  single  spiritual  act  of  the  episcopal  office. 

This  state  of  confusion  was  aggravated  by  the  resolution  just  then 
taken  by  Louis  XIV,  to  prove  the  soundness  of  his  orthodoxy  by 
the  barbarous  extirpation  of  the  Huguenots  which  signalized  his 
reign.  He  thought  he  rendered  a  great  service  to  the  catholic  church. 
It  was  indeed  said  that  pope  Innocent  was  a  party  to  the  design.t 
^  But  the  fact  is  not  so.  The  court  of  Rome  would  now  have  nothing 
to  do  with  conversions  wrought  by  armed  apostles;  "that  was  not 
the  method  employed  by  Christ;  men  must  be  led,  not  dragged,  into 
the  temple."t 

*  Foscarini,  Relatione  di  Francia,  1684:  "Con  non  dissimile  dipendenza 
segue  I'ordine  eccl'-'^  le  massime  e  I'interesse  della  corte,  come  I'ha  fatto  cono- 
scere  I'assemblea  sopra  le  vertenze  della  regalia,  unita,  diretta  e  disciolta  secondo 
le  convenienze  ed  ispirationi  del  ministero  politico.  Provenendo  della  mano 
del  re  I'esaltatione  e  fortuna  de'  soggetti  che  lo  compongono,  dominati  sempre 
da  nuove  pretensioni  e  speranze  si  scorgono  piu  attaccati  alle  compiacenze  del 
monarca  che  gli  stessi  secolari." 

f  Bonamici,  Vita  Innocentii;  Lebret,  Magazin  viii,  p.  98,  and  Lebret's  note, 
"Thus  it  cannot  be  denied,"  &c. 

\  Venier,  Relatione  di  Francia,  1689:  "Nell'  opera  tentata  nella  conversion 
degli  Ugonotti  dispiacque  al  re,  non  riportar  dal  pontefice  lode  che  sperava,  e 


§  XVI.]  LOUIS  XIV  AND  INNOCENT  XI.  221 

Fresh  difficulties  continually  arose.  In  the  year  1687  the  French 
ambassador  entered  Rome  with  such  an  immense  retinue,  compri- 
sing two  or  three  squadrons  of  cavalry,  that  although  the  pope  had 
solemnly  abolished  the  right  of  asylum,  which  the  ambassadors  then 
claimed,  not  only  for  their  palace  but  for  all  the  neighboring  streets, 
he  would  vainly  have  tried  to  dispute  it.  The  ambassador  bearded 
the  pope  in  his  own  capital  with  armed  retainers.  "They  come 
with  horses  and  with  chariots,"  said  Innocent,  "but  we  will  walk 
in  the  name  of  the  Lord."  Ecclesiastical  censure  was  prononnced 
on  the  ambassador,  and  the  chnrch  of  St.  Lnigi,  in  which  he  had 
attended  a  soienm  high  mass,  was  laid  under  interdict.* 

The  king  on  his  side  now  proceeded  to  extreme  measures.     He 
appealed  to  a  general  council,  caused  Avignon  to  be  invested,  and 
the  nuncio  to  be  shut  up  in  St.  Olon;  and  it  was  thought  he  intended 
to  create  Harlai,  the  archbishop  of  Paris,  who  sanctioned,  if  he  did  j 
not  suggest,  all  these  steps,  patriarch  of  France.     To  such  a  length]' 
had  things  gone;  the  French  ambassador  in  Rome  excommunicated;' 
the  papal  nuncio  in  France  forcibly  detained;  thirty-five  French  , 
bishops  without  canonical  institution;  a  part  of  the  papal  territory; 
occupied  by  the  king.     Schism  had  thus  in  fact  already  broken  out.; 
Nevertheless  Innocent  XI  turned  aside  not  a  step  from  his  course. 

If  we  examine  on  what  he  depended  for  support,  we  shall  find 
that  it  was  not  the  effect  of  his  censures  in  France,  nor  the  weight 
of  his  apostolical  autliority;  it  was  chiefly  the  general  resistance 
which  Louis  XIV  had  excited  in  the  whole  of  Europe,  by  enterpri- 
zes  which  menaced  the  very  existence  of  her  liberties;  to  this  resis- 
tance the  pope  attached  his  own  cause. 

He  supported  Austria  in  her  Turkish  war  to  the  extent  of  his 
ability;!  and  the  success  which  crowned  her  arms  gave  to  the  whole 
party  and  to  the  pope  individually  a  new  attitude.  It  were  indeed 
difficult  to  prove  that  Innocent  had,  as  was  asserted,  formed  a  direct 
alliance  with  William  HI, and  liad  personal  knowledge  of  the  designs 
of  that  prince  upon  Eugland;$  but  it  may  be  affirmed  with  the  ut- 

riceve  i1  papa  in  mala  parte  die  fosse  intrapresa  senza  sua  participatione  et  ese- 

guita  con  i  noti  rigori, publicando  che  non  fosse  proprio  fare  missioni  d' 

apostoli  armati,  e  che  questo  metodo  nuovo  non  fosse  il  migliore,  giache  Christo 
non  se  n'  era  servito  per  converlire  il  mondo:  in  oltre  parve  importuno  il  tempo 
di  guadagnar  gli  eretici  all'  ora  che  erano  piu  bollenti  !e  controversie  col  papa." 

*  Legatio  marcliionis  Lavardini  Romam  ejusque  cum  Romano  pontifice  dis- 
sidium,  1697.  A  refutation  by  Lavardin,  which  explains  these  events  with  great 
impartiality  and  penetration:  it  is  one  of  a  series  of  admirable  political  treatises 
which  the  assumptions  of  Louis  XIV  called  forth  in  Germany,  the  N"etherlands, 
Spain,  and  Italy. 

t  Relatione  di  Roma  di  Giov.  Lando,  16S9.  The  subsidies  are  here  estima- 
ted at  two  millions  of  scudi. 

X  In  the  Memoires  sur  le  regne  de  Frederic  I,  roi  de  Prusse,  par  le  comte  de 
Dohna,  p.  78,  also  this  assertion  is  made:  that  his  father  had  obtained  possession 
of  the  letters  from  queen  Christina,  "  qui  les  fesait  passer  par  le  comte  de  Lippe, 
d'  oil  un  certain  Paget  les  portoit  a  la  Haye."  In  spite  of  these  details  the  story 
appears  doubtful,  when  we  recollect  that  all  this  time  Christina  was  not  on  good 
VOL.  II. — 20 


223  LOUIS  XIV  AND  INNOCENT  XI.  [BOOK  VIII. 

most  confidence  that  his  ministers  knew  of  them.  The  pope  was 
only  told  that  the  prince  of  Orange  would  take  the  command  on  the 
Rhine,  and  defend  the  riglits  of  the  empire,  as  well  as  those  of  the 
church,  against  Louis  XIV;  and  for  this  object  he  promised  consid- 
erable subsidies;  but  his  secretary  of  state,  Count  Cassoni,  had  cer- 
tain information  in  the  year  1687,  that  the  plan  of  the  discontented 
English  was  to  dethrone  king  James,  and  transfer  the  crown  to  the 
princess  of  Orange.  The  count  was  ill  served;  the  French  had  found 
a  traitor  in  his  household.  From  the  papers  which  this  man  suffered 
to  be  inspected  in  his  master's  most  secret  cabinet,  the  courts  of 
France  and  of  England  received  the  first  intelligence  of  these  plans. 
Singular  combination  of  events!  It  was  at  the  court  of  Rome  that 
the  threads  of  an  alliance  were  destined  to  meet,  the  object  and  the 
consequence  of  which  was,  to  deliver  protestantism  from  the  last 
great  danger  which  menaced  it,  and  to  secure  the  English  throne 
for  ever  to  that  confession.*  If  Innocent,  as  we  have  said,  knew  not 
of  the  entire  scheme,  it  is  yet  undeniable  that  he  attached  himself  to 
a  party  which  was  chiefly  sustained  by  protestant  energies,  and 
founded  on  protestant  sentiments.  The  resistance  which  he  offered, 
to  the  candidate  for  the  archbishopric  of  Cologne,  who  was  patro- 
nized by  France,  was  in  the  interest  of  that  party,  and  greatly  con- 
duced to  the  breaking  out  of  the  war. 

Yet  the  results  of  this  very  war  were  extremely  favorable  to  the 
papal  principle  in  France,  If  the  pope  by  his  policy  aided  the 
cause  of  protestantism,  the  protestants,  by  maintaining  the  balance 
of  Europe  against  the  "exorbitant  power"  of  France,  contributed 
in  their  turn  to  compel  that  country  to  admit  the  spiritual  claims  of 
the  papacy. 

It  is  true  that  Innocent  XI  did  not  live  to  witness  this  result;  but 
the  very  first  French  ambassador  who  appeared  in  Rome  after  his 
death  (Aug.  10,  1689),  abandoned  the  claim  to  the  right  of  asylum; 
the  king's  behavior  changed;  he  restored  Avignon,  and  began  to 
negotiate. 

terms  with  the  pope.  From  the  account  contained  in  her  own  correspondence,  I 
do  not  believe  it  possible  that  the  pope,  who  once  said,shrugginof  his  shoulders, 
— "  e  una  donna," — should  have  confided  such  a  secret  to  her.  There  may  how- 
ever have  been  secret  Roman  despatches. — j^See  Bishop  Burnet's  description  of 
his  interview  with  cardinal  Howard  in  1685,  and  of  lord  Castlemain's  reception 
at  Rome  in  1687:  Hist,  of  his  own  Time,  vol.  ii,  p.  357,  410.]  (Translator.) 

*  But  little  notice  has  been  taken  of  the  Lettre  ecrite  par  le  CI.  d'Etrees,  Am- 
bassadeur  extraord.  de  Louis  XIV,  a  M.  de  Louvois,  18  Dec.  1637.  CEuvres 
de  Louis  XIV,  torn,  vi,  p.  497,  although  decisive  with  regard  to  this  position  of 
aflFairs.  It  proves  how  early  James  was  informed  of  all  that  passed.  The  young 
Duke  of  Norfolk,  who  was  at  Rome  incognito,  regularly  despatched  couriers  to 
him.  Mackintosh  (History  of  the  Revolution,  ii,  157,)  is  of  opinion,  that  James 
was  not  convinced  of  the  views  of  the  prince  upon  England,  till  the  beginning 
of  May  1688.  But  as  early  as  the  10th  or  llth  of  March,  he  said  to  the  papal 
nuncio,  "il  principe  avere  in  principal  mira  I'Inghilterra."  (Lettera  di  Mons"" 
d'Adda,  ibid.  p.  346.)  His  great  misfortune  was,  his  want  of  confidence  in  him- 
self. 


§  XVI.]  LOUIS  XIV  AND  INNOCENT  XI.  223 

This  was  the  more  necessary,  since  the  new  pope,  Alexander 
Vlir,  widely  as  he  departed  from  the  austere  example  of  his  pre- 
decessor in  other  respects,  in  this  point  adhered  to  his  principles. 
Alexander  issued  a  new  manifesto,  declaring  the  decrees  of  1682* 
"invalid,  of  none  effect,  null  and  void;"  not  binding,  even  when 
sanctioned  by  an  oath;  and  adding,  that  he  thought  of  them  day  and 
night  with  bitterness  of  heart,  and  raised  his  eyes  to  heaven  with 
tears  and  sighs. 

After  the  early  death  of  Alexander  VIII,  the  French  used  every 
possible  efibrt  to  obtain  the  election  of  a  pacific  man,  inclined  to 
conciliatory  measures,  as  pope;t  and  in  this  they  succeeded  by  the 
election  of  Antonio  Pignatelli,  Innocent  XII,  (July  12,  1691.) 

This  pope,  however,  had  as  little  inclination  as  he  had  urgent 
need,  to  abate  anything  of  the  dignity  of  the  papal  see;  since  the 
allied  arms  provided  Louis  XIV  with  abundance  of  serious  and 
formidable  occupation. 

The  negotiations  lasted  two  years.  Innocent  more  than  once  re- 
jected the  formulae  submitted  to  him  by  the  French  clergy.  They 
were,  in  fact,  compelled  at  length  to  issue  a  declaration,  to  the  effect, 
that  all  that  had  been  discussed  and  determined  in  the  assembly 
should  be  considered  as  not  having  been  discussed  and  determined: 
"  Prostrate  at  the  feet  of  your  holiness  we  acknowledge  our  inex- 
pressible grief  at  it."$  It  was  not  till  after  this  absolute  recantation, 
that  Innocent  granted  them  canonical  institution. 

On  these  conditions  alone  was  peace  restored.     Louis  XIV  wrote 


*  "In  dictis  comitiis  anni  1682  tam  circa  extensionem  juris  regaliae  quam 
circa  declarationem  de  potestate  ecclesiastica  actorumac  etiarn  omnium  et  singu- 
lorum,  mandatorum,  arrestorum,  confirmationum,  declarationum,  epistolarum, 
edictorum,  decretorum  quavis  auctoritate  sive  ecclesiastica  sive  etiam  laicali 
editorum,  necnon  aliorum  quomodolibet  prsejudicialium  praefatorum  in  regno 
supradicto  quandocunque  et  a  quibusvis  et  ex  quacunque  causa  et  quovis  modo 
factorum  et  gestorum  ac  inde  secutorum  quorumcunque  tenores."  4  Aug.  1690, 
Cocquel,  ix,  p.  38. 

f  Domenico  Contarini,  Relatione  di  Roma  1696:  "Tenedosi  questa  volta  da 
Francesi  bisogno  d'un  papa  facile  e  d'animo  assai  rimesso  e  che  potesse  facil- 
mente  esser  indotto  a  modificare  la  boUa  fatta  nell'  agonia  di  Alessandro  VlII 
sopra  le  propositioni  dell'  assemblea  del  clero  dell'  anno  1682,  diedero  mano  alia 
elettione  di  esso." 

X  It  has  been  maintained,  and  among  others  Petitot  is  of  opinion  (Notice  sur 
Portroyal,  p.  240),  that  this  was  written  by  the  Jansenists,  "pour  repandre  du 
ridicule  et  de  I'odieux  sur  les  nouveaux  eveques;"  but  no  other  formula  was 
ever  issued  by  the  opposite  party,  and  the  above  was  always  acknowledg^ed  at 
least  indirectly  by  the  Roman  authors,  for  instance  in  Novaes  Storia  de'  Ponte- 
fici,  tom.  xi,  p.  117.  Indeed  it  was  at  that  time  universally  esteemed  genuine, 
without  any  contradiction  even  from  the  court,  Domenico  Contarini  says, 
"  Poco  dopo  fu  preso  per  mano  da  Francesi  il  negotio  delle  chiese  di  Francia 

proponendo  diverse  formule  di  dichiarazione materia  ventilata  per  il  corso  di 

due  anni  e  conclusa  ed  aggiustata  con  quella  lettera  scritta  da  vescovi  al  papa 
che  si  e  difusa  in  ogni  parte."  These  are  the  very  words  of  that  formula,  and 
no  other  was  known. — Daunou  also,  in  his  Essai  historique  sur  la  puissance 
temporelle  des  papes,  ii,  p.  196,  gives  the  document  as  authentic. 


224  THE  SPANISH  SUCCESSION.  [BOOK  VIII. 

to  the  pope  that  he  recalled  his  ordinance  concerning  the  observ- 
ance of  the  four  articles.  We  see  that  Rome  once  more  maintained 
her  prerogatives,  even  in  the  teeth  of  the  most  powerful  of  mon- 
archs. 

It  was,  however,  an  enormous  evil  that  the  open  assertion  of  so 
decided  an  hostility  was  for  so  long  a  time  treated  as  a  legally  au- 
thorised resistance.  These  articles  had  been  proclaimed  with  as 
much  noise  and  ostentation  as  if  they  had  been  decrees  of  the  em- 
pire; they  were  revoked  privately,  silently,  in  the  form  of  letters, 
and  only  by  a  (ew  individuals,  who  stood  peculiarly  in  need  of  the 
favor  of  the  court  of  Rome.  Louis  XIV  permitted  this;  but  people 
did  not  venture  to  believe  that  he  had  revoked  the  four  articles, 
although  the  matter  was  sometimes  regarded  in  that  light  in  Rome. 
At  a  much  later  period  he  would  not  tolerate  that  the  court  of  Rome 
should  refuse  the  institution  to  partisans  of  the  four  articles.  He 
declared  that  though  he  had  abolished  the  obligation  to  teach  them, 
it  was  equally  just  and  necessary  that  no  man  should  be  hindered 
from  acknowledging  their  validity  who  desired  to  do  so.*  There  is 
another  observation  which  we  must  make.  It  was  by  no  means 
of  its  own  strength  that  the  court  of  Rome  had  maintained  its  po- 
sition, but  solely  in  consequence  of  a  great  political  combination;  it 
was  only  one  effect  of  those  causes  which  had  forced  France  to 
retreat  within  narrower  bounds.  What  then  would  ensue  if  these 
circumstances  should  change,  when  there  remained  not  a  single 
power  to  defend  the  holy  see  against  the  attacks  of  its  enemies? 


§  17.    THE  SPANISH   SUCCESSION. 

The  extinction  of  the  Spanish  line  of  the  house  of  Austria  was 
an  event  of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  papacy. 

The  chief  security  for  the  freedom  and  independence  of  the  see 
of  Rome  was  the  continual  rivalry  between  Spain  and  France, 
which  determined  the  policy  of  the  rest  of  Europe;  the  states  of  the 

*  The  words  of  the  king  in  his  letter  to  Innocent  XII,  Versailles,  14  Sept., 
1G93,  are:  "  J'ai  donne  les  ordres  necessaires  afinque  les  choses  contenuesdans 
mon  edit  du  22  Mars  1G82  touchant  la  declaration  faite  par  le  clerge  de  France 
(a  quoi  les  conjonctures  passees  m'avoyent  oblige)  ne  soyent  pas  observees." 
In  a  letter  of  the  7th  July,  1713,  which  we  find  in  Artaud  (Histoire  du  Papa 
Pie  VII,  183G,  torn,  ii,  p.  16),  it  is  then  said:  "On  lui  (au  Pape  Clement  XI) 
a  suppose  centre  la  verite  que  j'ai  contrevenu  a  I'engagement  pris  par  la  lettre 
que  j'ecrivis  a  son  predecesseur,  car  je  n'ai  oblige  personne  a  soutenir  centre  sa 
propre  opinion  les  propositions  du  clerge  de  France,  mais  il  n'est  pas  juste  que 
j'etnpeche  mes  sujets  de  direct  de  soutenir  leurs  sentimens  sur  unematiere  qu'il 
est  libre  de  soutenir  de  part  et  d'autre."  We  perceive  that  even  in  his  latter 
years  Louis  XIV  was  not  so  devoted  a  Romanist  as  is  supposed.  He  says  de- 
cidedly, "  Je  ne  puis  admettre  aucun  expedient." 


§  XVII.]  THE  SPANISH  SUCCESSION.  225 

church  had  been  maintained  in  peace  for  a  century  and  a  half  by 
the  influence  of  Spanish  poHtical  principles;  whatever  might  be  the 
event,  it  was  exceedingly  dangerous  that  an  order  of  things,  upon 
which  reposed  the  whole  habitual  state  of  the  v/orld,  should  be 
brought  into  doubt. 

But  still  more  menancing  was  the  dispute  which  arose  as  to  the 
succession,  and  threatened  to  break  out  in  a  general  war,  of  which 
Italy  must  inevitably  become  the  principal  theatre.  The  pope  him- 
self would  hardly  be  able  to  avoid  declaring  for  one  of  the  parties, 
though  without  any  hope  of  rendering  it  essential  aid. 

I  find  it  stated*  that  Innocent  XII,  who  was  then  reconciled  to 
France,  had  advised  Charles  II  of  Spain  to  declare  the  French 
prince  his  heir,  and  that  this  counsel  of  the  holy  father  had  had 
great  influence  on  the  construction  of  the  will,  on  which  so  much 
depended. 

At  any  rate  the  see  of  Rome  abandoned  the  anti-French  policy, 
which  it  had  pursued  almost  without  interruption  since  the  time  of 
Urban  VIII,  The  pope  might  possibly  consider  as  the  more  trifling 
change  and  the  least  evil,  that  the  monarchy  should  fall  undivided 
into  the  hands  of  a  prince  belonging  to  a  family  which  at  that  time 
manifested  a  pre-eminent  zeal  in  favor  of  Catholicism.  Clement 
XI,  Gianfrancesco  Albani,  elected  on  the  16th  November  1700, 
openly  approved  (he  determination  of  Louis  XIV  to  accept  the 
succession;  he  wrote  a  congratulatory  letter  to  Philip  V,  and 
granted  him  subsidies  raised  upon  ecclesiastical  property,  as  if  no 
doubt  could  be  entertained  of  his  rights.t  Clement  XI  may  be 
considered  as  not  only  a  disciple,  but  as  a  perfect  representative,  of 
the  court  of  Rome,  which  he  had  never  quitted.  His  courteous 
manners,  literary  talents,  and  irreproachable  conduct  had  procured 
for  him  universal  popularity  :f  he  had  discovered  the  art  of  attach- 
ing, and  making  himself  necessary  to,  the  last  three  popes,  different 
as  their  characters  had  been;  he  had  risen  in  the  world  by  tried  and 
practical,  but  not  formidable,  talents.  He  once  said,  that  as  cardinal 
he  had  known  how  to  give  good  advice,  but  as  pope  he  knew  not 
how  to  guide  himself;  which  seemed  to  prove  that  he  felt  himself 
more  able  to  seize  and  carry  out  an  impulse  already  given,  than  to 

*  Morosini,  Relatione  di  Roma  1707:  "Se  il  papa  abbia  avuto  mano  o  parte- 
cipatione  nel  testamento  di  Carlo  11  io  non  ardiro  d'asserirlo,  ne  e  facile  di  pene- 
trare  il  vero  con  sicurezza.  Rensi  addurro  solo  due  fatti.  L'uno  che  questo 
arcano  non  si  sa,  se  con  verita  fa  esposto  in  un  manifesto  uscito  alle  stampe  in 
Roma  ne'  primi  mesi  del  mio  ingresso  all'  ambasciata  all'  ora  che  dall'  uno  e 
I'altro  partito  si  trattava  la  guerra  non  meno  con  I'armi  che  con  le  carte.  L'altro 
che  il  papa  non  s'astenne  di  far  publici  elogj  al  christ™°  d'  essersi  ritiralo  dal 
partaggioricevendo  la  monarchi  intiera  per  il  nepote." 

t  Buder,  Leben  und  Thaten  Clemens  XI,  tom.  i,  p.  148. 

X  Erizzo,  Relatione  di  Roma  1702:  "Infatli  pareva  egli  la  delizia  di  Roma,  e 
non  eravi  ministro  regio  ne  natione  che  non  credesse  tutto  suo  il  cardinale  Al- 
bani. Tanto  bene,"  he  adds,  "  sapeva  fingere  effetti  e  variare  linguaggio  con 
tutti." 

20* 


226  THE  SPANISH  SUCCESSION.  [BOOK  VIII. 

form  and  act  upon  a  spontaneous  decision.  For  instance,  in  taking 
up  the  jurisdictional  question  witli  renewed  vigor,  immediately 
after  his  succession,  he  did  but  follow  in  the  track  marked  out  by 
public  opinion  and  by  the  interests  of  the  curia.  So  he  now  trusted 
in  the  power  and  fortune  of  the  great  monarch.  He  doubted  not 
that  Louis  XIV  would  ultimately  be  victorious.  Tlie  Venetian 
ambassador  assures  us  that  Clement  could  not  conceal  his  joy  and 
satisfaction  at  the  success  gained  by  the  French,  in  the  attempt  made 
by  Germany  and  Italy  upon  Vienna  iu  1703,  which  promised  to 
be  decisive. 

But  at  that  very  moment  fortune  deserted  them.  The  king's 
German  and  English  enemies,  who  had  been  the  allies  of  Innocent 
XI,  but  from  whom  Clement  XI  had  gradually  estranged  himself, 
obtained  unprecedented  victories:  the  imperial  troops,  united  with 
those  of  Prussia,  poured  down  upon  Italy;  they  were  not  disposed 
to  spare  a  pope  whose  conduct  had  been  so  equivocal;  the  old  pre- 
tensions of  the  empire,  which  had  never  been  thought  of  since  the 
time  of  Charles  V,  were  again  revived. 

We  will  not  here  enter  into  all  the  bitter  animosities  in  which 
Clement  XI  was  gradually  involved.*  At  last  the  imperial  party 
appointed  a  limited  time  within  which  he  must  decide  on  the  ac- 
ceptance or  rejection  of  their  offers  of  peace;  among  the  conditions 
of  which,  the  recognition  of  the  Austrian  pretender  to  the  Spanish 
throne  was  the  most  important.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  pope 
looked  round  for  assistance.  He  waited  till  the  appointed  day,  the 
15th  January  1709,  after  which,  if  he  were  still  undecided,  the  im- 
perialists had  threatened  to  overrun  his  capital  and  his  dominions. 
it  was  at  the  last  moment,  at  eleven  at  night,  that  he  gave  in  his 
signature.  He  had  formerly  congratulated  Philip  V;  he  now  was 
compelled  to  recognise  his  rival,  Charles  III,  as  catholic  king.t 

This  event  not  only  gave  a  severe  blow  to  the  authority  of  the 
pope  as  an  umpire,  but  also  deprived  him  of  his  political  freedom 
and  independence.  The  French  ambassador  left  Rome,  declaring 
that  it  was  no  longer  the  seat  of  the  church.  J 

The  political  world  had  entirely  changed  its  aspect.  It  was  pro- 
testant  England  which  in  fact  decided  the  fortunes  of  the  Spanish 
and  catholic  monarchy:  what  influence  then  could  the  pope  exer- 
cise over  the  destinies  of  Europe?     At  the  peace  of  Utrecht,  coun- 

*  E.  g.  concerning  the  troops  quartered  at  Parma  and  Piacenza,  in  which 
places  even  the  clergy  were  not  exempted  from  military  contributions.  "  Ac- 
cord avec  les  deputes  du  due  et  de  la  ville  de  Plaisance  14  Dec.  1706,  art.  ix,  que 
pour  soulager  I'etat  tous  les  particuliers  quoique  tres  privilegies  contribueroient 
a  la  susdiite  somme."  This  however  the  pope  would  not  endure,  and  the  em- 
peror's claims  were  again  asserted  with  fresh  vehemence.  Contre  declaration 
de  I'empereur,  Lamberty,  v,  85. 

-|-  The  conditions,  which  were  at  first  kept  a  secret,  became  known  through  a 
letter  from  the  Austrian  ambassador  to  the  Duke  of  Marlborough.  Lamberty, 
V,  242. 

:J:  Lettre  du  marechal  Thesse  au  pape,  12  Juillet  1709. 


§  XVII.]  THE  SPANISH  SUCCESSION.  227 

tries  which  the  pope  had  looked  upon  as  his  fiefs,  such  as  Sicily 
and  Sardinia,  were  allotted  to  new  families  without  even  consulting 
him.*  The  infallible  decision  formerly  claimed  by  the  chief  shep- 
herd of  the  church  yielded  to  the  uilerests  of  the  great  powers  of 
Europe. 

Peculiar  misfortunes  befell  the  papal  see  from  this  cause. 

It  had  always  been  one  of  the  principal  objects  of  the  policy  of 
the  Roman  court,  to  possess  an  influence  over  the  Italian  states,  and 
if  possible,  to  assert  and  exercise  an  indirect  sovereignty  over  tliem. 

But  at  the  period  under  our  notice,  not  only  had  Austria,  while 
in  open  war  with  the  pope,  established  herself  firmly  in  Italy,  but 
the  Duke  of  Savoy  had  attained  to  regal  power  and  large  new 
possessions,  in  spite  of  the  pope's  known  opposition. 

Matters  went  still  further.  In  order  to  reconcile  the  contending 
houses  of  Bourbon  and  Austria,  the  mediating  powers  acceded  to 
the  wishes  of  the  queen  of  Spain,  and  gave  to  one  of  her  sons 
Parma  and  Piacenza.  For  two  centuries,  the  pope's  feudal  suze- 
rainty over  that  duchy  had  never  been  called  in  question:  the 
successive  dukes  had  received  it  as  a  fief,  and  had  paid  tribute; 
now,  however,  that  the  right  assumed  a  new  character,  and  it  was 
evident  that  the  male  line  of  the  Farnese  family  would  shortly  be- 
come extinct,  the  pope's  claims  were  no  longer  regarded.  The 
emperor  gave  the  duchy  in  fee  to  an  infant  of  Spain.  Nothing 
remained  for  the  pope  but  to  make  protests,  to  which  no  one  paid 
the  slightest  attention.! 

The  peace  between  the  two  houses,  however,  was  but  moment- 
ary. In  the  year  1733  the  Bourbons  renewed  their  claims  upon 
Naples,  which  was  then  in  the  hands  of  Austria;  the  Spanish  am- 
bassador offered  to  pay  tribute  and  the  palfrey  to  the  pope.  Cle- 
ment XII  would  now  willingly  have  left  matters  as  they  stood;  he 
named  a  committee  of  cardinals,  who  decided  in  favor  of  the  Aus- 
trians.  Again  the  fortune  of  war  was  adverse  to  the  decision  of 
the  pope;  the  Spanish  arms  were  victorious.  In  a  short  time 
Clement  was  obliged  to  concede  the  investiture  of  Naples  and 
Sicily  to  the  same  infant  of  Spain,  whom  he  had  seen,  with  such 
mortification,  take  possession  of  Parma. 

It  is  true  that  the  final  result  of  these  contests  was  not  very  diffe- 
rent from  that  originally  aimed  at  by  the  Roman  court:  the  house 
of  Bourbon  extended  its  power  over  Spain  and  a  large  portion  of 
Italy,  but  under  very  different  circumstances  from  those  contem- 
plated. 

The  word  which  was  to  decide  the  destinies  of  Europe  had  gone 
forth  from  England.     The  Bourbons  had  forced  their  way  into 

*  For  the  suspicious  character  of  the  conduct  of  Savoy,  see  Lafitau,  Vie  de 
Clement  XI  torn,  ii,  p.  78. 

f  Protcstatio  nomine  sedis  apostolicaj  emissa  in  conventu  Cameracensi. 
Rousset,  Supplement  au  corps  diplomat,  de  Dumont,  iii,  ii,  p.  173. 


« 


228  THE  SPANISH  SUCCESSION.  [BOOK  VIII. 

Italy  in  open  contradiction  to  the  wishes  of  the  holy  see:  the  sepa- 
ration of  the  provinces,  which  it  was  sought  to  avoid,  had  taken 
place,  and  continually  filled  Italy  and  the  territory  of  the  church 
with  hostile  troops.  The  temporal  authority  of  the  papal  see  was 
thus  annihilated,  even  in  its  immediate  neighborhood. 

This  must  have  had  a  great  effect  on  the  jurisdictional  disputes 
of  the  church,  which  were  intimately  blended  with  her  political 
relations;  an  effect,  which  Clement  XI  had  already  been  made  to 
feel  in  the  severest  manner. 

More  than  once  his  nuncio  was  sent  out  of  Naples;  once  also  in 
Sicily  the  clergy  favorable  to  Roman  views  were  seized  in  a  body 
and  transported  to  the  territory  of  the  church.*  An  intention  was 
manifested  in  all  the  Italian  provinces,  of  permitting  none  but 
natives  to  be  invested  with  ecclesiastical  dignities.t  In  Spain  also 
the  nuntiatura  was  closed, J  and  Clement  XI  at  one  time  thought 
that  he  should  be  driven  to  cite  the  prime  minister  of  Spain,  Albe- 
roni,  before  the  inquisition. 

From  year  to  year  these  differences  became  wider  and  more 
serious.  The  court  of  Rome  no  longer  possessed  the  power  or  the 
internal  energy  requisite  to  enable  it  to  preserve  union,  even  among 
those  who  acknowledged  its  religious  supremacy. 

"I  cannot  deny,"  says  the  Venetian  envoy  Mocenigo,  in  1737, 
"that  there  is  something  unnatural  in  the  sight  of  all  the  catholic 
governments  united  in  a  body,  in  a  hostility  to  the  Roman  court  so 
violent  as  to  leave  no  hopes  of  any  reconciliation  which  would  not 
injure  that  court  in  some  vital  part.  Whether  it  proceed  from  the 
'spread  of  more  enlightened  ideas,  as  many  people  maintain,  or 
from  a  tyrannical  disposition  to  crush  the  weaker  party,  thus  much 
is  certain — that  the  kings  of  Europe  are  making  rapid  progress  in 
stripping  the  Roman  see  of  all  its  temporal  rights  and  privileges."§ 

To  any  one  who  took  even  a  superficial  view  of  what  was  passing 
in  Rome,  under  his  own  eyes,  it  was  evident  that  everything  was 
at  stake  if  peace  v/ere  not  concluded. 

The  memory  of  Benedict  XIV,  Prosper©  Lambertini,  (1740 — 
1758,)  is  blessed  because  he  determined  to  make  the  concessions 
indispensable  to  this  end. 

It  is  well  known  how  little  Benedict  XIV  suffered  himself  to  be 
dazzled  or  elated  by  the  elevation  of  his  dignity,  nor  did  it  destroy 
his  good-humored  jocularity  and  Bolognese  wit.  He  rose  from  his 
work,  joined  his  courtiers,  communicated  to  them  some  idea  which 

*  Bnder,  Leben  und  Thaten  Clemens  XI  torn,  iii,  p.  571. 

f  We  learn  from  Lorenzo  Tiepolo,  Relatione  di  Roma  1712,  that  the  imperial 
party  in  Naples  as  well  as  in  Milan  already  entertained  the  project,  "che  li 
beneficii  ecclesiastici  siano  solamentedati  a  national!, colpodi  non  picciolodanno 
alia  corte  di  Roma  se  si  effettuasse." 

jf.  San  Felipe,  Contributions  to  the  history  of  Spain,  iii,  214. 

§  Aluise  Mocenigo  IV:  Relatione  di  Roma  16  Apr.  1737,  see  Appendix.  (No. 
162.) 


§  XVII.]  THE  SPANISH  SUCCESSION.  229 

had  just  entered  liis  head,  and  returned  to  his  desk.*  His  attention 
was  steadily  directed  to  essentials.  With  an  unshrinking  gkuice 
he  surveyed  the  position  of  the  papal  see  with  relation  to  the  other 
European  powers,  and  clearly  discerned  what  could  be  retained, 
and  what  must  be  given  up.  He  was  too  well  versed  in  the 
canon  law,  and  at  the  same  time  too  completely  a  pope,  to  allow 
himself  to  be  hurried  into  excess  in  the  latter  direction. 

The  most  extraordinary  act  of  his  pontificate  was  the  concordat 
which  he  entered  into  with  Spain  in  1753.  He  brought  himself  to 
renounce  tlie  patronage  of  the  smaller  benefices,  which  though  now 
violently  contested,  the  Roman  curia  still  possessed  in  that  country. 

But  was  the  court  to  lose  the  large  sum  which  it  drew  from  that 
source,  without  any  compensation?  should  the  papal  power  all  at 
once  abandon  its  influence  on  individuals?  To  solve  these  diffi- 
culties Benedict  devised  the  following  expedient.  Fifty-two  of 
those  benefices  were  expressly  reserved  for  the  nomination  of  the 
pope,  "in  order  that  he  might  have  the  means  of  rewarding  those 
among  the  Spanish  clergy  who  by  their  virtue,  purity  of  morals, 
learning,  or  by  the  services  which  they  had  rendered  to  the  Roman 
see,  might  be  able  to  substantiate  their  claim  to  preferment. "f-  The 
pecuniary  loss  to  the  curia  was  then  calculated,  and  was  found  to 
amount  to  34,300  sc.  a  year.  The  king  bound  himself  to  pay  a 
sum  of  1,143,330  sc,  the  interest  of  which,  at  three  per  cent., 
would  equal  the  loss  thus  sustained.  All-atoning  gold  thus  proved 
its  conciliatory  influence  in  ecclesiatical  affairs. 

With  most  of  the  other  courts  too,  Benedict  XIV  concluded 
treaties  containing  concessions.  The  right  of  patronage  which  the 
king  of  Portugal  already  possessed,  was  extended,  and  the  title  of 
Most  Faithful  was  added  to  the  other  spiritual  privileges  and  honors 
which  he  had  won.  The  court  of  Sardinia,  doubly  displeased, 
because  the  concessions  which  it  had  obtained  at  favorable  con- 
junctures had  been  revoked  during  the  last  pontificate,  was  concil- 
iated by  means  of  the  instructions  for  the  concordats  of  1741  and 
1750.^  In  Naples,  where,  under  the  patronage  and  favor  of  the 
imperial  government,  and  more  especially  under  the  influence  of 
Gaetano  Argento,  a  school  of  jurisprudence  had  arisen  which  had 
devoted  its  chief  study  to  questions  of  ecclesiastical  law,  and  stren- 

*  Relatione  di  F.  Venier  di  Roma,  1771:  "Asceso  il  papa  al  trono  di  S. 
Pietro  non  seppo  cambiare  I'indole  sua.  Eg'i  era  di  temperamento  affabile 
insieme  e  vivace,  e  vi  restu,  spargeva  fin  da  prelato  li  suoi  discorsi  con  giocosi 
sail  cd  ancor  li  conserva — dotato  di  cuore  aperto  e  sincero  trascuro  sempre  ogn' 
una  di  quelle  arti  che  si  chiamano  romanesche."     (See  App.  No.  163.) 

f  "Accio  non  meno  S.  S'*  che  i  suoi  successori  abbiano  il  modo  di  provedere 
epremiare  quegli  ecclesiastici  che  per  probita  e  per  illibatezza  de'  costumi  o 
per  insigne  letteratiira  o  per  servizi  prestali  alia  S.  Sede  se  ne  renderanno  me- 
ritevoli."  Words  of  the  concordat,  quoted  in  the  Report  of  the  English  Com- 
mittee, 1816,  p.  317.) 

X  Risposta  alle  notizie  dimandate  intorno  alia  giurisdittioneecclesiasticanello 
state  di  S.  M'S  Turino  5  Marzo  1816,  ibid.  p.  250. 


230  ALTERED  STATE  OF  EUROPE.  [BOOK  VIII. 

uously  resisted  the  claims  of  the  papal  see,*  Benedict  XIV,  per- 
mitted the  rights  of  the  nuntiatura  to  be  not  a  little  curtailed,  and 
sanctioned  the  subjecting  the  clergy  to  taxation.  The  pope  autho- 
rised the  imperial  court  to  diminish  the  number  of  the  appointed 
holidays — an  act  which  made  great  noise  at  that  time;  for  though 
he  had  only  permitted  work  to  be  done  on  those  days  the  imperial 
court  did  not  hesitate  to  employ  force  to  exact  it. 

In  this  manner  were  the  catholic  courts  once  again  reconciled  to 
their  ecclesiastical  head;  once  more  was  peace  restored. 

It  must  not,  however,  be  imagined  that  matters  were  thus 
brought  to  a  conclusion;  nor  that  the  contest  between  the  state  and 
the  church,  which  seems  to  originate  in  an  internal  necessity  of 
Catholicism,  could  be  terminated  by  these  slight  compromises,  of 
no  avail  beyond  the  moment  which  occasioned  them.  The  agita- 
ted deep  soon  began  to  heave  with  indications  of  other  and  far 
more  tremendous  storms. 


§  18.      ALTERED    STATE    OP    EUROPE;    INTERNAL    AGITATIONS; 
SUPPRESSION    OF    THE    ORDER    OF    THE    JESUITS. 

The  greatest  changes  had  been  effected,  not  only  in  Italy  and  in 
the  South,  but  in  the  general  political  condition  of  Europe. 

Where  were  now  the  times  in  which  the  papacy  might  cherish 
not  unfounded  hopes  of  again  bringing  Europe  and  the  world 
under  its  sway? 

Three  of  the  five  great  powers  which  determined  the  destinies 
of  Europe  in  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  were  anti-catho- 
lic. We  mentioned  the  attempts  made  by  former  popes  to  subdue 
Russia  and  Prussia  by  means  of  Poland;  and  England  by  the  arms 
of  France  and  Spain.  These  three  powers  now  exercised  an  influ- 
ence over  Europe  unquestionably  greater  than  that  possessed  by 
the  catholic  states. 

It  was  not  that  the  one  creed  had  prevailed  over  the  other — the 
protestant  over  the  catholic  theology:  this  was  no  longer  the  field  of 
contention;  the  change  was  produced  by  the  action  of  national 
causes,  the  origin  of  which  we  have  noticed:  the  states  of  the  anti- 
catholic  party  generally  evinced  a  decided  superiority  to  the  catho- 
lics. The  centralising  and  monarchical  spirit  of  Russia  had  over- 
mastered the  disunited  and  insubordinate  aristocracy  of  Poland;  the 
industry  and  practical  talent  and  the  naval  skill  of  the  English,  had 
triumphed  over  the  careless  indolence  of  the  Spaniards,  and  the 
vacillating  policy  of  the  French,  which  was  at  the  mercy  of  every 
accidental  change  in  their  domestic  affairs;  while  the  energetic  or- 

*  Giannone,  Storia  di  Napoli,  vi.  387. 


§  XVIII.]  INTERNAL  AGITATIONS.  231 

ganisation  and  military  discipline  of  Prussia  liad  given  her  a  deci- 
ded advantage  over  a  federal  monarchy,  such  as  Austria  then  was. 

Although  the  preponderance  in  the  scale  of  Europe  acquired  by 
these  powers,  was  in  no  respect  connected  with  their  peculiar  reli- 
gion, it  had  of  necessity  a  considerable  effect  upon  the  affairs  of  the 
church. 

In  the  first  place,  because  religions  creeds  shared  in  the  prosperity 
and  power  of  the  several  states  by  which  they  were  professed. 
Russia,  for  example,  without  the  smallest  regard  to  the  inclinations 
of  the  people,  placed  Greek  bishops  in  the  united  provinces  of 
Poland;*  the  revolt  of  Prussia  generally  reawakened  in  the  Ger- 
man protestants  a  feeling  of  independence  and  strength  such  as  they 
had  long  been  strangers  to;  while  the  absolute  dominion  of  the  seas 
acquired  by  protestant  England,  eclipsed  and  paralysed  those  catho- 
lic missions  which  had  formerly  been  sustained  by  political  influ- 
ences. 

Nor  was  this  all.  In  the  former  half  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
when  England  was  bound  to  the  policy  of  France,  when  Russia 
was  almost  entirely  severed  from  the  rest  of  Europe,  and  the  power 
of  the  house  of  Brandenburg  was  in  its  infancy,  the  catholic  powers, 
France,  Spain,  Austria  and  Poland,  even  in  their  discord,  ruled  the 
European  world.  The  consciousness  how  utterly  tiiis  was  changed, 
must,  we  should  think,  gradually  find  its  way  into  the  minds  of  that 
party;  the  confidence  inspired  by  a  politico-religious  position  re- 
strained by  no  rival  or  superior,  must  vanish.  The  pope  was  now 
fully  aware  that  he  no  longer  stood  at  the  head  of  the  powers  which 
swayed  the  destinies  of  Europe. 

Lastly,  would  not  the  thought  necessarily  suggest  itself,  whence 
arose  this  change?  Every  defeat,  every  loss,  produces  a  revolution 
in  the  breast  of  the  conquered  who  does  not  utterly  despair  of  him- 
self; it  stimulates  him  to  imitation  of  his  triumphant  antagonist. 
The  strictly  monarchical,  military  and  commercial  spirit  of  the  anti- 
catholic  party  now  insinuated  itself  into  the  catholic  states;  and  as 
it  was  impossible  to  deny  that  the  adversity  which  had  fallen  upon 
them  was  connected  with  their  spiritual  constitution,  the  movement 
of  the  public  mind  was  now  turned  in  that  direction. 

It  there  encountered  other  mighty  agitations  which  in  the  mean 
time  had  broken  out  on  the  field  of  faith  and  opinion,  in  the  centre 
of  Catholicism  itself. 

The  Jansenist  controversy,  the  origin  of  which  we  have  traced, 
was  renewed  with  redoubled  violence  from  the  beginning  of  the 
cighteiMith  century.  It  originated  in  the  highest  places.  The  king's 
confessor,  who  was  generally  a  Jesuit,,  and  the  archbishop  of  Paris, 
used  to  exercise  the  greatest  influence  in  the  supreme  ecclesiastical 
council  of  France,  whence  La  Chaise  and  tlarlai,  who  were  closely 
united,  had  directed  the  measures  hostile  to  the  papacy.     Their 

*  Rulhiere,  Histoire  de  I'anarche  de  Pologne,  i,  181. 


232  ALTERED  STATE  OP  EUROPE.  [BOOK  VIII. 

successors,  Le  Tellier  and  Noailles  were  not  on  so  good  an  under- 
standing. It  was  very  probably  slight  differences  of  opinion  which 
first  caused  their  disunion — the  stricter  adherence  of  the  one  to  the 
Jesuitical  or  Molinist  ideas,  and  the  tolerant  inclination  of  the  other 
to  Jansenist  views;  gradually,  however,  a  complete  fend  broke  out 
between  them,  and  the  nation  was  divided  by  a  quarrel  originating 
in  the  cabinet  of  the  king.  The  confessor  succeeded  not  only  in 
inaintaing  his  power  and  in  gaining  over  the  king,  but  also  in  mov- 
y  ing  the  pope  to  issue  the  bull  Unigenitus,  in  which  the  Jansenist 
doctrines  of  sin,  grace,  justification,  and  church,  even  in  their  miti- 
gated expression,  and  sometimes  as  they  were  thought  to  be  liter- 
ally found  in  St.  Augustine,  and  in  a  far  larger  extension  than  in 
the  five  propositions  above  mentioned,  were  denounced  as  hereti- 
cal.* It  was  the  final  decision  of  the  old  controversy  agitated  by 
Molina;  after  centuries  of  vacillation,  the  Roman  see  at  length  de- 
clared itself  decidedly  in  favor  of  the  Jesuits. 

By  this  declaration  the  pope  succeeded  in  attaching  the  powerful 
order  which  from  that  time  became  the  most  ardent  defender  of  ul- 
tramontane doctrines  and  of  the  claims  of  the  papacy — a  character 
which,  as  we  have  seen  it  was  far  from  having  maintained  before. 
He  also  succeeded  in  keeping  on  a  good  understanding  with  the 
French  government,  which  had  indeed  provoked  this  decision,  and 
which  soon  bestowed  its  preferment  exclusively  on  those  who  sub- 
mitted to  the  bnll.  But  at  the  same  time  the  most  powerful  opposi- 
tion arose  on  the  other  side;  from  the  learned,  who  adhered  to  St. 
Augustine;  from  the  monastic  orders,  which  were  followers  of 
Thomas  Aquinas;  from  the  parliaments,  which  beheld  in  every 
new  act  of  the  court  of  Rome  a  violation  of  the  Galilean  rights. — 
The  Jansenists  now  at  length  seriously  entered  the  list  for  these 
liberties,  and  they  not  only  broached,  with  advancing  audacity, 
doctrines  concerning  the  church  which  ran  directly  counter  to  those 
of  Rome,  but,  under  the  protection  of  a  protestant  government,  they 
instantly  set  about  applying  their  principles;  an  archiepiscopal 
church  arose  in  Utrecht,  generally  adhering  to  Catholicism,  but 
maintaining  complete  independence  of  Rome,  and  carrying  inces- 
sant war  on  the  Jesuitical  ultramontane  spirit.  It  would  well  requite 
our  labor  to  investigate  the  formation,  diffusion,  and  operation  of 
these  opinions  througiiout  Europe.  In  France  tlie  Jansenists  were 
oppressed,  persecuted,  and  excluded  from  office;  but,  as  usually 
happens,  this  did  no  essential  injury  to  their  cause.  During  these 
very  persociuions  a  large  portion  of  the  public  declared  for  them, 
and  their  influence  would  have  been  far  more  deep  and  stable,  had 

*  The  "  Memoires  secrets  sur  la  buUe  Unigenitus,"  i,  p.  123,  describe  the 
first  impression  it  made.  "  Les  uns  pubUoient  qu'on  y  attaqiiait  de  front  les 
premiers  principes  de  la  foi  et  de  la  morale;  les  autres  qu'on  y  condamnoit  les 
sentimens  et  les  expressions  des  saints  peres;  d'autres  qu'on  y  enlevoit  a  la  cha- 
rite  sa  preeminence  et  sa  force;  d'autres  qn'on  leur  arrachoit  des  mains  le  pain 
celeste  des  ecritures:  les  nouveaux  rcunis  a  I'eglise  se  disoient  trompes,"  &c.  &c. 


§  XVIII.]  INTERNAL  AGITATIONS.  233 

they  not  brought  even  their  more  rational  doctrines  into  discredit 
by  extravagance  and  creduhty.  But  at  all  events,  they  made  such 
approaches  to  a  purer  system  of  morals  and  to  a  profounder  faith, 
as  secured  for  them  universal  respect  and  attention.  We  find  traces 
of  them  in  Vienna  and  in  Brussels,  in  Spain  and  in  Portugal,*  and 
throughout  Italy. t  Their  doctrines  pervaded  all  Christendom, 
sometimes  openly,  more  frequently  in  secret. 

This  schism  among  the  clergy  was  undoubtedly  one  cause  which 
opened  the  way  to  the  progress  of  far  more  dangerous  opinions. 

The  kind  of  influence  produced  by  the  exertions  of  Louis  XIV, 
in  the  cause  of  religion,  on  the  mind  of  France,  and  indeed  of  all 
Europe,  is  a  phenomenon  which  deserves  to  be  held  in  eternal 
remembrance.  Louis  XIV  had  employed  the  most  arbitrary  and 
cruel  means — he  had  violated  the  laws  of  God  and  man,  in  order 
to  root  out  protestantism,  and  to  extirpate  every  trace  of  noncon- 
formity within  the  pale  of  the  catholic  church.  His  whole  endeavor 
had  been  to  give  to  his  kingdom  the  character  of  pure  orthodox 
Catholicism.  Scarcely,  however,  had  he  closed  his  eyes,  when  the 
whole  fabric  he  had  labored  to  rear,  crumbled  to  the  ground.  The 
repressed  spirit  broke  out  into  wild  and  uncontrolable  activity. 

It  was  the  very  horror  of  the  proceedings  of  Louis  XIV  which 
generated  opinions  at  open  war,  not  only  with  Catholicism,  but  with 
all  positive  religion  whatsoever.  These  opinions  yearly  acquired 
fresh  internal  strength  and  external  diffusion.  The  kingdoms  of 
southern  Europe  were  founded  on  the  most  intimate  connection 
between  church  and  state.  Here,  in  these  very  kingdoms,  antipathy 
to  church  and  religion  was  organised  into  a  system  infecting  all 
ideas  of  God  and  his  world;  all  social  and  political  principles,  all 
sciences;  and  giving  birth  to  a  literature  of  opposition,  which  took 
captive  the  minds  of  men,  and  bound  them  with  indissoluble  bonds. 

It  is  evident  how  little  harmony  there  was  between  these  ten- 
dencies; the  reforming  spirit  was  essentially  monarchical;  this  was 
far  from  being  the  case  with  the  philosophical,  which  very  soon 
displayed  its  hostility  to  the  state  as  well  as  to  the  church;  while 
the  Jansenists  clung  to  convictions  which  were  equally  indifferent, 
if  not  odious,  to  the  one  party  as  to  the  other;  yet  they  conspired 
to  produce  a  common  result.  They  generated  that  spirit  of  inno- 
vation, whose  grasp  is  the  wider  the  less  distinct  is  its  object,  and 
the  more  boundless  the  claims  it  asserts  on  the  future;  and  which 
daily  imbibes  fresh  strength  from  the  abuses  of  existing  institutions. 
This  spirit  now  took  possession  of  the  catholic  church.     It  generally 

*  In  Llorente,  Histoire  de  I'Inquisition,  iii,  93  to  97,  we  find  how  much  em- 

floyment,  real  or  supposed,  Jansenists  furnished  to  the  inquisition  under  Charles 
II  and  Charles  IV. 
f  E.  g.  in  Naples  very  early;  even  in  1715  it  was  believed  that  one  half  of 
those  who  were  at  all  reflecting  people  were  Jansenists.     Keyssler  Reisen,  p. 
780. 

VOL.  II.  —  21 


234  SUPPRESSION  [book  viir. 

originated,  consciously  or  unconsciously,  in  what  is  called  the  phi- 
losophy of  the  eighteenth  century. 

The  Jansenist  theories  gave  it  form  and  substance,  while  the 
necessities  which  pressed  upon  the  people,  and  the  emergency  of 
the  moment,  set  it  in  activity.  In  every  country  and  at  every  court 
two  parties  arose,  of  which  the  one  made  war  on  the  curia,  on  the 
established  constitution,  and  the  established  creed;  the  other  strove 
to  maintain  things  as  they  were,  and  to  uphold  the  prerogatives  of 
the  universal  church. 

The  latter  was  more  particularly  represented  by  the  Jesuits,  whose 
order  appeared  the  main  bulwark  of  ultramontane  principles. 

Against  this,  therefore,  the  whole  fury  of  the  storm  was  first 
directed. 


The  Jesuits  were  still  very  powerful  in  the  eighteenth  century; 
still,  as  in  former  times,  chietly  because  they  were  the  confessors  of 
kings  and  nobles,  and  the  instructors  of  youth;  their  enterprises, 
whether  religious  (though  these  were  no  longer  pursued  with  their 
former  energy)  or  commercial,  still  embraced  the  world.  They  now 
adhered  with  unshaken  firmness  to  the  doctrines  of  ecclesiastical  ■ 
orthodoxy  and  subordination;  whatever  was  in  any  way  at  vari- 
ance with  these,  whether  positive  infidelity,  Jansenist  opinions,  or 
theories  of  reform — all  fell  under  common  sentence  of  condemnation. 

The  first  attack  made  on  them  was  in  the  domain  of  thought  and 
of  literature.  It  is  not  to  be  denied,  that  to  the  multitude  and  vigor 
of  their  assailing  foes,  they  opposed  rather  stubborn  tenacity  of 
opinions  once  espoused,  indirect  influence  on  the  great,  and  ana- 
thema of  all  who  opposed  them,  than  any  fair  and  genuine  intel- 
lectual weapons.  It  is  hardly  credible  that  neither  they  themselves, 
nor  any  of  their  adherents,  produced  a  single  original  and  effective 
book  in  their  defence,  whilst  the  works  of  their  antagonists  inundated 
the  world,  and  determined  the  cast  of  public  opinion. 

But  after  they  were  once  defeated  on  the  field  of  doctrine,  of 
science,  and  of  intellect,  they  could  not  long  retain  possession  of 
power. 

In  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  it  happened,  that  during 
the  contest  of  these  two  tendencies,  refornnng  nnnisters  were  placed 
at  the  helm  in  almost  all  tlie  catholic  states;  in  France,  Choiseul,* 
in  Spain,  Wall  and  Squillace,  in  Naples,  Tanucci,iu  Portugal,  Car- 
valho;  all  men  who  had  made  it  the  main  thought  and  object  of 

*  In  the  Appendix  to  the  memoirs  of  M"«  du  Hausset  there  is  an  essay,  "  De 
la  destruction  des  Jesuites  en  France,"  in  which  Choiseul's  hatred  to  the  Jesuits 
is  ascribed  to  the  circumstance  of  the  general  of  the  order  having-  given  him  to 
understand  at  Rome,  that  lie  knew  what  had  been  said  at  a  supper  at  Paris. 
This  is  a  story  which  has  been  repeated  in  many  different  ways,  but  which  has 
very  little  probability.     The  causes  no  doubt  lav  much  <^p'^^  - 


§  XVIII.]  OF  THE  JESUITS.  235 

their  life  to  limit  the  pretensions  of  the  church.  In  them  the  eccle- 
siastical opposition  acquired  representatives  and  champions;  their 
individual  position  rested  upon  it,  and  open  war  was  the  more  ine- 
vitable, since  they  found  the  Jesuits  constantly  laboring  to  obstruct 
their  designs  by  personal  counteraction,  and  by  personal  influence 
over  the  highest  classes  of  society. 

The  first  idea  which  suggested  itself  did  not  go  the  length  of  an 
entire  abolition  of  the  order:  it  went  no  further  than  to  remove 
them  from  the  courts  of  Europe,  and  to  strip  them  of  their  in- 
fluence, and,  if  possible,  of  their  wealth.  It  was  thought  prac- 
ticable to  make  the  court  of  Rome  subservient  to  that  end.  The 
schism  which  divided  the  catholic  world,  had  in  a  certain  sense 
extended  even  hither;  there  was  a  strict,  and  a  moderate  party. 
Benedict  XIV,  who  was  the  representative  of  the  latter,  had  long 
been  dissatisfied  with  the  Jesuits,  whose  conduct  in  the  missions  he 
had  often  loudly  condemned.* 

After  Carvalho,  in  the  strife  of  factions  which  divided  the  Portu- 
guese court,  had  remained  lord  and  master  of  the  powers  of  the 
state  and  of  the  will  of  the  king,  in  defiance  of  the  Jesuits  who 
labored  at  his  overthrow,  he  demanded  of  the  pope  a  reform  of  that 
order,  t  He  naturally  placed  in  the  most  prominent  light  the  side 
most  obnoxious  to  blame — the  mercantile  spirit  of  the  society, 
which  indeed  opposed  very  troublesome  obstacles  to  his  com- 
mercial schemes.  The  pope  entered  on  the  subject  without  scru- 
ple. The  busy  worldly  occupations  of  the  order  were  an  abomi- 
nation to  him.  At  the  suggestion  of  Carvalho,  he  charged  cardinal 
Saldanha,  a  Portuguese  and  a  friend  of  the  minister,  with  the  visi- 
tation of  the  order.  In  a  short  time  a  decree  of  the  visitor  appeared, 
in  which  the  Jesuits  were  earnestly  admonished  to  relinquish  their 
commercial  pursuits,  and  the  royal  authorities  were  empowered  to 
seize  all  goods  belonging  to  those  ecclesiastics. 

Already  had  an  attack  been  made  on  the  society  in  France  on 
similar  grounds.  The  bankruptcy  of  a  mercantile  house  connected 
with  father  Lavallette,  in  Martinique,  which  occasioned  a  multi- 
tude of  other  failures,  induced  the  sufferers  to  bring  their  complaint 
before  a  court  of  justice,  which  entered  into  the  affair  with  zeal.J 

Had  Benedict  XIV  lived  longer,  it  may  be  assumed,  that  though 
he  would  not  indeed  have  annihilated  the  order,  he  would  have 
gradually  reduced  it  to  subordination  by  a  searching  and  radical 
reform. 

But  at  this  moment  he  expired,  and  a  man  of  contrary  opinions 

*  This  occurred  while  he  was  only  bishop  Lambertini.  Memoires  du  pere 
Norbert,  ii,  20. 

f  This  contest  of  factions  is  most  vividly  described  on  the  Jesuit  side,  in  a 
history  of  the  Jesuits  in  Portugal,  translated  by  Murr  from  an  Italian  manu- 
script. 

:f  Vie  privee  de  Louis  XV,  iv,  p.  88. 


236  SUPPRESSION  [book  VIII. 

and  sentiments,  Clement  XIII,  quitted  the  conclave  as  pope  (6th 
July,  1758). 

Clement  was  a  man  of  pure  soul  and  pure  intentions;  he  prayed 
much  and  fervently;  his  highest  ambition  was,  to  obtain  the  honors 
of  canonization;  but  he  likewise  entertained  the  opinion  that  all 
the  claims  of  the  papacy  were  sacred  and  inviolable;  he  deeply 
lamented  that  any  had  been  abandoned,  and  was  resolved  to  make 
no  concessions;  he  was  even  firmly  persuaded  that  by  unshaken 
perseverance  everything  could  be  obtained,  and  the  obscured  glory 
of  Rome  restored.*  He  beheld  in  the  Jesuits  the  most  faithful  cham- 
pions of  the  papacy  and  of  religion;  he  approved  them,  such  as  they 
were,  nor  did  he  think  they  stood  in  need  of  any  reform.  In  all 
these  sentiments  he  was  strengthened  by  his  immediate  attendants, 
who  shared  his  devotions.  But  affairs  were  in  such  a  state,  that 
the  only  result  of  his  exertions  was,  to  render  the  attacks  upon  the 
Jesuits  more  violent,  and  at  the  same  time  to  call  them  down  on 
the  holy  see  itself. 

The  Jesuits  of  Portugal  were  involved  (it  is  impossible  to  say 
whether  justly  or  not)  in  an  accusation  of  an  attempt  on  the  king's 
life.t  Blow  after  blow  fell  upon  them  with  crushing  force,  and  at 
length  they  were  banished  with  merciless  severity,  and  transported 
to  the  coasts  of  the  Roman  states. 

In  France,  meanwhile,  they  had  fallen,  in  consequence  of  the 
lawsuit  abovementioned,  into  the  power  of  the  parliaments,  by 
whom  they  had  always  been  detested.  The  business  was  conducted 
with  the  greatest  publicity  and  clamor,  and  the  whole  order  was  at 
length  sentenced  to  acquit  all  Lavallette's  obligations.  Nor  did  their 
enemies  rest  here.  The  unlimited  power  of  their  general,  which 
was  not  compatible  with  the  laws  of  the  country,  was  once  more 
imputed  to  the  Jesuits  as  a  crime,  and  the  legality  of  their  existence 
generally  was  called  into  question. 

Louis  XV  would  fain  have  saved  the  order,  not  with  any  view 
to  its  destruction,  but  on  the  contrary,  to  give  it  all  the  protection 

*  Sammlung  der  merkwurdigsten  Schriften  die  Aufhebung  der  Jesuiten  betref- 
fend,  1773,  i,  p.  211.  How  strongly  public  opinion  was  opposed  to  it,  may  be 
seen  in  Winkelman's  letters. 

f  In  the  sentence  pronounced  on  the  12th  of  January,  1759,  it  is  chiefly  cer- 
tain "  legal  presumptions"  which  are  insisted  on  against  "  the  corrupt  members 
of  the  company  of  Jesus."  The  principal  are:  their  ambition  to  gain  possession 
of  the  reins  of  government  (§  25);  their  arrogance  before  the  undertaking,  and 
their  depression  after  its  miscarriage  (§  2G);  lastly,  and  certainly  as  the  most 
serious  offence,  their  close  connection  with  the  leading  delinquent  Mascarenhas, 
with  whom  they  had  previously  quarrelled.  Father  Costa  is  said  to  have  de- 
clared that,  in  committing  regicide,  "a  man  would  not  beofuiltyof  even  a  venial 
sin"  (§  4).  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  to  be  remarked,  that  the  confessions  on 
which  these  accusations  are  grounded,  were  extorted  by  the  rack,  and  that  the 
documents  relating  to  the  trial  are  full  of  informalities  and  marks  of  precipita- 
tion. Legally,  the  sentence  can  never  be  justified.  Compare  Von  Olfers  upon 
the  attempt  to  assassinate  the  king  of  Portugal,  Sept.  3,  1758.     Berlin,  1839. 


§  XVIII.]  OF  THE  JESUITS.  237 

possible;  and  only  because  the  public  voice,  the  sentence  of  the 
courts  of  justice,  and  the  majority  of  his  council  compelled  him  to 
do  so,  he  proposed  to  the  general  to  appoint  a  vicar  in  France.* 

If  a  man  like  Aquaviva  had  been  at  their  head,  there  is  no  doubt 
that  even  at  this  moment  some  expedient,  some  conciliatory  course, 
would  have  been  devised.  But  the  company  had  now  a  most 
inflexible  chief,  Lorenzo  Ricci,  who  felt  nothing  but  the  injustice  it 
sustained.  He  replied,  that  so  material  a  change  of  the  constitu- 
tion was  not  within  his  power.  An  appeal  was  made  to  the  pope: 
Clement  XIII  replied,  that  this  constitution  had  been  too  distinctly 
sanctioned  by  the  holy  council  of  Trent,  and  by  numerous  decrees 
of  his  predecessors,  for  him  to  alter  it.t  They  rejected  every  kind 
of  modification.  Ricci's  whole  mind  was  expressed  in  the  words, 
"  sint  ut  sunt,  aut  non  sint." 

And  accordingly  they  ceased  to  be.  On  the  6th  of  August, 
1762,  the  parliament  of  Paris  decreed  the  suppression  of  the  Je- 
suits in  France.  It  is  true  the  pope  in  consistory  declared  this 
decree  null  and  void;."}:  but  things  had  already  got  to  such  a  pass, 
that  he  did  not  dare  to  publish  the  allocution  in  which  the  sentence 
was  contained. 

The  movement  now  spread  with  resistless  progress  through  all 
the  countries  under  Bourbon  sway.  Charless  III  of  Spain  was 
prevailed  on  to  believe  that  the  Jesuits  had  a  plot  for  placing  his 
brother  Don  Louis  on  the  throne  in  his  stead.§  Hereupon,  with 
that  resolute  self-possession  which  distinguished  his  whole  charac- 
ter and  conduct,  he  caused  every  thing  to  be  prepared  in  secresy 
and  silence,  and  in  one  and  the  same  day  every  establishment  be- 
longing to  the  Jesuits  in  Spain  was  closed — an  example  which  was 
immediately  followed  in  Naples  and  Parma. 

Vain  were  all  the  pope's  admonitions,  prayers,  and  adjurations. 
At  length  he  tried  another  expedient.  The  Duke  of  Parma  went 
so  far  as  to  forbid  all  recourse  to  the  tribunals  of  Rome,  as  well  as 
all  grants  of  the  benefices  of  the  duchy  to  foreigners;  upon  this  the 

*  Letter  from  Praslin,  16  Jan.,  1762,  Flassan  Histoire  de  la  Diplomatie 
Frangoise,  vi,  498.     The  whole  account  Is  very  instructive. 

-f-  Wolf,  Geschichte  der  Jesuiten,  iii,  365.  This  book  is  only  useful  as  re- 
gards the  abolition  of  the  order. 

if.  "Potestatem  ipsam  Jesu  Christi  in  terris  vicario  ejus  unice  tributam  sibi 
temere  arrogantes  totius  societatis  compagem  in  Gallico  regno  dissolvunt,"  &c. 
&c.     This  act  is  in  Daunou,  Essai  ii,  207. 

§  Letter  from  the  French  Ambassador  which  was  inserted  in  Lebret's  His- 
tory of  the  Bull  "In  ccena  Domini,"  iv,  205,  taken  from  the  Italian  work  Delle 
cagioni  dell'  espulsione  de  Gesuiti.  A  Relatione  al  conte  di  Firmian,  1767, 
Apr.  7,  (MS.  in  the  Brera)  asserts  that  the  Jesuits  had  some  expectation  of 
what  impended  over  them:  "  Non  fu  senza  forte  motivo  che  poco  prima  di  detta 
espulsione  dimandarono  al  re  la  confirma  de'  loro  privilege  e  del  loro  instituto, 
il  che  solamente  in  oggi  si  e  saputo."  They  had  concealed  their  money  and 
their  papers.  But  the  advantage  to  the  crown  appeared  to  Charles  III  so  great, 
that  after  the  affair  had  been  accomplished,  he  exclaimed,  that  he  had  conquered 
a  new  world. 

21* 


238  SUPPRESSION  [book  VIII. 

pope  took  courage  to  issue  a  monitorium,  in  which  he  threatened 
the  duke,  his  vassal,  with  ecclesiastical  censures;*  thus  once  more 
attempting  to  defend  himself  by  retaliatory  measures.  But  the 
experiment  was  attended  with  the  worst  results;  the  duke  repUed 
in  a  tone  which  in  former  ages  the  mightiest  monarch  would  not 
have  dared  to  assume;  the  Bourbons  all  took  his  part,  and  Avignon, 
Benevento,  and  Pontecorvo  were  invested  by  their  troops.  The 
hostility  of  the  Bourbon  courts  did  not  stop  here;  from  the  perse- 
cution of  the  Jesuits,  they  proceeded  immediately  to  aggressions  on 
the  see  of  Rome. 

To  whom  could  the  pope  now  have  recourse?  AH  the  Italian 
states,  Genoa,  Modena,  and  Venice  took  part  against  him.  He 
turned  his  eyes  once  more  to  Austria.  He  wrote  to  the  empress, 
Maria  Theresa,  that  she  was  his  only  consolation  on  earth;  he 
trusted  she  would  not  suffer  his  old  age  to  be  oppressed  by  violent 
men. 

The  empress  answered,  as  Urban  VHI  had  once  answered  the 
emperor  Ferdinand,  that  it  was  an  affair  of  state  and  not  of  religion, 
and  that  she  had  no  right  to  intermeddle  in  it. 

Clement's  spirit  was  broken.  At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1769 
appeared  the  ambassadors  of  the  Bourbon  courts  one  after  another; 
first  the  Neapolitan,  then  the  Spanish,  and  lastly  the  French,  to 
demand  the  final  abolition  of  the  entire  order  of  Jesus.t  The  pope 
summoned  a  consistory  for  the  3d  of  February,  in  v/bich  he  seemed 
resolved  at  least  to  take  the  matter  into  consideration.  But  he  was 
not  destined  to  undergo  so  profound  a  humiliation.  On  the  even- 
ing before,  he  was  seized  by  a  convulsion  and  expired. 

The  attitude  of  the  courts  was  too  threatening,  and  their  influ- 
ence too  powerful,  not  to  give  them  an  ascendency  in  the  conclave 
that  now  assembled,  and  to  secure  the  triple  crown  to  a  man  suited 
to  their  purposes. 

Of  all  the  cardinals,  Lorenzo  Ganganelli  was  without  question 
the  mildest  and  most  moderate.  In  his  youth  his  tutor  said  of  him, 
"  that  it  was  no  wonder  he  loved  music,  for  that  all  was  harmony 
within  him."t     He  grew  up  in  innocent  intercourse  with  a  small 

*  Botta  Storia  d'ltalia,  torn,  xiv,  p.  147. 

I  Continuazione  degli  annali  d'ltalia  di  Muratori,  xiv,  1,  p.  197. 

%  Aneddoti  riguardanti  la  famiglia  e  1'  opere  di  Clemente  XIV  in  the  Lettere  ed 
altre  opere  di  Ganganelli,'Firenze,  1829.  As  far  as  regards  these  works  and  let- 
ters themselves,  they  may  perhaps  be  interpolated;  but  1  believe  them  to  be  chiefly 
authentic,  1  st,  because  the  defence  of  them  in  the  Ringratiamento  dell'  editore  all' 
autor  dell'  anno  literario,  is  on  the  whole  natural  and  satisfactory,  although  an  un- 
justifiable use  had  been  made  of  them  before  their  publication;  2d,  because  credible 
witnesses,  such  as  cardinal  Bernis,  assure  us  they  saw  the  originals;  the  real  col- 
lector Avas  the  Florentine  litterateur  Lami;  according  to  a  letter  from  the  Abbe 
Bellegarde  in  Potter's  Vie  de  Ricci,  i,  p.  328,  those  who  possessed  the  originals 
and  gave  the  copies  testified  to  their  authenticity;  3d,  because  they  bear  the 
stamp  of  an  originality,  a  peculiar  turn  of  thought,  unchanged  under  all  the  cir- 
cumstances of  life,  such  as  no  one  could  have  invented  or  forged.    There  is  a 


§  XVIII.]  OP  THE  JESUITS.  239 

circle  of  friends,  combined  with  retirement  from  the  world,  and 
solitary  study,  which  led  him  deeper  and  deeper  into  the  sublime 
mysteries  of  true  theology.  In  like  manner  as  he  turned  from 
Aristotle  to  Plato,  in  whom  he  found  more  full  satisfaction  of  soul, 
so  he  quitted  the  schoolmen  for  the  fathers,  and  them  again  for  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  which  he  studied  with  all  the  devout  fervor  of  a 
mind  convinced  of  the  revelation  of  the  Word.  From  this  well- 
spring  he  drank  in  that  pure  and  calm  enthusiasm  which  sees  God 
in  everything,  and  devotes  itself  to  the  service  of  man.  His  reli- 
gion was  not  zeal,  persecution,  lust  of  dominion,  polemical  vehe- 
mence, but  peace,  charity,  lowliness  of  mind  and  inward  harmony. 
The  incessant  bickerings  of  the  holy  see  with  the  catholic  states, 
which  shook  the  foundations  of  the  church,  were  utterly  odious  to 
him.  His  moderation  was  not  weakness  or  a  mere  bending  to 
necessity,  but  spontaneous  benevolence  and  native  graciousness  of 
temper. 

A  tone  of  opinion  was  generated  in  the  very  bosom  of  religion, 
which  however  different  in  its  origin  from  the  worldly  spirit  of 
courts,  yet  tended  to  corroborate  its  effects. 

Ganganelli  obtained  his  election  mainly  through  the  influence  of 
the  Bourbons,  and  more  directly  in  consequence  of  a  proposal  made 
bv  the  Spanish  and  French  cardinals.  He  took  the  name  of  Cle- 
m'ent  XIV. 

The  Roman  curia  was,  as  we  have  mentioned,  divided  like  other 
courts  into  two  parties;  the  "  zelanti,"  who  sought  to  maintain  un- 
impaired all  its  privileges;  and  the  party  of  the  temporal  crowns, 
the  "  regalisti,"  who  believed  the  safety  of  the  church  to  lie  in  pru- 
dent concessions;  this  party  now  rose  to  power,  in  the  person  of 
Ganganelli,  and  the  same  change  which  had  already  taken  place  in 
all  the  royal  courts,  was  now  wrought  in  that  of  Rome. 

Ganganelli's  first  measure  was  to  prohibit  the  reading  of  the 
bull.  In  coena  Domini;  he  likewise  enlarged  the  concessions  which 
Benedict  XIV  had  made  to  the  king  of  Sardinia,  and  which  his 
successors  had  refused  to  recognise  or  to  ratify;  on  the  very  day 
of  his  installation  he  declared  that  he  would  send  a  nuncio  to  Por- 
tugal; he  suspended  the  action  of  the  monitorium  issued  against 
Parma,  and  he  then  applied  himself  most  earnestly  to  the  question 
of  the  Jesuits.  A  commission  of  cardinals  was  appointed,  the  ar- 
chives of  the  propaganda  were  searched,  and  the  arguments  on 
either  side  dispassionately  weighed.  Clement  XIV  was,  it  is  true, 
unfavorably  predisposed  to  their  cause.  He  belonged  to  the  order 
of  the  Franciscans,  which  had  always  been  at  war  with  the  Jesuits, 
especially  in  the  missions;  he  was  also  a  follower  of  the  Angus- 
living  spirit  in  them.  At  all  events  the  letters  cannot  be  the  work  of  Caracciolo. 
We  need  only  read  his  Vie  de  Clement  XIV,  to  see  how  far  inferior  all  his  own 
observations  are  to  those  which  were  uttered  by  Clement  himself.  The  whole 
merit  of  this  work  is  a  mere  reflection  of  the  spirit  of  Ganganelli. 


240  SUPPRESSION  OP  THE  JESUITS.  [BOOK  VIII. 

tinian  and  Thomist  scheme  of  theology,  which  was  utterly  at  vari- 
ance with  that  espoused  by  the  society;  nor  indeed  was  he  entirely 
free  from  Jansenist  opinions.  The  various  points  of  accusation 
which  could  not  be  argued  away,  were  now  brought  forward,  and 
above  all,  the  impossibility  of  restoring  the  peace  of  the  church  in 
any  other  way  than  by  the  suppression  of  the  order.  On  the  21st 
July  1773,  he  pronounced  his  decision: — 

"  Inspired,  as  we  humbly  trust,  by  the  Divine  Spirit,  urged  by 
the  duty  of  restoring  the  unanimity  of  the  church,  convinced  that 
the  Company  of  Jesus  can  no  longer  render  ihose  services,  to  the 
end  of  which  it  was  instituted,  and  moved  by  other  reasons  of  pru- 
dence and  state  policy  which  we  hold  locked  in  our  own  breast,  we 
abolish  and  annul  the  Society  of  Jesus,  their  functions,  houses,  and 
institutions."* 

This  was  a  step  of  infinite  moment: — 

In  the  first  place  as  to  the  relation  of  the  holy  see  to  the  protest- 
ants.  The  institute  was  originally  calculated  for  the  struggle  with 
them,  and  was  fundamentally  adapted  to  that  purpose  (for  even 
its  creed  mainly  rested  on  its  contradiction  to  that  of  Calvin);  and 
this  was  the  character  which  the  Jesuits,  even  at  the  end  of  the 
17th  century,  during  the  persecution  of  the  Huguenots,  revived 
with  fresh  energy.  This  struggle  was,  however,  at 'an  end,  nor 
could  it  longer  have  afforded  any  material  inducements  to  wilful 
self-deception:  in  the  great  political  relations  of  Europe  the  anti- 
catholic  countries  possessed  an  incontestable  superiority,  and  the 
endeavor  of  the  catholic  states  was  now  rather  to  make  some  ap- 
proach to  those  powers,  than  to  draw  them  within  the  sphere  of 
their  own  influence.  In  this  change,  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  lies 
the  principal  and  the  deepest  cause  of  the  abolition  of  the  order. 
It  was  an  institution  framed  for  a  state  of  warfare,  and  rendered 
useless  by  peace.  As,  however,  it  would  not  depart  a  hair's 
breadth  from  its  course,  as  it  obstinately  resisted  every  proposition 
of  reform — necessary  as  that  was  on  other  accounts — it  pronounced 
sentence  on  itself.  It  is  a  very  striking  and  important  fact,  that  the 
holy  see  had  not  the  power  to  uphold  a  society  founded  expressly 
to  wage  war  against  protestantism: — that  a  pope  abandoned  their 
cause,  not  on  compulsion,  but  of  his  own  free  motion. 

This  event  produced  the  strongest  effect  in  the  catholic  countries. 
The  animosity  to  the  Jesuits  and  their  overthrow  were  chiefly  attri- 
butable to  their  defence  of  the  supremacy  of  the  see  of  Rome,  in 
the  most  rigorous  acceptation  of  the  word;  but  as  Rome  herself 
now  abandoned  this  pretension,  the  strict  idea  of  supremacy,  and 
its  consequences,  fell  together.  The  efforts  of  the  opposition  were 
crowned  with  complete  and  incontestable  victory.  The  fact  that 
the  society  which  had  made  the  instruction  of  youth  its  especial 
business,  and  which  still  had  so  large  a  portion  of  it  in  its  hands, 

*  Continuazione  degli  Annali,  torn,  xiv,  part  ii,  p.  107. 


§  XIX.J  JOSEPH  II.  241 

should  be  annihilated  at  one  blow,  witliout  any  preparation,  must 
needs  occasion  a  convulsion  of  the  cathohc  world  to  its  very  centre 
— to  that  core  of  society  wherein  new  generations  of  men  are 
formed.*  The  outworks  being  taken,  the  victorious  party  pro- 
ceeded with  greater  ardor  to  the  attack  of  the  fortress.  Tlic  agi- 
tation increased  from  day  to  day,  and  desertion  and  apostacy 
thinned  the  ranks  of  the  church;  and  what  hope  remained? — since 
that  state  whose  existence  and  whose  power  were  most  intimately 
connected  with  the  results  of  the  efforts  of  Catholicism  daring  the 
epoch  of  its  restoration — since  Austria — was  now  infected  with  the 
general  fermentation. 


§  19.    JOSEPH  II. 

The  ruling  idea  of  Joseph  II  was,  to  unite  all  the  powers  of  the 
monarchy,  without  check  or  limitation,  in  his  own  hand;  how  then 
was  it  possible  that  he  should  approve  the  interference  of  Rome, 
or  the  connection  between  his  subjects  and  the  pope?  It  is  perhaps 
matter  of  doubt  whether  he  was  more  surrounded  by  infidels  or  by 
Jansenists;t  but  it  is  indisputable,  that  here,  as  in  the  attack  on  the 
Jesuits,  they  combined  their  forces  to  a  common  end ;  that  they 
urged  and  assisted  the  emperor  in  the  incessant  and  destructive  war 
which  he  waged  against  all  institutions  calculated  to  uphold  the 
external  unity  of  the  church.  Of  more  than  two  thousand  monas- 
teries, he  left  only  about  seven  hundred  in  existence;  none  of  the 
societies  of  nuns,  but  those  which  could  show  their  obvious  and 
practical  usefulness,  found  mercy  at  his  hands;  and  even  those 
which  he  spared,  he  entirely  severed  from  Rome.  He  regarded, 
the  papal  dispensations  as  foreign  commodities,  for  which  he  would 
not  suffer  any  money  to  leave  the  country,  and  he  publicly  declared 
himself  the  administrator  of  all  the  secular  affairs  of  the  church. 

Pius  VI,  the  successor  of  Ganganelli,  quickly  perceived  that  the 
only  means  of  restraining  the  emperor  from  extreme  measures, 
even  perhaps  as  to  doctrine,  lay  in  the  impression  which  he  might 
hope  to  make  on  him  in  a  personal  interview;  accordingly  he  pro- 
ceeded to  Vienna,  and  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  mildness,  noble- 
ness, and  grace  which  characterised  his  whole  appearance  and 
manner,  had  some  influence.  Nevertheless,  Joseph  pursued  his 
main  purpose  without  wavering  or  looking  back.  The  very  con- 
vent where  he  took  solemn  leave  of  the  pope,  immediately  after 
received  notice  of  its  suppression.     Pius  VI  was  obliged  to  consent 

*  Montbarey,  Memoires,  i,  p.  225. 

f  To  this  may  be  ascribed  what  was  believed  by  Van  Swieten.  But  that 
there  existed  a  very  decided  Jansenist  tendency  in  Vienna  may  be  seen  from 
Fessler's  life.  Fessler's  Riikblicke  auf  seine  siebsigjahrige  Pilgerschaft,  pp. 
74,  78,  and  other  passages.     Compare  Schlozer's  Staatsanzeigen,  ix,  33,  p.  113. 


242  FRENCH  REVOLUTION.  [BOOK  VIII. 

to  yield  the  nomination  to  the  episcopal  sees,  even  of  Italy,  to  the 
emperor. 

The  anti-papal  struggles  were  thus  communicated  to  Italy  from 
Austria.  Leopold  himself,  as  far  as  we  can  judge,  imbued  with 
Jansenist  opinions,  reformed  the  church  of  Tuscany  without  any 
reference  to  the  see  of  Rome;  at  so  short  a  distance  from  the  capi- 
tal of  Christendom,  the  synod  of  Pistoja  published  in  its  decrees  a 
complete  manifesto  of  the  union  of  Galilean  and  Jansenist  princi- 
ples. Naples,  which  was  closely  united  with  this  party  by  means 
of  Queen  Caroline,  abolished  the  last  traces  of  feudal  obligation  to 
the  see  of  Rome. 

The  proceedings  of  the  emperor  had  also  an  indirect  operation  on 
the  church  of  Germany.  The  ecclesiastical  electors,  between  whom 
and  Rome  the  strictest  harmony  had  so  long  subsisted,  at  last  be- 
gan to  revolt  from  her  side.  They  united  in  their  own  persons  the 
interests  of  sovereign  princes,  who  desired  to  put  an  end  to  a  drain 
of  the  wealth  of  their  dominions,  and  of  spiritual  dignitaries  who 
sought  to  restore  their  authority.*  According  to  their  declaration 
given  at  Emms,  and  "  written  with  a  pen,^'  says  a  Roman  prelate, 
"  dipped  in  the  gall  of  Paolo  Sarpi,"  the  Roman  primate  was  com- 
pelled in  future  to  content  himself  with  the  rights  which  were 
assigned  him  in  the  first  centuries  of  the  church.t  The  German 
canonists  had  rendered  great  service  by  their  admirable  preparatory 
labors,  and  had  been  aided  by  other  jurists  who  attacked  the  whole 
constitution  of  the  catholic  church  in  Germany,  the  political  power 
and  civil  administration  of  its  hierarchy 4  An  ardent  spirit  of  in- 
novation inflamed  both  the  learned  and  the  lay.  The  lesser  clergy 
and  the  bishops,  the  bishops  and  the  archbishops,  they  again  and 
the  pope,  were  at  variance.  In  short  everything  announced  a  com- 
ing change. 


§  20.    FRENCH    REVOLUTION. 

But  even  before  the  first  steps  towards  it  were  taken,  before 
Joseph  had  accomplished  his  reforms,  the  most  fearful  explosion 
that  ever  convulsed  the  world  broke  out  from  the  depths  of  the  fer- 
menting elements  of  French  society. 

It  is  sufficiently  obvious  that  the  disputes  of  the  clergy  among 
themselves;  the  collision  of  two  hostile  parties  in  all  the  aff'airs  of 

*  Compare  the  Coblentz  article  for  the  year  1769  in  the  journal  Deutsche 
Blatter  fur  Protestanten  und  Katholiken.     Heidelberg,  1839,  part  i,  p.  39. 

f  Bartolommeo  Pacca:  Memorie  Storiche  sul  di  lui  Soggiorno  in  Germania, 
p.  33. 

j;.  E.  g.  Friedrich  Carl,  v.  Moser,  Uber  die  Regierung  der  geistilchen  Staaten 
in  Deutschland,  1787.  His  most  important  position  is  p.  161,  that  "  the  cha- 
racters of  sovereign  prince  and  bishop  should  be  separated." 


§  XX,]  FRENCH  REVOLUTION.  24^ 

religion ;  the  incapacity  of  the  dominant  party  to  maintain  its  ground 
on  the  field  of  thought  and  literature;  the  universal  dislike  which 
it  had,  not  without  reason,  drawn  on  itself,  contributed  to  hasten 
incalculably  the  event  which  has  determined  the  character  and  the 
destiny  of  modern  times — the  French  revolution.  The  spirit  of 
opposition  which  had  arisen  in  the  very  bosom  of  Catholicism, 
divided  against  itself,  had  acquired  more  and  more  strength  and 
stability.  It  gained  ground  step  by  step,  and  in  the  tempests  of  the 
year  1789,  obtained  possession  of  power;  a  power  which  it  deemed 
itself  called  on  to  use  for  the  utter  destruction  of  ancient  institutions 
and  ancient  opinions— for  the  creation  of  a  new  world.  In  the 
luiiversal  overthrow  which  threatened  the  Most  Christian  monar- 
chy, one  of  the  severest  shocks  was  necessarily  that  which  convulsed 
its  spirtual  constitution. 

Every  thing  concurred;  financial  difficulties,  particular  interests, 
(as  for  example  those  of  municipal  bodies,)  indifference  or  hatred 
towards  the  established  religion:  and,  to  crown  all,  the  proposal 
was  made  by  a  member  of  the  higher  clergy  itself,  to  recognise  the 
right  of  the  nation,  that  is  of  the  temporal  power — and  specially  of 
the  national  assembly — to  legislate  concerning  church  lands. 
Hitherto  these  lands  had  been  regarded  as  the  property  not  only  of 
the  French,  but  at  the  same  time  of  the  universal  church,  and  the 
consent  of  the  pope  had  been  indispensable  to  any  alienation  of 
them.  But  how  remote  were  the  times  and  the  ideas  which  had 
given  birth  to  such  a  view  of  the  subject!  After  a  short  debate,  the 
assembly  asserted  its  own  right  to  dispose  of  the  estates  of  the 
church,  that  is,  to  alienate  them,  and  with  still  more  absolute  and 
unconditional  authority  than  was  contemplated  in  the  first  proposi- 
tion. But  it  could  not  possibly  stop  here.  As  the  appropriation  of 
the  lands,  which  was  not  for  a  moment  delayed,  rendered  impossible 
the  farther  subsistence  of  the  existing  order  of  things,  it  became 
necessary  to  proceed  forthwith  to  a  new  arrangement,  such  as  that 
effected  in  the  civil  constitution  of  the  clergy.  The  principles  of 
the  revoliUionised  state  were  carried  into  the  affairs  of  the  church;* 
popular  election  was  substituted  for  the  installation  commanded  by 
the  concordat,  and  salaries  from  government  for  the  independence 
secured  by  endowments  in  land;  all  dioceses  were  altered,  orders 
suppressed,  vows  dissolved,  the  connection  with  Rome  broken,  nay 
the  receipt  of  a  brief  was  now  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  heinous 
crimes.  The  attempt  of  a  carthusian  monk  to  uphold  the  doctrine 
of  the  sole  and  absolute  dominion  of  the  catholic  religion  had  no 
other  effect  than  to  precipitate  resolutions  fatal  to  its  power.  The 
whole  body  of  the  clergy  was  commanded  to  bind  itself  to  the  new 
order  of  things  by  solemn  oaths. 

*  Quite  systematically,  according  to  the  doctrine  of  the  ancient  historians  of 
the  church;  "Tota  ecclesiarum  distributio  ad  formam  imperii  facta  est.  Camus; 
Opinion  sur  le  projet  de  constitution  du  clerge  31  Mai  1790." 


244  FRENCH  REVOLUTION.  [BOOK  VIII. 

It  is  not  to  be  denied  that  these  events  were  brought  about  with 
the  co-operationof  the  French  Jansenists,  and  with  the  approbation 
of  those  of  other  countries.  They  saw  with  pleasure  that  the  power 
of  Babel,  as  they  in  their  hatred  called  the  Roman  curia,  had  re- 
ceived so  tremendous  a  blow,  that  the  clergy  from  whom  they  had 
experienced  such  fierce  persecution,  was  overthrown.  It  was  also 
in  accordance  with  their  theoretical  convictions,  for  they  maintained 
that  "  by  stripping  a  priesthood  of  their  wealth,  you  compel  them 
to  win  consideration  by  real  merit.  * 

The  court  of  Rome  still  for  a  moment  flattered  itself  that  this 
movement  would  be  checked  by  an  internal  reaction,  with  which 
the  pope  used  every  effort  to  co-operate.  He  rejected  the  new 
constitution,  condemned  the  bishops  who  had  sworn  to  it,  endea- 
vored to  encourage  the  still  numerous  party  who  resisted  it  by  ex- 
hortation and  praise;  and  at  length  pronounced  sentence  of  excom- 
munication on  the  most  influential  and  distinguished  members  of  the 
constitutional  clergy. 

But  his  efforts  were  vain;  the  revolutionary  spirit  triumphed, and 
the  civil  war,  which  had  been  in  a  great  degree  kindled  by  reli- 
gious heats,  secured  the  advantage  to  the  side  of  innovation.  Happy 
had  it  been  for  the  pope  had  matters  rested  there;  had  France  torn 
from  him  nothing  save  herself. 

But  meantime  the  general  war  had  broken  out,  which  was  des- 
tined to  convulse  Europe  to  its  very  foundations. 

With  that  resistless  fury,  made  up  of  enthusiasm,  rapacity,  and 
terror,  which  had  been  engendered  in  intestine  strife,  the  revolu- 
tionary torrent  burst  the  bounds  of  the  French  dominions,  and 
overflowed  Europe.  Wherever  it  spread — in  Belgium,  Holland, 
the  Rhenish  provinces  of  Germany,  (the  chief  seat  of  the  ecclesias- 
tical form  of  government,)  it  brought  with  it  analogous  changes; 
the  campaign  of  1796  subdued  Italy  to  its  power:  revolutionary 
states  arose  on  every  side,  and  the  pope  was  threatened  in  his  own 
territory,  and  even  in  his  own  capital. t 

Though  he  had  thrown  into  the  scale  of  the  coalition  the  weight 
of  his  spiritual  authority,  he  had  aff'orded  them  no  active  co-opera- 
tion. But  he  vainly  insisted  on  his  neutrality.  His  territories  were 
overrun,  and  his  subjects  incited  to  revolt.  Contributions  which 
it  was  inspossible  for  him  to  raise,  and  concessions  such  as  were 
never  demanded  of  any  of  his  predecessors,  were  extorted  from 
him.J     Nor  was  this  all.     The  pope  was  not  an  enemy  like  any 

*  Letters  from  Gianni  and  some  other  Abbes;  Potter  Vie  de  Ricci,  ii,  p.  315. 
"Wolf,  Geschichte  der  Katholischen  Kirche  unter  Pius  VI,  vol.  vii,  p.  32,  con- 
tains a  chapter  on  the  influence  of  the  Jansenists  in  the  formation  of  the  new 
constitution;  it  is,  however,  exceedingly  imperfect. 

f  Authentischu  Geschichte  des  Franzozischen  Revolutionskrieges  in  Italien 
1797.  The  pope  declared  that  religion  forbade  their  offering  any  opposition 
that  might  lead  to  bloodshed. 

:{:  In  the  Memoires  Historiques  et  Philosophiques  sur  Pie  VI,  et  son  Ponti- 


§  XXI.]  THE  TIMES  OF  NAPOLEON.  245 

Other.  Even  during  the  war,  he  had  taken  courage  to  reprobate 
the  Jansenist  Gallican  doctrines  of  the  synod  of  Pistojo,  by  the  bull, 
"  Auctorem  fidei."  The  unyielding  attitude  he  hacl  assumed,  and 
the  condemnatory  briefs  he  had  issued,  still  had  a  great  effect  on 
the  interior  of  France;  the  French  now  demanded  the  retraction 
of  these,  and  the  recognition  of  the  civil  constitution  of  the  country, 
as  the  price  of  peace. 

But  nothing  could  move  Pius  VI  to  these  concessions.  It  would 
have  seemed  to  him  apostacy  from  the  very  groundwork  of  the 
faith,  treason  to  his  high  office,  to  give  way  on  such  points.* 

He  replied  to  these  demands,  "that  after  imploring  help  of  God, 
and  inspired,  as  he  believed,  by  the  Divine  Spirit,  he  declined  ac- 
ceding to  these  terms." 

For  a  moment  the  revolutionary  authorities  seemed  to  acquiesce; 
— an  accommodation  was  devised  without  these  concessions — but 
it  was  only  for  a  moment.  They  advanced  from  the  intention  of 
breaking  with  the  pope,  to  the  idea  of  entirely  crushing  him.  The 
dh'ectory  found  the  government  of  priests  in  Italy  incompatible 
with  its  own.  At  the  first  opportunity  (which  was  aflbrded  by  an 
accidental  popular  tumult,)  Rome  was  invaded  and  the  Vatican  in- 
vested. Pius  VI  prayed  his  enemies,  to  let  him,  an  old  man  of 
eighty,  die  there,  where  he  had  lived.  They  replied  that  he  could 
die  any  where;  they  stripped  and  plundered  his  sitting-room  be- 
fore his  eyes;  they  deprived  him  even  of  the  smallest  things  need- 
ful to  his  comfort;  they  pulled  the  ring  from  his  finger;  and  at 
length  carried  him  off  to  France,  where  he  died  in  August,  1799. 

In  fact,  it  seemed  as  if  the  papal  power  was  now  for  ever  at  an 
end.  The  spirit  of  hostility  to  the  church,  the  rise  and  progress  of 
which  we  have  watched,  seemed  now  to  have  acquired  sufficient 
strength  to  encourage  it  to  aim  at  no  less  a  result. 


§  21.    THE  TIMES   OF    NAPOLEON. 

Events  however  occurred  which  prevented  the  fulfilment  of  such 
expectations. 

The  papacy  was  more  especially  indebted  to  the  enmity  which 
it  experienced  from  the  revolutionary  powers,  for  the  protection 
aff'orded  to  it  by  the  other  European  states — whatever  might  have 
otherwise  been  their  dispositions  towards  it.  The  death  of  Pius 
VI  took  place  precisely  at  a  moment  when  the  allies  were  again 

ficat,  tome  ii,  the  losses  of  the  Roman  State  are  reckoned  at  220  millions  of 
livres. 

*  Memoria  diretta  al  Principi  delta  Pace;  Tavanti:  Fasti  di  Pio  VI,  torn,  iii, 
p.  335:  "  S.  Santita  rimase  stordita,  veggendo  che  si  cercava  di  traviare  la  sua 
conscienza  per  dare  un  colpo  il  piu  funesto  alia  religione." 
VOL.  II. — 22 


246  THE  TIMES  OF  NAPOLEON.  [BOOK  VIII. 

victorious.  This  rendered  it  possible  for  the  cardinals  to  assemble 
in  S.  Giorgio  at  Venice,  and  to  proceed  in  their  election  of  a  pope. 
On  the  13th  March,  ISOO,  they  chose  Pins  VII. 

Shortly  afterwards  the  revolutionary  power  was  again  tri- 
umphant, and  acquired  supremacy  in  Italy.  At  that  very  moment 
however  it  underwent  a  great  internal  change.  After  passing 
through  the  numerous  metamorphoses  engendered  by  the  storms 
of  that  momentous  period,  it  assumed  a  monarchical  complexion. 
A  despot  now  arose,  who  was  filled  with  the  idea  of  a  new  uni- 
versal empire,  and  who,  from  the  spectacle  of  the  general  distrac- 
tion and  ruin  before  liis  eyes,  and  from  his  experience  of  eastern 
affairs,  had  come  to  the  conviction,  that  of  all  the  ancient  institu- 
tions of  Europe  necessary  to  the  accomplishment  of  his  end,  the 
unity  of  religion  and  a  hierarchical  subordination  were  the  foremost. 

It  was  on  the  field  of  Marengo  that  Napoleon  despatched  the 
bishop  of  Vercelli  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  the  pope  concern- 
ing the  re-establishment  of  the  catholic  church. 

This  was  a  proposal  which,  however  tempting,  was  pregnant 
with  danger.  The  re-establishment  of  the  catholic  church  in  France, 
and  its  connecton  with  the  pope,  were  only  to  be  purchased  by 
enormous  concessions. 

These  Pius  VII  determined  at  once  to  make.  He  consented  to 
the  alienation  of  church  lands — a  loss  of  four  hundred  millions  of 
francs  in  landed  property: — his  motive  was,  according  to  his  own 
expression,  that  his  refusal  would  produce  fresh  outbreaks  of  vio- 
lence, and  that  he  was  inclined  to  give  way  as  far  as  he  could,  with- 
out prejudice  to  religion;  he  acquiesced  in  the  new  organization  of 
the  French  clergy,  who  were  henceforth  to  be  appointed  and  paid 
by  the  government;  he  was  satisfied  with  the  restoration  of  the  right 
of  granting  canonical  institution,  as  possessed  by  former  popes,  in 
its  full  extent,  unfettered  by  any  limitation  of  the  veto.* 

The  event  which  shortly  before  none  had  expected,  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  Catholicism  in  France,  and  the  subjection  of  that  country 
to  the  ecclesiastical  authority,  now  actually  took  place.  The  pope 
was  rejoiced,"  that  the  churches  were  purified  from  all  profanation, 
the  altars  reared  again,  and  the  standard  of  the  cross  displayed;  or- 
thodox shepherds  M'^ere  placed  over  the  people,  and  so  many  erring 
souls  re-united  to  the  church  and  reconciled  to  God  and  to  them- 
selves." "  How  many  motives,"  he  exclaimed, "for  joy  and  thank- 
fulness!" 

We  must  not  however  be  led  into  a  belief  that  a  complete  and 
cordial  imion  of  the  old  ecclesiastical  power  and  the  revolutionary 
government  was  brought  about  by  the  concordat  of  1801. 

*  Lettera  Apostolica  in  forma  di  breve;  Pistolesi,  Vita  di  Pio  VII,  torn,  i,  p. 
143,  with  a  complete  exposition  of  the  departures  from  the  original  in  the  French 
edition. 


§  XXI.]  THE  TIMES  OF  NAPOLEON.  247 

Notwithstanding  the  concessions  made  by  both  parties,  each  per- 
tinaciously adhered  to  its  own  principles. 

The  restorer  of  the  catholic  church  in  France  immediately  became 
the  chief  agent  in  the  final  and  utter  demolition  of  the  proud  edifice 
of  the  German  church,  by  investing  temporal  princes,  without  refer- 
ence to  their  being  catholics  or  protestants,  with  bishoprics  and  prin- 
cipalities;— a  cliange  fraught  with  confusion  and  dismay  to  the 
Roman  court.  "  According  to  the  old  decretals,  heresy  entailed  the 
loss  of  property;  but  now  the  church  of  Rome  was  compelled  to  look 
on,  while  its  own  possessions  were  divided  amongst  heretics."* 

In  the  mean  while,  a  concordat,  in  the  same  spirit  as  that  con- 
cluded with  France,  was  proposed  for  Italy:  the  pope  was  forced 
to  sanction  the  sale  of  ecclesiastical  property,  and  to  abandon  the 
nomination  to  all  offices  to  the  temporal  power;  indeed  so  many 
limitations  were  appended  to  this  concordat,  that  Pius  VII  felt 
himself  compelled  to  refuse  to  publish  it.t 

But  it  was  in  France  itself  that  Napoleon  labored  with  the  great- 
est zeal  and  effect  to  give  the  civil  power  the  ascendency  over  the 
church.  He  treated  the  declaration  of  1682  as  a  fundamental  law 
of  the  kingdom,  and  caused  it  to  be  taught  in  the  schools;  he  would 
suffer  no  religious  vows,  and  no  monks;  and  the  regulations  con- 
cerning marriage  which  were  introduced  into  his  civil  code  were 
entirely  at  variance  with  the  catholic  principle  of  its  sacramental 
signification;  the  organic  articles  which  he  attached  to  the  concordat, 
from  the  very  first,  were  of  a  thoroughly  anti-Roman  spirit. 

Notwirhstanding  all  these  encroachments  on  his  power,  the  pope 
consente(^  to  cross  the  Alps,  at  the  emperor's  request,  and  to  give 
to  the  coronation  the  religious  sanction  of  the  holy  oil:  little  encou- 
raging to  such  a  hope  as  the  conduct  of  the  French  had  been,  he 
still  flattered  himself  that  he  should  be  able  to  effect  something  for 
the  advantage  of  the  catholic  church,  and  to  complete  the  work  he 
had  begun.J  He  calculated  on  the  effect  of  personal  intercourse. 
He  took  with  him  the  letter  of  Louis  XIV  to  Innocent  XII,  in  order 
to  prove  to  Napoleon,  that  even  that  monarch  had  abandoned  the 
declaration  of  1682.  In  the  first  remonstrance,  written  in  Italian, 
which  he  presented  on  his  arrival  at  Paris,  he  formally  contested 
this  declaration,  and  sought  to  free  the  new  concordat  from  the 
restrictions  of  the  organic  articles.§  Indeed  his  views  and  expec- 
tations went  still  further.  In  an  elaborate  memoir  he  showed  the 
exigencies  of  the  pontificate,  together  with  the  losses  it  had  sus- 
tained during  the  last  fifty  years,  and  urged  the  emperor  after  the 
example  of  Charlemagne,  to  restore  the  provinces  which  had  been 

*  Instructions  to  a  nuncio  at  Vienna;  unfortunately  without  a  date,  but  proba- 
bly, of  the  year  1803.     Daunou,  Essai  II,  p.  318. 

I  Coppi,  Annali  d'ltalia,  torn  iii,  p.  120. 

j;.  Allocutio  habita  in  consistorio  secreto  29  Oct.  1804.  For  the  Italian  version 
see  Pistolesi,  Vita  di  Pio  VII,  torn,  i,  p.  193. 

§  Extrait  du  Rapport  de  M.  Portalis;  in  Artaud,  Pie  VII,  torn,  ii,  p.  11. 


248  THE  TIMES  OF  NAPOLEON.  [BOOK  VIII. 

occupied.*  So  high  did  he  estimate  the  services  which  he  had 
rendered  to  the  revohitionary  monarchy. 

But  how  utterly  was  he  disappointed!  At  the  very  ceremony 
of  the  coronation  a  transient  cloud  of  melancholy  was  observed  to 
pass  over  his  face,  as  it  were  a  shadow  of  evil  to  come.  Of  all  that 
he  wished  and  hoped,  he  did  not  attain  the  smallest  iota.  On  the 
contrary,  this  was  the  very  moment  at  which  the  designs  of  the 
emperor  were  first  revealed  in  all  their  magnitude. 

The  constituent  assembly  had  endeavored  to  emancipate  itself 
entirely  from  the  pope;  the  directory  wished  to  annihilate  his  au- 
thority; Bonaparte's  notion  was  to  retain  him,  but  in  a  state  of 
absolute  subjection;  to  make  him  a  tool  of  his  own  boundless  am- 
bition. 

He  sent  proposals  to  the  pope,  if  we  are  rightly  informed,  to 
remain  in  France,  and  to  reside  either  in  Paris  or  in  Avignon. 

The  pope  is  said  to  have  replied,  that,  in  contemplation  of  the 
possibility  of  his  being  imprisoned,  he  had  drawn  up  an  abdication 
in  all  its  forms,  which  he  had  deposited  at  Palermo,  beyond  the 
reach  of  the  French  decrees. 

At  this  moment  the  only  spot  in  Europe  which  could  have 
afforded  safety  to  the  pope,  was  in  the  power  of  the  British  navy. 

The  pope  was  indeed  suffered  to  return  to  Rome,  and  to  retain 
the  appearance  of  his  former  independence,  but  from  the  very  hour 
of  his  return  he  was  exposed  to  the  most  revolting  humiliations. 

In  a  very  short  time  Napoleon  declared,  without  further  circum- 
locution, that  like  his  predecessors  of  the  second  and  third  dynasties, 
he  was  the  eldest  son  of  the  church;  that  he  bore  the  sword  for  her 
defence,  and  could  not  endure  that  she  should  hold  communion  with 
heretics  or  schismatics  like  the  English  or  the  Russians.  He  was 
peculiarly  fond  of  representing  himself  as  the  successor  of  Charle- 
magne, though  the  consequences  he  deduced  from  the  assumption 
of  that  character  were  widely  different  from  those  drawn  by  the 
court  of  Rome.  He  assumed  that,  the  States  of  the  Church  being 
a  gift  of  Charlemagne  to  the  pope,  it  followed,  that  the  latter  lay 
under  an  absolute  obligation  not  to  sever  his  policy  from  that  of  the 
empire;  and  indeed  he  declared  that  he  would  not  endure  any  such 
separation.t 

*  Printed  by  Artaud,  p.  81.  Compare  the  letter  by  Napoleon,  22d  July,  1807. 
"  Le  papa  s'est  donne  la  peine  de  venir  a  mon  couronnement:  J'ai  reconnu  dans 
cette  demarche  un  saint  prelat;  mais  il  voulait  que  je  lui  cedasse  les  legations." 
In  Bignon,  Histoire  de  France  sous  Napoleon,  Deuxieme  Epoque,  i,  p.  158. 

■j-  Schoell's  Archives  Historiques  et  Politiques  (Paris,  1819)  contain  in  the 
2d  and  3d  vols.,  a  Precis  des  contestations  qui  ont  eu  lieu  entre  le  saint  siege  et 
Napoleon  Bonaparte  accompagne  d'un  grand  nombre  de  pieces  officielles.  The 
correspondence,  given  here  entire,  extends  from  the  13th  of  Nov.  1805  to  the 
17th  of  May  1808.  Nevertheless,  in  Bignon,  Histoire  de  France  depuis  la  paix 
de  Tilsit  1838,  i,  chap,  3,  p.  125,  we  find  thefolloveing  passage:  "  Les  publica- 
tions faites  depuis  1815  ne  se  composent  guere  que  de  pieces  dont  la  date  com- 
mence en  1808."     And  again:  "  Jusqu'a  present  son  caractere  (de  Pie  VII) 


§   XXI.]  THE  TIMES  OF  NAPOLEON.  249 

The  pope  was  astonished  at  the  suggestion  that  he  was  to  regard 
the  enemies  of  another  as  his  enemies.  He  replied  that  he  was  the 
universal  shepherd,  the  father  of  all,  the  servant  of  peace,  and  that 
the  mere  request  filled  him  with  horror.  He  ought  to  be  Aaron, 
the  prophet  of  God,  and  not  Isimiael,  whose  hand  is  against  every 
man,  and  every  man's  hand  against  him. 

Napoleon  however  went  straightforward  to  his  end.  He  invested 
Ancona  and  Urbino,  and  on  the  rejection  of  his  ultimatum  (in  which 
he  claimed,  amongst  other  things,  the  nomination  of  a  third  of  the 
cardinals),  he  marched  liis  troops  upon  Rome;  the  cardinals  who 
were  not  inclined  to  be  obsequious  to  him  were  dismissed — the 
pope's  secretary  of  state,  twice;  but  as  all  this  made  no  impression 
on  Pius  VH,  even  his  person  was  not  spared;  he  too  was  dragged 
away  from  his  palace  and  capital.  The  union  of  the  States  of  the 
Church  with  the  French  empire  was  then  proclaimed  by  a  senatus- 
consultum.  The  temporal  sovereignty  was  declared  incompatible 
with  the  exercise  of  spiritual  powers;  the  pope  was  in  future  to  be 
formally  bound  to  adhere  to  the  four  principles  of  the  Gallican 
church;  he  was  to  draw  his  revenues  from  land,  almost  like  a 
feudatory  of  the  empire,  while  the  expenses  of  the  college  of  cardi- 
nals were  to  be  defrayed  by  the  state:* — a  plan  which,  it  is  evident, 
would  have  subjected  the  whole  power  of  the  church  to  the  em- 
pire, and  have  placed  it,  at  least  indirectly,  in  the  hands  of  the 
emperor. 

But  how  would  it  be  possible  to  obtain  the  pope's  assent  to  this, 
his  own  degradation? — an  assent  which  yet  was  indispensable. 

Pius  VH  had  employed  the  last  moment  of  his  freedom  in  pro- 
nouncing sentence  of  excommunication.  He  refused  canonical 
institution  to  the  bishops  appointed  by  the  emperor.  Napoleon 
was  not  so  absolutely  master  of  his  clergy  as  not  to  experience 
some  resistance  from  various  parts  of  his  empire. 

But  this  very  resistance  at  length  served  to  overcome  the  resolu- 
tion of  the  pope.  The  consequences  of  it  fell  far  more  heavily  on 
the  spiritual  ruler,  the  head  of  the  church,  who  had  a  sympathy 
with  her  internal  condition,  than  on  the  temporal,  to  whom  spiritual 
things  were  a  mere  instrument  of  power,  and  in  themselves  utterly 
indifferent. 

In  Savona,  whither  the  pope  had  been  carried,  he  was  alone, 
thrown  upon  himself,  and  without  an  adviser.  Moved  by  the 
Uvely  and  almost  exaggerated  representations  of  the  confusion  of 
the  church  caused  by  his  refusal  of  institution,  the  amiable  old  man 
was  brought  virtually  to  renounce  this  right,  although  with  bitter 
grief  and  violent  struggles:  for  it  could  be  regarded  in  no  other  light 

n'est  pas  suffisamment  connu.  On  ne  le  connaitra  bien  qu'en  I'appreciant  d'aprds 
ses  actes."  In  fact,  however  acquainted  we  were  already  with  these  acts,  Big- 
non  has  added  but  little  to  the  documents  given  by  Schoell. 

*  Thibaudeau,  Histoire  de  la  France  et  de  Napoleon.     Empire,  torn,  v,  p.  221. 

22*     . 


250  THE  RESTORATION.  [BOOK  VIII. 

than  as  an  act  of  renunciation,  since  whenever  he  delayed  longer 
than  six  months  to  exercise  it,  for  any  other  reason  than  personal 
iinworthiness,  it  devolved  on  the  metropolitans.  He  renounced 
the  right  which  was  in  fact  his  last  weapon. 

And  yet  this  was  not  all  that  was  exacted  of  him.  With  reck- 
less and  impatient  haste,  which  aggravated  his  bodily  infirmities, 
he  was  taken  to  Fontainebleau,  where  he  was  agam  exposed  to 
violent  scenes,  and  to  the  most  pressing  importunities  that  he  would 
completely  restore  the  peace  of  the  church.  At  length  these  mea- 
sures were  successful; — the  pope  was  brought  to  give  way  on  the 
remaining  and  decisive  points.  He  consented  to  reside  in  France, 
and  acquiesced  in  the  most  important  decision  of  the  senatus-con- 
sultum  above  mentioned.  The  concordat  of  Fontainebleau  (25th 
January  1813)  was  framed  on  the  preliminary  condition  that  he 
should  not  return  to  Rome.* 

The  autocrat  of  the  revolution  had  thus  really  accomplished  what 
no  former  catholic  sovereign  had  ever  seriously  so  much  as  pro- 
jected. The  pope  consented  to  become  subject  to  the  French  em- 
pire. His  authority  would  have  been,  to  all  times,  a  tool  in  the 
hands  of  the  new  dynasty,  used  to  confirm  its  own  subjects  in  their 
obedience,  and  to  hold  in  more  complete  dependence  those  catholic 
states  which  were  not  yet  wholly  subdued.  In  these  respects  the 
papacy  would  have  relapsed  into  the  state  into  which  it  had  fallen 
under  the  German  emperors  in  the  plenitude  of  their  power;  parti- 
cularly under  the  Salic  prince  Henry  HI.  But  it  would  now  have 
had  to  bear  far  heavier  bonds.  The  power  that  now  subjugated 
the  pope  contained  elements  in  direct  contradiction  with  the  prin- 
ciple of  the  church.  It  was,  at  bottom,  but  another  metamorphosis 
of  that  spirit  of  hostility  to  the  authority  of  the  church  which  was 
developed  in  the  eighteenth  century,  and  which  involved  so  strong 
a  tendency  to  positive  unbelief.  Of  this  hostile  power,  the  papacy 
would  have  been  the  subject  and  vassal. 

Again,  as  formerly,  the  current  of  events  and  opinions,  which 
appeared  resistless,  was  checked. 


§    22.    THE  RESTORATION. 

The  empire,  of  which  the  pope  was  henceforth  to  be  the  hierar- 
chical centre,  was  still  involved  in  a  dubious  warfare  with  invincible 
foes.  In  the  solitude  of  his  captivity,  the  pope  received  no  accurate 
tidings  of  the  vicissitudes  of  this  struggle.  At  the  very  moment 
when,  after  so  long  a  resistance,  he  gave  way,  Napoleon's  last  and 
greatest  enterprise,  that  against  Russia,  had  been  utterly  wrecked, 

*  Bart.  Pacca,  Meraorie  Storiche  del  Ministero  de'  due  viaggi  in  Francia,  &c. 
p.  323.     Historisch-Politische  Zeitschrift,  i,  iv,  642. 


§  XXII.]  THE  RESTORATIOIir.  251 

and  his  power,  with  all  iis  long  train  of  consequences,  had  been 
shaken  to  its  centre.  Europe  once  more  conceived  the  nearly 
extinct  hope  of  deliverance.  When  the  pope,  to  whom  some  few 
cardinals  were  allowed  access  in  consequence  of  his  submission, 
was  informed  of  these  events,  his  confidence  revived;  he  breathed 
once  more;  he  felt  every  step  of  the  allied  powers  as  an  act  of  libe- 
ration to  himself 

Thus  when  Prussia  rose,  obedient  to  the  call  of  her  king,  Pius 
VII  took  courage  to  revoke  the  last  concordat;  when  the  congress 
met  at  Prague,  he  ventured  to  raise  his  eyes,  to  look  beyond  the 
bounds  of  the  empire  which  held  him  captive,  and  to  recall  his 
rights  to  the  recollection  of  the  emperor  of  Austria.  After  the 
battle  of  Leipsig,  he  had  gained  suthcicnt  confidence  promptly  to 
reject  the  proposal  which  was  made  to  him,  of  a  restitution  of  part 
of  his  states;  after  the  allies  had  crossed  the  Rhine,  he  declared  that 
he  would  enter  into  no  farther  negotiations  till  his  complete  resto- 
ration was  effected.  Events  succeeded  each  other  with  such  rapi- 
dity, that  when  the  allies  entered  Paris  as  conquerors,  he  had 
already  reached  the  frontiers  of  the  States  of  the  Church,  and  on 
the  21st  May,  1814,  he  re-entered  Rome.  This  was  the  commence- 
ment, not  only  of  a  new  age  for  the  world,  but  of  a  new  era  for 
the  holy  see. 

The  character  and  tenor  of  the  last  half  century  have  been 
mainly  determined  by  the  struggle  between  the  tendencies  of  the 
revolution,  which  had  still  such  power  over  the  minds  of  men,  and 
the  ideas  to  which  the  old  states  after  their  victory  recurred  with 
redoubled  eagerness,  as  to  their  primeval  bases;  in  this  struggle  it 
is  obvious  that  the  supreme  head  of  the  catholic  church  must  take 
an  important  share. 

His  first  and  ready  ally  was,  the  idea  of  temporal  legitimacy; 
and  it  is  remarkable  that  this  was  urged  even  more  strongly  by  his 
ecclesiastical  opponents,  than  by  those  attached  to  him  by  the  bonds 
of  spiritual  allegiance.  It  was  the  victory  of  the  four  great  allied 
powers,  of  whom  three  were  anti-catholic,  over  the  despot  who 
had  thought  to  make  his  capital  the  centre  of  Catholicism,  which 
restored  the  pope  to  freedom,  and  enabled  him  to  return  to  Rome, 
the  ancient  metropolis  of  Christendom.  To  these  three  anti-ca- 
tholic sovereigns  alone,  who  were  then  met  in  London,  was  the 
wish  of  the  pope  to  recover  the  entire  papal  states  first  submitted. 
How  often  in  former  ages  had  every  nerve  of  that  country  been 
strained  to  effect  the  destruction  of  protestantism,  whether  in 
England  or  in  Germany,  or  to  propagate  the  Roman  catholic  faith 
in  Russia  or  Scandinavia!  The  restitution  of  his  country  and  his 
power  to  the  pope,  must  now  be  effected  mainly  by  the  interces- 
sions of  these  anti-catholic  powers.  In  the  allocution  in  which 
Pius  VII  communicates  to  his  cardinals  the  fortunate  result  of  his 
negotiations,  he  expressly  mentions  the  services  of  the  sovereigns 
"  who  do  not  belong  to  the  church  of  Rome;  the  emperor  of  Russia, 


252  THE  RESTORATION.  [BOOK  VIII. 

who  had  taken  his  rights  into  consideration  with  peculiar  attention; 
the  king  of  Sweden,  the  prince  regent  of  England,  and  the  king  of 
Prussia,  who  had  declared  in  his  favor  during  the  whole  course  of 
the  negotiations."  Differences  of  confession  were  for  the  moment 
sunk  in  oblivion;  political  considerations  alone  were  regarded. 

We  have  already  had  occasion  to  remark  similar  tendencies  in 
the  course  of  the  last  century  and  a  half.  We  have  seen  from 
what  states  Innocent  XI  received  support  and  assistance  in  his  con- 
tests with  Louis  XIV.  When  the  Jesuits  were  doomed  to  destruc- 
tion by  the  Bourbon  courts,  they  found  in  Russia  and  Prussia 
favor  and  protection;  the  occupation  of  Avignon  and  Benevento 
by  those  courts,  in  the  year  1758,  caused  a  political  commotion  in 
England.  But  never  did  this  state  of  opinion  display  itself  more 
strikingly  than  in  the  events  of  our  days. 

The  pope  having  once  more  attained  to  a  free  and  independent 
position  among  the  princes  of  Europe,  could  now  turn  his  undis- 
turbed attention  to  the  recovery  of  the  spiritual  allegiance.  The 
re-establishment  of  the  Jesuits— the  first  great  act  by  which  he 
signalised  the  renewal  of  his  functions,  left  no  doubt  that  he  hoped 
to  exercise  his  spiritual  authority,  not  within  the  narrow  bounds 
imposed  on  it  during  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century,  but 
in  the  spirit  of  his  earlier  predecessors.  And  indeed  how  could  he 
possibly  have  found  a  more  favorable  or  inviting  moment  for  such 
a  project?  The  restored  governments  of  southern  ICurope  repented 
of  their  former  insubordination  to  Rome;  they  thought  they  had 
thus  unchained  the  tempest  by  which  themselves  had  been  over- 
thrown; they  now  beheld  in  the  pope  their  natural  ally,  and  they 
hoped  by  the  aid  of  the  church  to  achieve  an  easier  victory  over 
the  domestic  foes  by  whom  they  saw  themselves  surrounded.  The 
king  of  Spain  remembered  that  he  bore  the  title  of  Catholic  King, 
and  declared  that  he  would  deserve  it;  he  recalled  the  Jesuits 
whom  his  grandfather  had  so  jealously  driven  into  banishment, 
and  he  re-established  the  tribunal  of  the  nuncio.  Once  more  were 
edicts  of  the  grand  inquisitor  current  in  Spain.  In  Sardinia  new 
bishoprics  were  founded;  monasteries  were  restored  in  Tuscany; 
Naples,  after  some  resistance,  acquiesced  in  a  concordat  by  which 
the  Roman  curia  acquired  a  very  powerful  and  direct  influence 
over  the  clergy  of  that  kingdom.  Meanwhile  in  France  the 
chamber  of  1S15  beheld  the  salvation  of  the  country  in  the  resto- 
ration of  the  ancient  French  church;  "that  work,"  as  one  of  their 
orators  expressed  himself,  "of  heaven,  of  time,  of  kings,  and  of 
forefathers;"  but  the  matter  really  at  issue  was,  the  necessity  of 
restoring  to  the  clergy  their  right  of  interference  in  the  state,  com- 
munes and  families — in  public  business  and  public  instruction;  not 
the  liberties  which  the  Gallican  church  had  formerly  either  pos- 
sessed de  facto,  or  had  distinctly  reserved;  according  to  the  pro- 
ject of  the  new  concordat  it  was  placed  in  a  state  of  dependence 
on  Rome,  unparallelled  in  any  former  age. 


§  XXII.]  THE  RESTORATION.  253 

It  was,  however,  impossible  in  the  nature  of  things,  that  a  Hneof 
conduct,  running  directly  counter  to  that  spirit  of  the  Romance 
nations,  which  had  been  developed  under  totally  different  auspices, 
should  achieve  a  prompt  or  easy  victory.  In  France  the  old  anti- 
pathy to  the  hierarchy  burst  fortii  in  a  loud  war  cry  against  the  new 
concordat;  the  legislative  power  was  here  constituted  in  a  manner 
which  rendered  utterly  impracticable  the  execution  of  the  plans  of 
1815.  The  arbitrary  and  cruel  acts  of  the  government  of  Ferdi- 
nand excited  a  no  less  violent  reaction  in  Spain;  a  revolution  broke 
out,  which,  though  immediately  directed  against  the  claims  to  abso- 
lute power  advanced  by  the  king  (who  could  oppose  no  resistance), 
likewise  betrayed  a  determined  spirit  of  hostility  to  the  clergy.  One 
of  the  first  measures  of  the  new  cortes  was  the  re-expulsion  of  the 
Jesuits,  and  soon  after  followed  the  decree  for  the  suppression  of 
the  monastic  orders,  the  alienation  of  their  lands,  and  the  payment 
of  the  national  debt  with  the  proceeds.  Similar  movements  imme- 
diately took  place  in  Italy,  and  penetrated  into  the  States  of  the 
Church,  which  were  filled  with  the  same  elements  of  disquiet;  the 
carbonari  liad  even  fixed  the  day  for  a  rising  throughout  the  papal 
territory. 

A  second  time  the  restored  sovereigns  received  support  and  as- 
sistance from  the  great  powers  which  had  been  so  recently  victo- 
rious; the  revolutions  were  stifled  in  their  birth.  The  non-catholic 
states  did  not,  it  is  true,  take  any  acrive  or  immediate  part  in  this 
repression,  but  some  were  at  least  not  opposed  to  it,  and  by  others 
it  was  positively  approved. 

And  in  the  mean  time  Catholicism  had  acquired  a  new  organisa- 
tion, even  in  those  countries  where  it  was  not  the  religion  of  the 
state.  Positive  religion,  of  whatever  form  it  might  be,  was  deemed 
the  best  prop  and  security  for  civil  obedience  and  social  order.  In 
every  part  of  Europe  care  was  taken  to  arrange  the  dioceses  anew, 
to  establish  bishoprics  and  archbishoprics,  catholic  seminaries  and 
schools.  In  the  provinces  of  Prussia  which  had  been  incorporated 
into  the  French  empire,  the  catholic  church  assumed  a  totally  differ- 
ent aspect  from  that  which  it  had  worn  under  French  domination. 
The  opposition  to  the  ancient  regulations  of  the  church  of  Rome 
which  arose  in  some  places,  found  no  encouragement  in  the  protest- 
ant  states,  while  on  the  other  hand,  the  court  of  Rome  concluded 
treaties  with  the  protestant  as  well  as  the  catholic  governments, 
and  recognised  the  necessity  of  sanctioning  their  influence  in  the 
election  of  bishops.  This  was  in  fact  occasionally  employed  to  pro- 
mote the  most  zealous  churchmen  to  the  iiighest  posts.  It  appeared 
as  if  the  theological  warfare  in  high  places  was  for  ever  laid  to  rest. 
In  civil  life  it  visibly  became  feebler  every  day.  Protestant  litera- 
ture devoted  a  respectful  attention  to  ancient  catholic  institutions, 
which  in  earlier  times  it  would  have  found  impossible. 

But  the  event  proved  that  these  expectations  of  peace  had  been 
too  sanguine  and  hasty. 


254  THE  RESTORATION.  [BOOK  VIII. 

On  the  contrary,  the  strict  cathohc  prhiciple,  of  which  Rome  is  at 
once  the  central  point  and  the  theatre,  again  engaged  in  a  conflict 
more  or  less  violent  and  premeditated  with  the  protestant  govern- 
ments. 

In  the  year  1829  it  obtained  a  great  victory  in  England. 

During  the  war  of  the  revolution,  the  government  of  England, 
which  for  a  century  had  been  exclusively  protestant,  had  conceived 
more  friendly  dispositions  towards  the  Roman  see.  Pius  VII  had 
been  elected  under  the  auspices  of  the  victories  of  the  coalition  of 
1799,  in  which  England  had  so  large  a  share.  We  have  just  men- 
tioned how,  at  a  subsequent  time,  that  pope  leaned  for  support  on 
the  power  of  England,  and  could  not  be  induced  to  adopt  any  hostile 
measures  towards  her;  nor  could  the  English  nation  then  deem  it 
so  necessary  as  heretofore,  to  make  the  spiritual  relation  to  the 
pope  a  ground  of  exclusion  from  all  simply  political  rights — from 
all  qualification  for  public  functions.  This  had  already  been  felt 
and  expressed  by  Mr.  Pitt;*  bnt  any  change  in  the  habits  of  adhe- 
rence to  the  tried  principles  of  the  constitution,  long  encountered, 
as  might  be  anticipated,  invincible  opposition.  But  the  spirit  of  the 
age,  which  is  averse  from  all  exclusive  privileges,  made  itself  re- 
sistlessly  heard  on  this  question.  Hence  in  Ireland — so  distin- 
guished for  its  catholicity — politico-religious  associations,  lawless 
outbursts  and  disturbances  rose  to  such  a  height,  that  at  length  the 
great  general  who  had  victoriously  withstood  such  numerous  and 
formidable  foes,  and  who  then  held  the  reins  of  government,  was 
compelled  to  declare  that  he  could  no  longer  govern  it  without 
making  the  concessions  demanded  by  the  catholics.  Accordingly 
those  oaths  which,  in  the  times  of  the  restoration  or  of  the  revolu- 
tion of  1688,  had  been  deemed  the  only  safeguard  of  the  protestant 
interest,  were  modified  or  abolished.  How  often  had  Lord  Liver- 
pool declared,  that  if  this  measure  were  passed,  England  would  no 
longer  be  a  protestant  state;  that  even  if  no  important  consequen- 
ces immediately  ensued,  yet  it  was  impossible  to  foresee  what  might 
arise  from  it  in  future !t  Nevertheless  the  bill  was  passed;  the 
nation  braved  the  threatened  danger. 


*  In  his  letter  to  George  III,  31  Jan.  1801 — he  says,  "Mr.  Pitt  is  convinced 
that  the  grounds  on  which  the  laws  on  exclusion  now  remaining  were  founded, 
have  long  been  narrowed — that  those  principles  formerly  held  by  the  catholics, 
■which  made  them  be  considered  as  politically  dangerous,  have  been  for  a  course 
of  time  gradually  declining — that  the  political  circumstances  under  which  the 
exclusive  laws  originated,  arising  from  the  conflicting  power  of  hostile  and 
nearly  balanced  sects,  and  a  division  in  Europe  between  catholic  and  protestant 
powers — are  no  longer  applicable  to  the  present  state  of  things." 

t  Speech  of  Lord  Liverpool,  17th  of  May,  1825.  "  Where  was  the  danger 
in  having  a  popish  king  or  a  popish  chancellor,  if  all  the  other  executive  officers 

might  acknowledge  the  pope? It  was  said — that  a  catholic  might  be  a  prime 

minister  and  have  the  whole  patronage  of  the  church  and  state  at  his  disposal. 

If  the  bill  were  to  pass,  Great  Britain  would  be  no  longer  a  protestant 

State," 


§  XXII.]  THE  RESTORATION.  255 

Not  long  after  this  event  Catholicism  obtained  a  still  more  splen- 
did and  unexpected  triumph  in  Belgium. 

In  the  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands,  from  the  moment  of  its  estab- 
lishment, an  ill  will  prevailed  between  north  and  south  which 
threatened  to  overturn  it,  and  which  displayed  its  chief  acrimony 
in  religious  affairs.  The  protestant  king  adopted  the  ideas  of  Jo- 
seph II;  under  their  influence  he  erected  higher  and  lower  schools, 
and  administered  generally  his  share  of  the  spiritual  power.  The 
opposition  set  up  other  institutions  for  education  in  a  contrary  spirit, 
and  devoted  itself  with  full  purpose  to  labors  in  favor  of  hierarchical 
institutions  of  the  most  marked  character.  A  catholic  liberal  party 
was  formed,  which  here,  as  in  England,  having  firm  footing  on  the 
miiversal  principles  of  justice,  daily  advanced  in  its  claims,  and  ex- 
torted first,  concessions,  such  as  liberation  from  the  government 
schools;  and  at  length,  at  the  first  favorable  moment,  completely 
threw  off  the  hated  sway.  It  succeeded  in  founding  a  kingdom  in 
which  the  priests  were  restored  to  high  political  importance.  The 
most  decidedly  liberal  opinions  were  just  what  contributed  the  most 
to  their  triumph.  The  low  qualification  which  admits  the  humbler 
classes  in  town  and  country,  over  whom  the  priests  most  readily 
obtain  influence,  to  a  sliare  in  public  business,  enables  them  to 
direct  the  elections;  by  means  of  the  elections  they  rule  the  cham- 
bers, by  means  of  the  chambers,  the  kingdom.  In  Brussels,  as  in 
Rome,  you  meet  them  in  the  public  walksj  well  fed  and  full  of 
pretension;  they  enjoy  their  victory. 

In  neither  of  these  events  did  the  court  of  Rome,  so  far  as  we 
know,  take  any  direct  and  active  share,  advantageous  as  they  are 
to  its  authority.  In  a  third,  however,  the  dispute  between  the  catho- 
lic church  and  the  state  in  Prussia,  it  has  actively  interfered.  In 
that  country  the  protestant  government  and  the  catholic  hierarchy, 
which  since  the  restoration  appeared  united,  but  which  soon  after 
fell  asunder,  have  broken  out  into  violent  and  systematic  hostility, 
and  are  engaged  in  a  conflict  which  has  justly  attracted  the  attention 
of  the  world,  and  which  is  pregnant  with  the  most  important  con- 
sequences. The  pope,  in  conjunction  with  the  two  archbishops  of 
the  kingdom,  has  set  himself  in  open  hostility  to  an  ordinance  of  liie 
king,  intended  to  regulate,  in  a  religious  point  of  view,  the  domestic 
relations  of  the  mixed  population  over  which  he  reigns.  In  Ger- 
many itself  the  sovereign  pontiff  has  found  ready  organs  and  pow- 
erful support. 

We  see  that  the  catholic  hierarchical  principle  lias  once  more  en- 
tered the  lists  with  great  vigor  against  the  protestant  principle  of  the 
supremacy  of  the  state.  The  political  opposition  to  the  reigning 
governments,  to  which  our  age  is  so  strongly  and  so  inevitably  in- 
clined, has  in  every  case  lent  its  aid  to  Catholicism. 

In  the  countries  which  profess  his  own  faith  the  pope  has  not  been 
equally  fortunate. 

The  revolution  of  July  could  not  be  regarded  in  any  other  light 


256  CONCLUSION.  [book  VIII. 

than  as  the  total  defeat  of  the  hierarchical  party  in  France;  the  reli- 
gions zeal  of  Charles  X  was  indeed  the  main  canse  of  his  overthrow. 
In  Spain  and  Portugal  parties  have  risen  to  power  who  have  revived 
the  policy  and  the  measures  of  the  revolutionary  cortes.  Move- 
ments similar  in  their  origin  have  taken  place  at  the  very  foot  of  the 
Vatican,  and  have  owed  their  suppression  entirely  to  foreign  inter- 
ference. 

It  cannot  be  said  that  the  holy  see  has  contributed  much  to  curb 
the  revolutionary  spirit.  In  no  instance  has  it  been  able  to  subdue 
it  by  its  own  unaided  strength. 

But  before  it  had  been  restored  to  firm  and  stable  sovereignty 
within  the  pale  of  its  own  church,  it  found  means  to  place  itself  in 
an  attitude  of  oifence  towards  protestantism.  There,  it  would  have 
been  in  harmony  with  the  legitimate  power,  and  with  the  ancient 
traditions  and  institutions  of  Europe.  Here,  it  has  found  its  best 
allies  in  the  ideas  of  the  age,  and  in  liberal  opinions.  Its  position 
and  its  policy  once  more  vacillate  between  these  temporal  powers, 
as  they  did  in  the  time  of  Napoleon. 

To  what  this  state  of  things  may  lead,  the  future  alone  can  show. 

Were  we  to  look  only  at  the  efforts  of  the  hierarchical  party  and 
of  its  opponents,  we  should  be  led  to  fear  that  a  deadly  war  was 
ready  to  break  out  between  them  afresh,  to  convulse  the  world,  and 
to  revive  the  old  animosities  in  all  their  bitterness.  But  if,  on  the 
other  hand,  we  turn  our  eyes  to  the  universal  activity  of  mind  which 
characterises  the  age,  we  dismiss  these  fears  as  groundless.  Few 
indeed  are  now  disposed  to  re-establish  the  dominion  of  a  priesthood, 
in  the  true  and  full  sense  of  the  word;  and,  were  any  found  to  make 
the  attempt,  it  is  precisely  in  the  Romance  countries,  the  ancient  seat 
and  stronghold  of  Catholicism,  that  it  would  experience  the  most 
violent  opposition. 

Nor  among  the  protestants  can  there  be  a  return  to  the  bigotry, 
the  exclusiveness,  the  narrow-minded  antipathy  of  the  old  system. 
We  see  the  profounder  spirits  on  either  side  gradually  recurring 
with  more  knowledge,  with  larger  and  deeper  insight,  with  more 
freedom  from  the  fetters  of  cramping  church  formularies,  to  the 
eternal  principles  of  genuine  and  spiritual  religion.  It  is  impossible 
that  this  tendency  can  be  barren  of  results.  The  more  perfect  ap- 
prehensions of  the  spiritually  true  and  immutable  which  lies  at  the 
bottom  of  all  forms,  but  can  be  expressed  by  none  in  its  whole  in- 
finite extent,  must  at  length  allay  all  animosities.  High  above  all 
the  contradictions  which  have  agitated  the  minds,  or  alienated  the 
hearts  of  men — let  us  never  relinquish  this  hope — there  dwells  the 
unity  of  a  simple  consciousness  of  the  being  and  the  presence  of 
God,  reposing  on  itself  in  serene  and  inviolable  security. 


APPENDIX 


VOL.  II. — 23 


APPENDIX. 
SECTION  I. 

PERIOD  TO  THE  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT. 


1. 

Ad  S.  D^  Nostrum  Pontificem  Maximum  Nicolaum  V  conformatio  curie  romane 
loquentis  edita  per  E.  S.  oratorem  Joseph.  B.  doctorem  cum  kumili  semper  re- 
commendatione.     (1453.)     Bibl.  Vatic,  nr.  3618. 

This  is  a  lament  over  the  well-known  conspiracy  of  Stephen  Porcari,  which 
does  not  indeed  furnish  any  more  accurate  details  concerningf  it,  but  brings  to 
light  some  important  circumstances  in  the  state  of  affairs.  For  example,  it  re- 
veals the  principal  object  which  Nicholas  V  had  in  view  in  the  buildings  he 
erected: 

"Arces  fortificat  muris  turrimque  siiperbara 

Extruit ne  quisque  tyrannus  ab  alma 

Quemque  armis  valeat  papam  depellere  Roma." 

Former  popes  had  often  been  obliged  to  quit  the  city.  Nicholas  built  in  order 
to  defend  himself  against  domestic  and  foreign  enemies.  It  also  shows  tlie  con- 
nection existing  between  Rome  and  other  Italian  cities. 

" Si  tu  perquiris  in  omnibus  illam  (libertatem) 

Urbibus  Italias,  nullam  nihi  crede  prefecto 
[nvenies  urbem  quae  sic  majore  per  omnem 
Libertate  modum  quam  nunc  tua  Roma  fruatur: 
Omnis  enim  urbs  dominis  et  bello  et  pace  coacta 
Praestita  magna  suis  durasque  gravata  gabellas 
Solvit,  et  interdum  propriam  desperat  habere 
Justitiam,  atque  ferox  violentia  civibus  ipsis 
Saepe  fit,  ut  populus  varie  vexatus  ab  illis 
Fasce  sub  hoc  onerum  pauper  de  divite  fiat; 
At  tua  Roma  sacro  nee  praestiti  nee  similem  vim 
Nee  grave  vectigal  nee  pondera  cogitur  ulla 
Solvere  pontifici  ni  humiles  minimasqne  gabellas; 
Praeterea  hie  dominus  tribuit  justissimus  almam 
Justitiam  cuicunque  suam,  violentaque  nulli 
Infert:  hie  populum  prisco  de  paupere  ditem 
Efficit,  et  placida  Romam  cum  pace  gubernat." 

The  author  blames  the  Romans  for  striving  after  the  freedom  of  ancient  Rome. 
The  fact  is  incontestable,  and  greatly  facilitated  the  acquisition  of  territory  by 
the  church,  that  the  government  of  the  pope  was  milder  than  that  of  the  rulers 
of  the  other  Italian  cities.     Our  author  thinks  the  opposition  shown  by  the 


260  INSTRUCTIONES  SIXTI  IV.       1478. 

citizens  to  the  church,  the  dispenser  of  so  many  spiritual  and  temporal  blessings 
among  them,  unpardonable: 

" quibus  auri  copia  grandis 

Argentique  ferax  seternaque  vita  salusque 
Provenit,  ut  nuUi  data  gratia  tam  ardua  genti." 

He  advises  the  pope  to  add  still  more  to  his  fortifications,  and  never  to  go  to 
St.  Perer's  without  an  escort  of  three  hundred  armed  men;  at  the  same  time  to 
endeavor  to  gain  the  love  of  the  people  of  Rome;  to  support  the  poor,  especially 
those  of  good  birth,  "  vitam  qui  mendicare  rubescunt;" 

" succurre  volentibus  artes 

Exercere  bonas,  quibus  inclyta  Roma  nitescat;" 

which  indeed  there  was  little  necessity  for  saying  to  Nicholas  V.  This  little 
work  is  mentioned  in  the  "  Vita  Nicolai  V  a  Dominico  Georgio,  conscripta 
Romffi,  1742,"  (p.  130.) 


Instructiones  datas  uSixto  IV  RR.  PP.  J5'"s  /.  ^e  Agnellis  protonotario  apostolico  et 
Anto  de  Frassis  s.  palatii  causarum  audi  tori  ad  M,  Imperatoris.  1  Dec^^  1478. 
Bibl.  Altieri  VII  G.  1,  99. 

This  is  the  most  ancient  instruction  I  have  met  with  amongst  all  the  manu- 
scripts that  have  come  under  my  notice.  It  begins,  "  Primo  salutabunt  Serenis- 
simum  Imperatorem." 

On  the  26th  of  April,  1478,  the  conspiracy  of  the  Pazzi  against  the  Medici, 
which  threw  all  Italy  into  commotion,  exploded.  "  Ecclesia  justa  causa  contra 
Laurentium  mota,  clamant  Veneti,  clamat  tota  ista  liga." 

The  ambassadors  were  to  prevent  the  emperor  from  giving  any  credence  to  a  cer- 
tain Jacob  de  Medio,  whom  the  Venetians  had  sent  to  the  imperial  court.  "  Est 
magnus  fabricator  et  Cretensis:  multa  enim  referebat  suis  qus  nuncquam  cogi- 
taveramus  neque  dixeramus."  The  ambassadors  were  to  request  the  emperor's 
mediation.  The  king  of  France  had  already  offered  his,  but  the  pope  preferred 
giving  the  honor  of  the  office  to  the  emperor.  "  Velit  scribere  regi  Franciae  et 
ligae  isti,  ostendendo  quod  non  recte  faciunt  et  parum  existimant  Deum  et  hono- 
rem  pontificis,  et  quod  debent  magis  favere  ecclesiae  justitiam  habenti  quam  uni 
mercatori,  qui  semper  magna  causa  fuit  quod  non  potuerunt  omnia  confici  contra 
Turcum  quae  intendebamus  parare,  et  fuit  semper  petra  scandali  in  ecclesia  Dei 
et  tota  Italia." 

The  matter  was  the  more  dangerous  for  the  pope  in  consequence  of  the 
general  determination  of  thwarting  his  temporal  aggressions  by  means  of  a 
council.  "  Petunt  cum  rege  Franciae,  concilium  in  Galliis  celebrari  in  dedecus 
nostrum." 

This  calls  to  mind  the  attempt  made  a  few  years  later  to  convene  a  general 
council,  in  which  the  archbishop  of  Carniola  earned  a  certain  reputation. 
Johann  v.  Miiller  has  devoted  a  few  pages  to  him  in  his  history  of  Switzerland 
(p.  286).  His  account  of  this  transaction  does  not  exhibit  the  temporal  motives  to 
this  demand  for  a  council  in  a  satisfactory  manner.  Cardinal  Andreas  was  not 
so  mere  a  priest  as  it  would  appear  from  Miiller.  The  ambassadors  of  Florence 
and  Milan  sought  him  out  in  Basle,  coming  in  the  name  of  the  whole  "  Liga," 
which  was  in  arms  against  Sixtus.  They  found  in  him  (according  to  their 
own  report)  great  experience  of  the  world,  ("  gran  pratica  et  experientia  del 
mundo,")  and  a  vehement  hatred  of  the  pope  and  his  nephew.  "  E  huomo  per 
fare  ogni  cosa  purche  e'  tufh  el  papa  e  '1  conte."  S.  Baccius  Ugolinus  Lau- 
rentio  Medici  in  Basilea  a  di  20  Sept.,  1482,  in  Fabroni  Vita  Laurentii,  II,  229. 
We  see  plainly  that  this  spiritual  opposition  of  the  princes  was  undertaken  from 
temporal  motives.  They  were  possessed  of  spiritual  weapons,  and  they  brought 
these  to  bear  against  those  of  the  pope. 


RELATIONE  DI  POLO  CAPELLO.   1500.  261 

3. 

Relatione  fatta  in  pregadi  per  Polo  Capello  el  cavalier  venuio  orator  di  Roma  1500, 
28  Sett.     In  the  Vienna  archives. 

This  is  the  first  report  1  could  find  of  the  papal  court  by  a  Venetian  minister. 
It  does  not  exist  in  the  Venetian  archives:  it  would  appear  as  if  tlie  reports  were 
not  at  that  time  sent  in  writing.  It  is  contained  in  the  Chronicle  of  Sanuto, 
which  is  chiefly  filled  with  accounts  of  what  passed  in  the  Senate,  and  among 
the  Pregadi. 

Polo  Capello  promised  to  touch  upon  four  points — the  cardinals — the  disposi- 
tion of  the  pope  towards  the  king  of  France,  and  towards  Venice — the  views 
("el  desiderio")  of  his  holiness— and  what  they  were  to  expect  from  him;  but 
as  this  division  of  his  subject  does  not  rest  on  very  accurate  distinctions,  he 
does  not  adhere  to  it. 

He  remarks  particularly  that  neither  Venice  nor  France  was  on  very  good 
terms  with  the  pope;  the  former,  because  it  had  seized  on  a  portion  of  the 
Milanese  territory,  and  it  was  feared  would  get  possession  of  all  Italy— the  lat- 
ter, because  the  king  did  not  keep  faith  with  the  pope.  We  here  find  the  terms 
of  the  alliance  of  the  year  1498  between  the  king  and  the  pope.  The  pope 
granted  the  king  his  dispensation  for  a  divorce  from  his  wife.  In  return,  the 
king  promised  Cesare  Borgia,  the  pope's  son,  a  domain  giving  an  annual  reve- 
nue of  twenty-eight  thousand  francs,  a  wife  of  the  blood  roya!  (Navarre?),  and 
a  renunciation  of'any  attempt  upon  Naples,  except  in  favor  of  the  house  of  Bor- 
gia, "del  regno  di  Napoli  don  se  impazzar  se  non  in  ajutar  il  papa."  So  that 
we  learn  from  this,  that  the  pope  had  even  then  some  design  on  Naples.  These 
promises,  however,  were  not  kept.  The  marriage  proposed  to  Cesare  Borgia^ 
did  not  exactly  come  up  to  the  pope's  expectations;  the  pope  contented  himself 
with  the  purchase  of  an  estate  of  twelve  thousand  francs  as  a  security  for  the 
dowry,  but  the  young  bride  remained  in  France.  It  was  only  the  superior 
power  of  the  king  which  held  the  pope  in  check.  "  Quando  il  S""  Lodovico 
intro  in  Milan,"  says  Capello  very  significantly,  "publico  diceva  (il  papa)  mal 
del  roy."  He  was  enraged  that  the  French  would  not  assist  him  in  driving  the 
Bentivogli  out  of  Bologna. 

If  this  passage  in  Capello's  report  gives  us  more  insight  than  we  had  before 
into  the  internal  intrigues  of  the  pope's  policy,  the  following  description  of  his 
personal  character  and  feelings  is  yet  more  interesting. 

The  author  first  mentions  the  death  of  the  pope's  son-in-law.  Cesare  Borgia 
had  already  wounded  him  once.  "  Per  dubio  mando  a  tuar  medici  di  Napoli: 
ste  33  di  ammalato,  et  il  c'  Capau  lo  confesso,  e  la  moglie  e  sorella,  ch'e  moglie 
del  principe  di  Squillaci  altro  fiol  di  papa,  stava  con  lui  et  cusinava  in  una  pig- 
natella  per  dubio  di  veneno  per  1'  odio  li  haveva  il  ducha  di  Valentinos,  et  il 
papa  li  faceva  custodir  per  dubio  esso  ducha  non  1'  amazzasse,  e  quando  andava 
il  papa  a  visitarlo,  il  ducha  non  vi  andava  se  non  una  volta  e  disse:  quelle  non 
e  fatto  a  disnar  si  fara  a  cena.  Or  un  zorno,  fo  a  di  47  avosto,  intro  in  camera, 
che  era  za  sublevato,  e  fe  ussir  la  moglie  e  sorella,  intru  Michiele  cussi  chia- 
mati,  e  strangolo  ditto  zovene 

"  II  papa  ama  et  ha  gran  paura  del  fiol  ducha,  qual  e  di  anni  27,  bellissimo  di 
corpo  e  grande,  ben  fatto  e  meglio  che  re  Ferandin  [the  last  king  of  Naples,  Fer- 
dinand, who  was  reckoned  very  handsome;]  amazzoGtori  salvadegi  combatendo 
a  cavallo  a  la  zaneta,  et  a  uno  li  taio  la  testa  a  la  prima  bota,  cosa  che  paresse  a 
tutta  Roma  grande.  E  realissimo,  imo  prodego,  e  il  papa  li  displace  de  questo. 
Et  alias  amazzo  sotto  il  manto  del  papa  M.  Peroto,  adeo  il  sangue  li  salto  in  la 
faza  del  papa,  qual  M.  Peroto  era  favorite  dal  papa.  Etiam  amazzo  il  fratello 
ducha  di  Gandia  e  lo  fe  butar  nel  Tevere. — Tutta  Roma  trema  di  esso  ducha 
non  li  faza  amazzar." 

Roscoe  has  endeavored  in  the  Life  of  Leo  the  Xth  to  clear  the  memory  of 
Lucrezia  Borgia  from  the  load  of  infamous  crimes  imputed  to  her.  He  has  op- 
posed the  testimony  of  a  number  of  favorable  witnesses  of  a  later  period  to  the 
accusations  brought  against  her  early  life.    The  German  editor  of  his  book, 

23* 


262  IL  SUCCESSO  BELLA  MORTE  DIA  ALEX.  IV. 

however,  is  not  convinced,  but  thinks  that  she  altered  her  conduct  for  the  better. 
This  report  of  Capello  is  also  remarkable  as  giving  favorable  testimony  to  the 
character  of  Lucrezia,  in  the  early  period  of  her  life,  and  states,  "  Lucrezia  la 
pual  e  savia  e  liberal."  Cesare  Borgia  was  rather  her  enemy  than  her  lover. 
He  took  from  her  Sermoneta,  which  had  been  granted  to  her  by  the  pope,  say- 
ing, that  as  she  was  a  woman,  she  could  not  know  how  to  retain  possession  of 
it:  "e  donna,  non  lo  potra  mantenir." 

4. 

Among  the  various  documents  contained  in  the  fifth  volume  of  Sanuto,  the 
following  appears  to  me  the  most  important. 

"  Questo  e  il  successo  de  la  morte  di  papa  Alexandro  VI. 

"Hessendoel  c' datario  dno  Arian  da  Corneto  stato  richiesto  dal  pontefice 
chel  voleva  venir  a  cena  con  lui  insieme  con  el  duca  Valentinos  a  la  sua  vigna 
et  portar  la  cena  cum  S.  8'%  si  imagine  esso  cardinal  questo  invito  esser  sta 
ordinado  per  darli  la  raorie  per  via  di  veneno  per  aver  il  duca  li  soi  danari  e 
beneficii,  per  esser  sta  conrluso  per  il  papa  ad  ogni  modo  di  privarlo  di  vita  per 
averil  suopeculio,  come  ho  ditto,  qual  eragrade,eprocurandoa  la  sua  salute  penso 
una  sola  cosa  poter  esser  la  via  di  la  sua  salute.  Emando  captato  tpio  (tempo) 
a  far  a  saper  al  schalcho  del  pontefice  chel  ge  venisse  a  parlar,  con  el  qual 
havea  domestichezza.  El  qual  venuto  da  esso  cd',  se  tirono  tutti  do  in  uno  loco 
secreto,  dove  era  preparato  due.  X  m.  d'ore,  e  per  esso  c'  fo  persuaso  ditto  schalcho 
ad  acetarli  in  dono  e  galderli  per  suo  amor.  El  qual  post  multa  li  accepto,  e  11 
oferse  etiam  il  resto  di  la  sua  faculta,  perche  era  richissimo  card',  a  ogni  suo 
comando,  perche  li  disse  chel  non  poteva  galder  detta  faculta  se  non  per  suo 
mezo,  dicendo:  vui  conoscete  certo  la  condition  del  papa,  et  io  so  chel  ha  deli- 
berato  col  ducha  Valentinos  ch'io  mora  e  questo  per  via  di  esso  scalcho  per 
morte  venenosa,  pregandolo  di  gratia  che  voia  haver  pieta  di  lui  e  donarli  la 
vita.  Et  dicto  questo,  esso  scalcho  li  dichiari  il  modo  ordinato  de  darli  il  veneno 
a  la  cena,  e  si  mosse  a  compassione  promettendoli  di  preservarlo.  II  modo  era 
chel  dovea  apresentar  dapoi  la  cena  tre  schatole  di  confecion  in  taola,  una  al 
papa,  una  al  d'o  card'  et  una  al  ducha,  et  in  quella  del  card'  si  era  il  veneno.  E 
cussi  messe  ditto  card'  ordine  al  prefato  scalcho  del  modo  che  dovea  servar,  e 
far  che  la  scutola  venenata,  dovea  aver  esso  card",  di  quella  il  papa  manzasse  e 
lui  si  atosegaria  e  moriria.  E  cussi  venuto  il  pontefice  a  la  cena  al  zorno  dato 
I'hordine  col  ducha  preditto,  el  prefato  c'  se  li  butto  a  li  piedi  brazzandoli  et 
strettissimamente  baxandoli,  con  affectuosissime  parole  supplicando  a  S.  S's 
dicendo,  mai  di  quelli  piedi  si  leveria  si  S.  Beat,  non  li  concedesse  una  gratia. 
Interrogate  del  pontefice,  qual  era  facendo  instanza  se  levasse  suso,  osso,  c'  re- 
spondeva  chel  voleva  aver  la  gratia  el  dimanderia  et  haver  la  promessa  di  fargela 
da  S.  S'^  Hor  dapoi  molta  persuasion,  il  papa  stete  assai  admirativo  vedendola 
perseverantia  del  d'°  c"  e  non  si  voler  levar,  e  li  promisse  di  exaudirlo:  al  qual 
card'  sublevato  disse:  patre  santo,  non  e  conveniente  che  venendo  il  signor  a 
caxa  del  servo  suo,  dovesse  el  servo  parimente  confrezer  ("?)  con  el  suo  signor, 
e  perho  la  gratia  el  dimandava  era  questa  zusta  e  honesta  che  lui  servo 
dovesse  servir  a  la  mensa  di  S.  S's  e  il  papa  li  fece  la  gratia.  E  andato 
a  cena  al  bora  debita  di  meter  la  confecion  in  lavola,  fo  per  il  scalcho  posto  la 
confezion  avenenata  ne  la  scutola  secondo  el  prinio  ordine  li  havea  dato  il  papa, 
et  il  C  hessendo  chiaro  in  quella  non  vi  esser  nenen  li  fece  la  credenza  di  dicta 
scatola  e  messe  la  venenata  avante  il  papa,  e  S.  S.  fidandosi  del  suo  scalcho  e 
per  la  credenza  li  fece  esso  c',  judico  in  quella  non  esser  veneno  e  ne  manzo 
allegramente,  e  del  altra,  chel  papa  fusse  avenenata  si  credeva  e  non  era,  manzo 
ditto  c'.  Hor  al  bora  solita  a  la  qualita  del  veneno  sua  S'^  comenzo  a  sentirlo  e 
•cussi  sen'e  morto:  el  card',  che  pur  haveva  paura,  se  medicino  e  vomito,  e  non 
have  mal  alcuno  ma  non  senza  difficulta.     Valete." 

Even  if  this  is  not  authentic,  it  is  a  very  remarkable  account  of  the  death  of 
Alexander  the  Vlth,  and  is  probably  the  best  extant. 


DOM.  TRIVIXAN  REL.       1510.  263 


5. 


Sommario  de  la  relatione  di  S.  Polo  Capello,  venuto  orator  di  Roma,  fatta  in 

Collegio  1510. 

After  the  great  reverses  which  befel  the  Venetians  in  consequence  of  the 
League  of  Carabray,  they  managed  to  win  over  Julius  II  again  to  their  side. 

Polo  Capello  relates  some  details,  hitherto  unknown,  as  to  the  manner  ia 
which  this  was  accomplished.  The  pope  dreaded  the  results  of  a  projected 
meeting  of  Maximilian  and  the  king  of  France.  "  Dubitando  perche  fo  ditto  il 
re  di  Romani  et  il  re  di  Francia  si  voleano  abboccar  insieme  et  era  certo  in  suo 
danno."  For  a  time  he  desired  the  Venetians  to  give  up  those  cities  which,  in 
virtue  of  the  league,  were  to  fall  to  the  German  king;  but  when  he  saw  how  ill 
the  enterprises  of  Maximilian  turned  out,  he  insisted  on  that  no  longer.  He 
entertained  the  lowest  opinion  of  Maximilian:  "E  una  bestia,"  is  his  expression; 
"  merita  piu  presto  esser  rezudo  ch'  a  rezer  altri."  It  was  reckoned,  on  the 
contrary,  a  high  honor  to  the  Venetians,  whose  very  name  had  been  regarded  at 
Rome  as  extinguished,  that  they  maintained  their  independence.  The  pope 
gradually  determined  to  grant  them  absolution. 

Capello  had  the  greatest  respect  for  the  personal  qualities  of  that  pope.  "E 
papa  sapientissimo,  e  niun  nol  intrinsechamente  con  lui,  e  si  conseja  con  pochi, 
imo  con  niuno."  The  cardinal  Castel  de  Rio  had  only  a  very  indirect  influence 
over  him:  "  Parlando  al  papa  dira  una  cosa,  qual  dita  il  papa  poi  considerera 
aquella."  For  instance,  the  cardinal  was  decidedly  against  the  Venetians,  in 
spite  of  which  the  pope  made  a  treaty  with  them.  Capello  found  him  very 
well  provided  with  money;  he  says  he  might  have  seven  hundred  thousand 
ducats,  if  not  a  million,  in  his  treasury. 

6. 

Sommario   di   la  relatione  di  Domenego  Trivixan,  venuto  orator  di  Roma,   in 

pregadi  1510. 

What  Capello  had  transmitted  to  the  Collegio,  Trivisan  continues  to  report 
to  the  senate.  There  is,  however,  this  difference,  that  whereas  the  former 
developes  the  secret  motives,  the  latter  contents  himself  with  a  general  sketch, 
which  is  nevertheless  worthy  of  attention. 

He  agrees  with  his  colleague  as  to  the  amount  of  the  papal  treasure,  adding, 
however,  that  the  money  was  intended  by  the  pope  to  be  applied  in  defraying 
the  expenses  of  a  war  against  the  unbelievers.  "  II  papa  e  sagaze  praticho:  ha 
mal  vecchio  galico  e  gota,  tamen  e  prosperoso,  fa  gran  fadicha:  niun  pol  con 
lui:  aide  tutti,  ma  fa  quello  li  par. — E  tenuto  e  di  la  bocha  e  di  altro  per  voler 
viver  piu  moderatamente.  [Does  this  mean  that  he  himself  said  that  he  would 
be  more  moderate  in  future] — in  his  drinking,  perhaps.]  A  modo  di  haver 
quanti  danari  il  vole:  perche  come  vacha  un  beneficio,  non  li  da  si  non  a  chi  (a) 
officio  e  quel  officio  da  a  un  altro,  si  che  tocca  per  esso  [by  this  means]  assai 
danari;  ed  e  divenudo  li  officii  sensari  piu  del  solito  in  Roma:"  that  is,  the  very 
offices  which  men  held  would  be  converted  into  bribes  for  other  benefices. 

"  II  papa  a  entrada  due.  200,000  di  ordinario,  et  extraordinario  si  dice  150  m. 
Qhat  is,  the  popes  generally  had  so  much;]]  ma  questo  a  di  do  terzi  piu  di  ex- 
traordinario e  di  ordinario  ancora  1'  entrade:"  so  that  he  had  about  a  million; 
this  he  explains  thus:  "  Soleano  pagare  il  censo  carlini  X  al  ducato  e  la  chiesia 
era  ingannata:  era  carlini  XIII^  el  due,  vole  paghino  quello  convien,  et  a  fatto 
una  stampa  nova  che  val  X  el  due.  e  son  boni  di  arzento,  del  che  amiora  da  X  a 
XIII5  la  intrada  del  papa,  et  diti  carlini  novi  si  chiamano  Juli."  Here  we 
see  the  origin  of  the  present  currency  of  Rome.  For  the  present  paoli  have  only 
lately  driven  out  the  name  and  the  use  of  the  giuli.  The  carline,  which  was 
the  common  coin  of  exchange,  had  become  so  debased  that  it  occasioned  a  dead 
loss  to  the  exchequer.  Julius  II  issued  a  good  coinage  for  the  interest  of  his 
treasury. 

"  Item  e  misero:  a  pocha  spesa.     Si   acorda  col  suo  maestro  di  caxa:  li  da  el 


264  MARIN  ZORZI  REL.       1517. 

niexe  per  le  spexe  due.  1500  e  non  piu.  Item  fa  la  chiexia  di  S.  Piero  di  novo- 
cosa  bellissima,  per  la  qual  a  posto  certa  eruciata,  et  un  solo  frate  di  S.  Franeesco 
di  quelli  habia  racolto  diti  frati  per  il  mondo  li  porto  in  una  bota  due.  37  m.  si 
che  per  questo  locca  quanti  danari  el  vuol.  A  data  a  questa  fabrica  una  parte  de 
I'intrada  di  S.  M.  di  Loreto  e  tolto  parte  del  vescovado  di  Recanati." 

7. 

Summario  de  ta  relatione  di  S.  Mariji  Zorzi,  dotor,  venutu  orator  di  cortefata  in  pre- 
gadi  a  dill  Marzo  1517. 

Marin  Zorzi  was  chosen  as  ambassador  to  the  court  of  Leo  X,  on  the  4th  of  Ja- 
nuary 1514,  and  after  his  refusal  to  undertake  that  office,  he  was  again  chosen 
on  the  25th  of  the  same  month.  If  it  is  true,  as  asserted  by  Paruta  (lib.  iii,  p. 
109),  that  his  commission  had  reference  more  especially  to  the  expedition  of 
Francis  I  into  Italy,  he  must  have  visited  Rome  about  the  commencement  of 
1515. 

His  narrative  refers  to  that  period,  and  is  the  more  important,  as  he  undertook 
to  give  information  on  points  which  he  had  not  dared  to  write  about  in  his  letters. 
"  Referira,"  says  what  appears  to  be  a  summary  written  afterwards,  "  di  quelle 
cose  che  non  a  scritto  per  sue  lettere,  perche  multa  occurrunt  quae  non  sunt  scri- 
benda." 

These  chiefly  concern  the  negotiations  of  the  pope  with  Francis  I;  of  which 
even  Paruta  had  no  knowledge,  and  respecting  wliich  the  best  information  I 
know  of  is  to  be  found  here. 

It  has  been  occasionally  suggested,  that  pope  Leo  wished  to  procure  a  crown 
for  his  brother  Julian;  how  he  thought  this  was  to  be  effected  has  uever  yet  been 
exactly  brought  to  light.  Zorzi  asserts,  that  Leo  at  this  time  proposed  to  the 
kino-  of  France,  "che  del  reame  di  Napoli  saria  bon  tuorlo  di  man  di  Spagnoli 
e  darlo  al  magnifico  Juliano  suo  fradello;"  adding,  "  e  sopra  questo  si  fatichoe 
assai,  perche  el  non  si  contentava  di  esser  ducha  so  fradello,  ma  lo  volea  far  re 
di  Napoli:  il  christianissimo  re  li  aria  dato  il  principato  di  Taranto  e  tal  terre: 
ma  il  papa  non  volse,  e  sopra  questo  venneno  diversi  oratori  al  papa,  mons""  di 
Soglie  e  di  Borsi,  et  il  papa  diceva:  quando  il  re  vol  far  questo  accordo,  saremo 
con  S.  M.  Hor  si  stette  sopra  queste  pratiche:  il  ch™  re  havendo  il  voler  che  '1 
papa  non  li  saria  contra,  delibero  di  venir  potente  et  cussi  venne:  et  il  papa  su- 
bito  si  ligo  con  I'imperator,  re  catholico,  re  de  Inghilterrae  Sguizzari." 

I  have  already  given  the  notices  relating  to  the  time  of  the  campaign  in  the 
text  or  notes. 

We  see  clearly,  however,  how  hostile  the  pope's  secret  inclinations  were  to 
the  French,  not  only  from  his  resentment  against  the  Venetians  for  taking  part  so 
promptly  and  so  decidedly  with  the  French  against  Maximilian, — "  O  che  mate- 
ria," he  said,  "  a  fatto  questo  senate  a  lassar  le  vostre  gente  andar  a  Milano, 
andar  con  Francesi,  aver  passa  8  fiumi,  o  che  pericolo  e  questo;'" — but  alsofroni 
the  secret  assistance  he  rendered  to  Maximilian.  "  II  papa  a  questo  subito  mando 
zente  in  favor  del  imperador  e  sotto  man  dicendo:  M.  Ant.  Colonna  e  libero  ca- 
pitano  a  soldo  del  imperador."  In  the  meanwhile  the  ratification  of  the  treaty 
of  Bologna  was  delayed.  The  king  sent  ambassador  after  ambassador  to  de- 
mand this.  At  length  the  pope  sent  his  minister  to  France,  and  the  treaty  was 
signed  and  sealed. 

^Francis  I  soon  had  an  opportunity  to  revenge  himself.  The  Duke  of  Urbino 
made  an  unexpected  resistance  to  the  pope.  Marin  Zorzi  asserts,  "II  re  non  si 
lien  satisfacto  del  papa;  e  contento  Francesco  Maria  prosperi." 

He  then  describes  the  pope  more  minutely.  "  A  qualche  egritudine  interior 
derej'letion  e  catarro  cd  altra  cosa,  non  licet  dir,  videl,  in  fistula.  E  horn  da  ben 
e  liberal  molto,  non  vorria  faticha  s'il  potesse  far  di  mancho,  ma  per  questi  soi  si 
tuo  faticha.  E  ben  suo  nepote  e  astuto  e  apto  a  far  cosse  non  come  Valentino 
ma  pocho  mancho."  By  this  he  means  Lorenzo  de'  Medici.  He  asserts  posi- 
tively what  others  (for  instance  Vettori)  deny,  that  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  liimself 
had  had  serious  designs  upon  Urbino.     He  says  that  Julian,  only  two  days  be- 


MARCO  MINIO  REL.       1520.  265 

fore  his  death,  had  besought  the  pope  to  spare  Urbino,  where  he  had  been  so 
kindly  received  on  his  exile  from  Florence.  The  pope,  however,  would  not  give 
way,  but  said,  " '  Non  e  da  parlar  deste  cose.'  Questo  feva  perche  de  altra 
parte  Lorenzin  li  era  attorno  in  volerli  tutor  il  stato." 

Among  the  counsellors  of  the  pope  he  mentions  first  Giulio  de'  Medici,  after- 
wards Clement  VII,  of  whose  talents,  however,  he  has  not  so  great  an  opinion 
as  others:  "  E  horn  da  ben,  horn  di  non  molte  facende,  benche  adesso  il  manegio 
di  la  corte  e  in  le  suemani,  che  prima  era  in  S.  M^  in  Portego;"  and  next  Bibbi- 
ena,  whom  he  conceives  to  be  favorable  to  the  Spaniards,  as  he  was  then  enriched 
by  Spanish  benefices;  and  lastly,  Lorenzo, — "  qual  a  animo  gaiardo." 

Lorenzo  brings  him  to  speak  about  Florence.  He  says  a  few  words  about  the 
constitution,  adding  however,  "  Hora  non  si  serva  piu  ordine:  quel  ch'  el  vol 
(Lorenzin)  e  fatto.  Tamen  F'irenze  e  piu  francese  che  altrimente,  e  la  parte 
contraria  di  Medici  non  pol  far  altro,  ma  non  li  piace  questa  cosa."  The  militia 
— the  military  force — had  been  decreased.  The  revenue  amounted,  1st,  from  the 
taxes  at  the  gates  and  in  the  city,  to  seventy-four  thousand  ducats;  2dly,  from 
the  towns  subject  to  Florence,  to  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  ducats;  and 
3dly,  from  the  Balzello,  a  kind  of  tithe,  a  direct  tax,  to  one  hundred  and  sixty 
thousand  ducats. 

This  brings  him  to  the  pope's  revenue,  which  he  reckons  altogether  to  amount 
to  four  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  ducats;  and  he  then  comes  to  expenses  and 
personal  character  of  the  pope.  "  E  docto  in  humanita  e  jure  canonicho,  et  sopra 
tutto  musico  excellentissimo,  e  quando  el  canto  con  qualche  uno,  il  fa  donar  100 
e  piu  ducati:  e  per  dir  una  cosa  che  si  dimentico  Qof  him  the  speaker^,  il  papa 
trahe  all'  anno  di  vacantie  da  due.  60,000  e  piu,  ch'  e  zerchaduc.  8000  al  mese, 
e  questi  li  spende  in  doni,  in  zuogar  aprimierdi  che  molto  si  diletta." 

These  short  extracts  suffice  to  show  the  lively  and  graphic  nature  of  these 
notices;  the  style  is  extremely  naif  and  colloquial.  We  seem  to  live  with  the 
writer  and  to  witness  all  he  relates. 

8. 

Sommariodi  la  relatione  di  Marco  Mtnio,  ritornato  da  corte,  1520  Zugno,    Sanuto, 

Tom.  XXVIII. 

Marco  Minio  was  the  successor  of  Zorzi,  but  unfortunately  his  report  is  very 
short. 

He  begins  with  stating  the  amount  of  the  pope's  income,  which  he  finds  very 
insignificant.  "  II  papa  a  intrada  per  il  papato  pocha;  son  tre  sorte  de  intrade: 
d'  annate  traze  all'  anno  100  m,  due,  ma  le  annate  consistorial,  ch'  e  episcopati 
e  abbatie,  la  mita  e  de  cardinali;  di  officj  traze  all'  anno  60m.;  di  composition 
60m.  Non  a  contadi  (contante),  perche  e  liberal,  non  sa  tenir  danari,  poi  li  Fio- 
rentini  e  soi  parenti  non  li  lassa  mai  aver  un  soldo,  e  diti  Fiorentini  e  in  gran 
odio  in  corte,  perche  in  ogni  cosa  e  Fiorentini.  II  papa  sta  neutral  fra  Spagna 
e  Franza:  ma  lui  orator  tien  pende  da  Spagna,  perche  e  sta  pur  messo  in  caxada 
Spagnoli,  etiam  assumpto  al  papato.  II  cardinal  di  Medici  suo  nepote,  qnal  non 
e  legitimo,  a  gran  poter  col  papa:  e  horn  di  gran  manegio:" — thus  we  see  that 
since  Zorzi's  time  his  reputation  had  much  increased: — "  a  grandissima  autorita, 
tamen  non  fa  nulla  se  prima  non  dimanda  al  papa  di  cose  di  conto;  hora  si  ritrova 
a  Firenze  a  governar  quellacitta;  il  cardinal  Bibbiena  e  appresso  assa  del  papa, 
ma  questo  Medici  fa  il  tutto." 

The  Venetian  minister  assures  his  countrymen  of  the  good  feelings  the  pope 
entertained  for  them.  He  did  not  wish  indeed  to  see  Venice  greater  than  she 
was,  but  would  not,  for  any  advantage  in  the  world,  see  her  destroyed. 

9. 

Diario  de  Sebastiano  de  Branca  de  Telini.     Barber.  Bib!,  n.  1103. 

This  diary  consists  of  sixty-three  pages,  from  the  22d  April,  1494,  to  the 
year  1513,  in  the  time  of  Leo  the  Xth.     It  is  not  to  be  compared  to  Burcardus; 


266         NOT.  TEMP.  LEONIS  X,  ADR.  VI,  CLEM.  VII. 

and  as  the  author  knew  but  little  of  what  went  on,  his  work  cannot  even  be  used 
as  a  check  upon  that  of  Burcardus.     He  saw  only  what  every  body  else  saw. 

Thus  he  describes  the  entrance  of  Charles  VIII  into  Italy,  whose  army  he 
estimates  at  between  thirty  and  forty  thousand  men.  The  king  he  thinks  the 
ugliest  man  he  ever  saw,  his  soldiers,  on  the  contrary,  the  handsomest  men  in 
the  world;  "la  piu  bella  gente  non  fu  vista  mai."  We  are  not  to  believe  him 
to  the  letter;  for  this  is  a  style  in  which  he  delighted  to  express  himself.  (He 
tells  us  that  as  much  as  three  hundred  ducats  had  been  given  for  a  horse.) 

So  Cesare  Borgia  is  the  cruellest  man  that  ever  lived;  and  the  reign  of  Alex- 
ander VII,  remarkable  for  cruelties,  scarcity,  and  high  taxation.  "  Papa  Ales- 
sandro  gittao  la  data  a  tutti  li  preti  e  a  tutti  li  officiali  per  tre  anni  e  tutte  le 

chiese  di  Roma  e  fora  di  Roma per  fare  la  cruciata  contro  il  Turco,  e  poi  la 

dava  alio  figliuolo  per  fare  meglio  la  guerra."  According  to  him,  Cesare  gave 
audience  to  no  one  but  his  executioner  Michilotto.  All  his  servants  went  mag- 
nificently clothed:  "  vestiti  di  broccado  d'  oro  e  di  velluto  fino  alle  calze:  se  ne 
facevano  1-e  pianelle  e  le  scarpe." 

He  is  a  great  admirer  of  Julius  II.  "  Non  lo  fece  mai  papa  quelle  che  have 
fatto  papa  Julio." — He  relates  the  number  of  towns  he  conquered,  but  thinks 
that  his  wars  occasioned  the  death  often  thousand  men. 

Next  followed  Leo,  who  began  his  reign  with  the  promise,  "  che  i  Roman! 
fossero  fianchi  di  gabella,  ed  officii  e  beneficii  che  stanno  nella  cittade  di  Roma 
fossero  dati  alii  Romani:  ne  fecero  grand'  allegrezze  per  Roma." 

Private  individuals  occasionally  appear  on  the  stage,  and  we  are  here  brought 
acquainted  with  the  boldest  and  most  celebrated  of  procurators,  "  Ben'"  Moccaro, 
il  pie  terribile  [^powerful,  tyrannical]]  uomo  che  mai  fusse  state  in  Roma  per  un 
huomo  private  in  Roma."     He  lost  his  life  through  the  Orsini. 

Even  in  this  otherwise  unimportant  work,  the  spirit  of  the  times  and  the  spirit 
of  the  successive  governments  are  vividly  represented; — the  several  periods  of 
terror,  of  conquest,  and  of  quiet  under  Alexander,  Julius,  and  Leo.  There  are 
other  diaries,  for  instance  that  of  Cola  CoUeine,  from  1521  to  1561,  which  con- 
tain nothing  of  importance. 

10. 

Vita  Leonts  X.  Pontificis  Maximi  per  Franciscum  Novellum  Romanum,  J.  V. 
Professorem.     Bibl.  Barberina. 

"  Alii,"  says  the  author,  "  longe  melius  et  hsec  et  alia  mihi  incognita  referre 
et  describere  poterunt."  This  is  perfectly  true;  his  work  is  thoroughly  unin- 
teresting. 

11. 

Quxdam  historica  quae  ad  nolttiam  temporum  pertinent  pnniijicaluum  Leonis  JC, 
Adriani  VI,  dementis  VII.  Ex  libris  notariorum  sub  iisdem  pontijicibus. 
Abridged  by  Felix  Cuntellorius.     Bibl.  Barberina.     48  pages. 

Short  notices  of  the  contents  of  certain  instruments;  for  instance,  "  Leo  X* 
assignat  contessinse  de  Medicis  de  Rodulfis  ejus  sorori  due.  285  auri  de  camera 
ex  introitibus  dohanarum  pecudum  persolvendos." 

I  have  made  occasional  use  of  these  statements.  Perhaps  the  following  ex- 
tract from  a  brief  of  the  11th  June,  1529,  is  the  most  worthy  of  our  attention,  as 
containing  a  remarkable  trait  of  character  hitherto  unnoticed:  "  Certain  precious 
articles  belonging  to  the  papal  see,  were  given  in  pledge  to  Bernardo  Bracchi, 
who  thought  it  would  be  better  to  conceal  them,  during  the  sack  of  Rome,  in  a 
garden.  He  only  acquainted  one  man,  a  certain  Geronimo  Bacato  of  Florence, 
with  the  secret,  so  that  some  one  might  know  the  place,  in  the  event  of  his  death. 
Bracchi  was  shortly  afterwards  seized  by  the  Germans  and  very  barbarously 
treated.  Geronimo  now  thought  that  his  friend  had  perished  under  the  torture, 
and  imparted  his  secret  to  another,  from  a  similar  motive;  this  person,  however, 
was  not  so  discreet,  and  the  Germans  hearing  of  the  concealed  treasure,  by  fresh 


VIAGGIO  DEGLI  ORATORI  A  HADR.  VI.  267 

torture  compelled  Bracchi  at  lenorth  to  point  out  the  spot  to  them.  In  order  to 
save  these  articles,  Bernardo  made  himself  answerable  for  the  sum  of  ten  thou- 
sand ducats.  Geronimo  regarded  himself  as  a  traitor,  and  killed  himself  from 
shame  and  vexation." 

12. 

Sommario  di  la  relation  falta  in  pregadi  per  S.  Aluixe  Gradenigo,  venuto  orator 
di  Roma,  1523,  Mazo.     In  Sanuto,  Tom.  34. 

He  first  describes  the  city,  which  he  says  had  increased  by  about  ten  thou- 
sand houses  in  a  very  short  time;  then  the  constitution — that  the  conservator! 
claimed  precedence  of  the  foreign  ministers,  to  which  the  latter  refused  to  yield; 
then  the  cardinals — the  reputation  of  Giulio  de'  Medici  had  risen  still  higher. 
"  Horn  di  summa  autorita  e  richo  cardinale,  era  il  primo  appresso  Leon,  hom  di 
gran  ingegno  e  cuor:  il  papa  (Leone)  feva  quelle  lui  voleva."  He  describes 
Leo  X:  "  Di  statura  grandissima,  testa  molto  grossa,  havea  bellissima  man: 
bellissimo  parlador:  prometea  assa  ma  non  atendea. — 11  papa  si  serviva  molto 
con  dimandar  danari  al  imprestido,  vendeva  poi  li  officii,  impregnava  zoie,  raze 
del  papato  e  fino  li  apostoii  per  aver  danaro."  He  conceives  the  income  from 
temporal  sources  to  amount  to  three  hundred  thousand  ducats;  from  ecclesiasti- 
cal, to  about  one  hundred  thousand. 

The  policy  of  Leo  he  esteems  thoroughly  anti-French,  and  when  it  appeared 
otherwise  he  was  only  dissembling.  "  Fenzeva  esso  amico  del  re  di  Francia." 
He  was  then,  however,  openly  against  France,  and  Gradenigo  accounts  for  it 
thus:  "Disse  che  m""  di  Lutrech  et  m  de  I'Escu  havia  ditto  che  '1  voleva  che 
le  recchia  del  papa  fusse  la  major  parte  restasse  di  la  so  persona."  Does  this 
mean  that  little  of  the  pope  would  remain  but  bis  ears?  Truly  an  extremely 
coarse  and  vulgar  jest,  which  Leo  took  very  ill.  After  the  news  of  the  con- 
quest of  Milan,  Leo  is  reported  to  have  said,  that  already  half  the  battle  was 
won. 

Leo  left  the  papal  treasury  so  exhausted,  that  at  the  celebration  of  his  obse- 
quies, they  were  forced  to  use  the  wax  tapers  which  had  served  for  the  funeral 
of  Cardinal  S.  Giorgio,  who  died  shortly  before  him. 

Gradenigo  awaited  the  arrival  of  Adrian  VI.  He  describes  the  moderate, 
rational  manner  of  life  of  that  pope,  and  remarks  that  his  conduct  was  at  first 
neutral.  "  Disse:  il  papa  per  opinion  soa,  ancora  che  '1  sia  dipendente  del  im- 
perador,  e  neutral,  ed  a  molto  a  cuor  di  far  la  trieva  per  atender  a  le  cose  del 
Turco,  e  questo  si  judica  per  le  sue  operation  cotidiane  come  etiam  per  la  mala 
contentezza  del  vicere  di  Napoli,  che  venne  a  Roma  par  far  dichiarar  il  papa  im- 
perial, e  S.  S*"  non  volse,  onde  si  parti  senza  conclusion.  11  papa  e  molto 
intento  a  le  cose  di  Hungaria  e  desidera  si  fazi  la  impresa  contra  infideli,  dubita 
che  '1  Turco  non  vegni  a  Roma,  pero  cerca  di  unir  li  principi  Christiana  e  far  la 
paxe  universal,  saltern  trieve  per  tre  anni." 

13. 

Summario  del  viazo  di  aratori  nostri  andono  a  Roma  a  dar  la  ohedientia  a  papa 

Hadriano  VI. 

The  only  report  which  has  the  interest  of  a  book  of  travels,  and  which  also 
touches  upon  subjects  connected  with  art. 

The  ambassadors  represent  the  flourishing  condition  of  Ancona,  and  the  fer- 
tility of  the  March;  they  were  honorably  received  by  Oratio  Baglioni  in  Spello, 
whence  they  proceeded  to  Rome. 

They  describe  a  feast  given  there  by  a  fellow-countryman,  cardinal  Cornelio. 
The  music  at  table  seems  to  have  been  remarkable:  "  A  la  tavola  vennero  ogni 
sorte  de  musici,  che  in  Roma  si  atrovava,  li  pifari  excellenti,  di  continuo  sono- 
rono,  ma  eravi  clavicembani  con  voce  dentro  mirabilissima,  liuti  e  quatro 
violoni."  Grimani  likewise  gave  them  a  feast:  "  Poi  disnar  venneno  alcuni 
musici,  tra  li  quali  una  donna  brutissima  che  canto  in  liuto  mirabilmente." 


268  CLEMENTIS  VII  CONCLAVE. 

They  visited  all  the  churches.  In  S'*  Croce  the  maestri  were  ornamenting 
the  doors;  "alcuni  arnesi  e  volte  di  alcune  porte  di  una  preda  raccolta  delle 
anticaglie:"  every  little  stone  which  was  wrought  there  deserved,  in  their  opin- 
ion, to  be  set  in  gold  and  worn  upon  the  finger.  At  the  Pantheon  an  altar  was 
erecting,  at  the  foot  of  which  was  the  tomb  of  RafTael's  grave.  They  were 
shown  some  ornaments,  said  to  be  of  gold  of  the  same  purity  as  Rhenish  gulden; 
but  they  thought  if  this  were  true  pope  Leo  would  not  have  left  them  there. 
They  admired  the  columns,  larger  than  those  of  St.  Mark.  "  Sostengono  un 
coperto  in  colmo,  el  qual  e  di  alcune  travi  di  metallo." 

They  express  their  admiration  of  the  antiquities  of  Rome  with  great  simplicity. 
I  know  not  whether  this  book  is  likely  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  antiquarians. 
The  following  description  of  the  colossal  statues  is  very  remarkable:  "  Monte 
Cavallo  e  ditto  perche  alia  summita  del  colle  benissimo  habitato  vi  e  una  certa 
machina  de  un  pezo  di  grossissimo  muro  [a  rude  base],  sopra  uno  di  cantoni  vi 
e  uno  cavallo  di  pietrapar  de  Istria  molto  antiquo  e  della  vetusta  carroso  e  sopra 
1'  altro  uno  altro,  tutti  doi  dal  mezo  inanzi  zoe  testa,  collo,  zampe,  spalle  emezo 
il  doTso:  appresso  di  quelli  stanno  due  gran  giganti,  huomini  due  fiate  maggiori 
del  naturale,  ignudi,  che  con  un  brazzo  li  tengono:  le  figure  sono  bellissime,  pro- 
portionate e  di  la  medesima  pietra  di  cavalli,  bellissimi  si  i  cavalli  come  gli 
huomeni,  sotto  una  di  quali  vi  sono  bellissime  lettere  majuscule  che  dicono  opus 
Fidie  e  sotto  1'  altro  opus  Praxitelis."  In  the  Belvedere  their  chief  object  of  in- 
terest was  the  Laocoon:  until  now  it  has  often  been  a  subject  of  accusation 
against  the  German  Landsknechts,  that  they  had  rendered  necessary  the  restora- 
tion of  one  of  the  arms  of  this  magnificent  work  of  art;  but  this  account  proves 
that  the  arm  was  wanting  before  the  sack  of  Rome:  "  Ogni  cosa  e  integra,  sal- 
voche  al  Laocoonte  gli  manca  il  brazzo  destro."  They  were  transported  with 
admiration,  and  said  of  the  whole  group,  "  Non  gli  manca  che  lo  spirito."  They 
describe  the  statues  of  the  sons  remarkably  well:  "  L'  uno  volendosi  tirare  dal 
rabido  serpente  con  il  suo  brazelle  da  una  gamba  ne  potendosi  per  modo  alcuno 
ajutar,  sta  con  la  faccialacrimosacridando  verso  il  padre  e  tenendolo  con  1'  altra 
mano  nel  sinistro  brazzo.  Si  vede  in  sti  puttini  doppio  dolore,  1'  uno  per  vedersi 
la  morte  a  lui  propinqua,  1'  altro  perche  il  padre  non  lo  puel  ajutare  e  si  lan- 
guisce."  They  add  that  at  the  meeting  at  Bologna,  Francis  had  asked  the  pope 
to  give  him  this  work  of  art,  but  that  he  would  not  deprive  his  Belvedere  of  it, 
and  had  ordered  a  copy  to  be  made  for  the  king.  The  boys,  they  say,  were 
already  finished.  But  if  the  master  lived  five  hundred  years,  and  worked  a  hun- 
dred at  it,  it  would  not  be  like  the  original.  They  also  found  in  the  Belviderea 
young  Flemish  artist,  who  had  made  two  statues  for  the  pope. 

They  then  pass  to  the  pope  and  the  court.  The  most  important  fact  they  re- 
late is  that  cardinal  di  Volterra,  who  had  until  then  kept  down  the  Medici,  had 
been  thrown  into  prison  because  letters  of  his  had  been  found  encouraging 
Francis  I  to  make  an  attack  upon  Italy  now,  as  he  could  not  have  a  more  fa- 
vorable opportunity.  This  incident  caused  the  rise  of  cardinal  de'  Medici.  The 
imperial  envoy  Sessa  stood  by  him.  This  event  may  possibly  have  given  occa- 
sion to  the  change  in  Adrian's  policy. 

14. 
Ckmeniis  VII.  P.  M.  Conclave  et  Creatio  Bibl.  Barh.  4.  70  pp. 

The  following  remark  is  written  in  the  title  page:  "  Hoc  conclave  sapit 
stylum  Joh.  Bapt.  Sangae  civis  Romani,  qui  fuit  Clementi  VII.  ab  epistolis." 
But  we  may,  without  hesitation,  reject  this  conjecture.  Another  manuscript  in 
the  Barberini  library,  bearing  the  following  title,  "  Vianessi  Albergati  Bononi- 
ensis  commentarii  rerum  sui  temporis,"  contains  no  other  matter  but  the  account 
of  this  conclave.  It  forms  the  first  part  of  the  commentaries,  of  which,  how- 
ever, no  continuation  is  to  be  found.  We  venture  therefore  to  suggest  that  the 
author  of  the  above-named  conclave  was  Vianesio  Albergati. 

But  who  was  he?  Mazzuchelli  has  the  names  of  several  Albergatis,  but  not 
of  this  one. 


INSTRUTTIONE  AL  CAR''  FARNESE.  269 

The  following  story  is  told  in  a  letter  of  Girolamo  Negro.  A  Bolognese 
caused  pope  Adrian  to  be  informed  that  he  had  an  important  secret  to  impart  to 
him,  but  had  no  money  for  the  journey.  Messer  Vianesio,  a  friend  and  favorite 
of  the  Medici,  interceded  for  him,  and  the  pope  told  Vianesio  that  lie  might  dis- 
burse the  twenty-four  ducats  required  by  the  Bolognese,  and  should  be  repaid. 
This  Vianesio  did;  the  man  arrived,  and  was  introduced  into  the  pope's  presence 
with  the  greatest  secrecy.  "  Holy  Father,"  said  he,  "  if  you  wish  to  conquer 
the  Turks,  you  must  arm  a  mighty  force  by  sea  and  land."  He  could  be  brought 
to  no  further  disclosure.  "  Per  Deum!"  said  the  pope,  excessively  irritated,  the 
next  time  he  saw  messer  Vianesio,  "  this  Bolognese  of  yours  is  a  great  swindler; 
but  it  shall  be  at  your  cost  that  he  has  cheated  me."  Vianesio  never  recovered 
his  twenty-four  ducats.  This  then,  in  all  probability,  is  our  author,  for  in  the 
work  under  review  he  says  that  he  had  been  the  mediator  between  the  Medici 
and  the  pope:  "me  etiam  internuntio."  He  was  well  acquainted  with  Adrian, 
whom  he  had  already  known  in  Spain. 

Nevertheless  he  has  erected  to  his  memory  the  most  inglorious  of  monuments. 
We  learn  from  this  work  the  extent  of  the  hatred  which  Adrian  excited  in  the 
breast  of  the  Italian:  "  Si  ipsius  avaritiam,  crudelitatem  et  principatus  admin- 
istrandi  inscitiam  considerabimus,  barbarorumque  quos  secum  adduxerat  aspe- 
ram  feramque  naturam,  merito  inter  pessimos  pontifices  referendus  est.^'  He  is 
not  ashamed  to  relate  the  most  miserable  pasquinades  on  the  deceased  pope;  for 
example,  one  in  which  he  is  compared  first  to  an  ass,  then  to  a  wolf — "  post 
paulo  faciem  induit  lupi  acrem," — and  lastly  to  Caracalla  and  Nero.  But  if  we 
ask  for  evidence,  we  find  that  the  unfortunate  pope  was  justified  by  Vianesio's 
own  representation. 

Adrian  had  a  room  in  the  Torre  Borgia,  the  key  of  which  he  constantly  car- 
ried with  him,  and  which  went  under  the  name  of  the  "sanctum  sanctorum." 
This  was  opened  with  great  curiosity  on  his  death.  As  he  had  received  much 
and  spent  nothing,  they  expected  to  find  great  treasure;  but  it  contained  nothing 
but  books  and  papers,  a  few  rings  of  Leo  X,  and  scarcely  any  money.  They 
confessed  at  last,  "  male  partis  optime  usum  fuisse." 

There  may  be  better  grounds  for  the  complaint  which  our  author  makes  of  the 
delays  in  public  business.  The  pope's  phrase  was  "  Cogitabimus,  videbimus." 
He  referred  matters  to  his  secretary,  who,  after  long  delay,  referred  them  to  the 
Auditore  di  Camera,  who  was  a  well-meaning  man,  but  who  never  got  through 
anything,  and  confused  himself  by  his  own  excessive  activity.  "  Nimia  ei 
nocebat  diligentia."  People  then  appealed  again  to  Adrian,  who  again  said 
"  Cogitabimus,  videbimus." 

On  the  other  hand  he  is  loud  in  his  praises  of  the  Medici  and  of  Leo  X,  his 
kindness,  and  the  security  enjoyed  under  his  government;  he  also  admires  his 
public  works. 

I  conjecture,  from  this  author,  that  Rafaelle's  Arazzi  were  originally  intended 
for  the  Sistine  chapel.  "  Quod  quidem  sacellum  Julius  H  opera  Michaelis 
Angeli  pingendi  sculpendique  scientia  clarissimi  admirabili  exornavit  pictura, 
quo  opere  nullem  absolutius  extare  setate  nostra  plerique  judicant,  moxque  Leo 
X  ingenio  Raphaelis  Urbinatis  architccti  et  pictoris  celeberrimi  auleis  auro  pur- 
puraque  intextis  insignivit,  qu£e  absolutissimi  operis  pulchritudine  omnium 
oculos  tenent." 

15. 

Instruttione  al  Cardi  Rev^"  di  Fariuse,  die  fu  pot  Paul  III,  quando  ando  legato 
aW  Imperatore  Carlo  V  duppo  il  sacco  di  Roma. 

I  first  found  these  instructions  in  the  Corsini  library,  No.  467,  and  procured 
a  copy  iu  the  hand-writing  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

Pallavicini  knew  of  this  MS.,  and  mentions  it  in  his  "  Istoria  del  Concilio 
di  Trento,"  lib.  ii,  c.  13.  But  he  has  made  less  use  of  it  than  his  words  imply, 
as  will  be  seen  in  the  following  chapters;  his  narrative  is  drawn  from  other 
sources. 

I  have  thought  it  better  to  print  these  instructions  entire,  as  they  are  most  im- 
VOL.  II. — 24 


270  INSTRUTTIONE 

portant,  not  only  with  reference  to  papal  affairs,  buttothe  whole  political  state  of 
Europe,  in  so  momentous  a  period,  and  contain  many  remarkable  facts  which 
are  not  found  elsewhere.  No  mere  extract  could  satisfy  the  instructed  reader. 
A  few  more  pages  are  therefore  devoted  to  them. 

In  June  1526  the  pope  had  issued  a  brief,  in  which  he  succinctly  enumerated 
all  his  griefs  against  the  emperor,  who  replied  with  great  vehemence  in  Sep- 
tember 152G.     The  state-paper  which  then  appeared,  under  the  title  "Pro  Divo 

Carolo  V apologetici  libri,"  (Goldast's  Politica  Imperialia,  p.  984,)  gave  a 

detailed  contradiction  of  the  pope's  assertions.  The  following  instruction  is 
attached  to  these  documents. 

We  shall  find  that  these  instructions  consist  of  two  different  parts — the  first, 
in  which  the  pope  is  spoken  of  in  the  third  person;  probably  composed  bj'' 
Giberto,  or  by  Pome  other  confidential  minister  of  the  pope,  and  extremely  im- 
portant in  details  of  the  earlier  events  of  the  reigns  both  of  Leo  and  Clement. 
The  second  part  is  smaller,  and  begins  with  the  words,  "  per  non  entrare  in  le 
cause  per  le  quali  fummo  costretti,"  in  which  the  pope  speaks  in  the  first  per- 
son, and  which  was  probably  composed  by  himself. 

Both  are  intended  to  justly  the  measures  of  the  court  of  Rome,  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  to  place  the  proceedings  of  the  viceroy  of  Naples  in  the  worst  pos- 
sible light.  It  is  true,  that  in  order  to  form  a  correct  judgment,  we  ought  to 
know  the  answer  made  by  the  imperial  court. 

"  111""'  Rev"""  Signore.  Nella  difhculta  della  provlncia  che  e  toccata  alle 
mani  di  V.  S.  Ill""*  e  R"'%  tanto  grande  quanto  ella  stessa  conosce,  et  nella  re- 
cordatione  della  somma  et  estrema  miseria  nella  quale  siamo,  penso  che  non 
sara  se  non  di  qualche  rilevamento  a  quella,  haver  quella  informatione  che  si 
puo  di  tutte  1'  attioni  che  sono  accadute  tra  N.  Signore  e  la  M'"  Cesarea  et  in 
esse  conoscere  che  V.  S.  R™"  vaa  prencipe  del  quale  S*  S'"  et  la  casa  sua  e  piu 
benemerito  che  nessun  altra  che  ne  per  li  tempi  passati  ne  per  li  present!  si  possa 
ricordare;  et  se  qualche  offensione  e  nata  in  quest'  ultimo  anno,  non  e  causata 
ne  da  alienatione  che  S*  S'^  havessi  fatto  della  solita  volunta  et  amore  verso 
sua  Maesta  o  per  disegni  particulari  d'  aggrandire  i  suoi  o  altri,  o  per  abbassare 
la  reputatione  o  stato  suo,  ma  solo  per  necessita  di  non  comportare  d'  esser  op- 
presso  da  chi  haveva  et  auttoritaet  forze  in  Italia,  et  per  molte  prove  che  sua  B' 
havessi  fatto  per  nuntii,  lettere,  messi  et  legati,  non  era  mai  stato  possibile  tro- 
varci  remedio.  La  S**  di  N.  Signore  da  che  comincio  a  esser  tale  da  poter 
servir  la  corona  di  Spagna  et  la  casa  della  Maesta  Cesarea,  il  che  fu  dal  princi- 
pio  del  pontificato  della  S*''  M''-''  di  Leone  suo  fratello,  con  el  quale  poteva, 
quanto  ogn'  uno  sa  et  la  M'"  sua  ha  provato,  fu  sempre  di  tanto  studio  et  servitu 
della  parte  Spagnuola  et  imperiale  che  non  si  potra,  numerar  beneficio  o  gratia  o 
sodisfattione  di  cosa  alcuna  che  questa  parte  in  ogni  tempo  habbia  ricevuta 
dalla  S*"  M""  di  Leone  et  della  chiesa,  nella  quale  non  solo  N.  Signore  stando 
in  minoribus  non  si  sia  trovato  o  non  adversario  o  consentiente  solo,  ma  ancora 
auttore,  indrizzatore  et  conduttore  del  tutto.  Et  per  toccare  quelle  cose  che  sono 
di  piu  importantia  solamente:  la  lega  che  si  fece  il  secondo  et  terzo  anno  della 
gta  ]\iria  (jj  Lcouc  per  advcrsarc  alia  venuta  prima  che  fece  il  christianissimo  re 
Francfi^co  passo  tutta  per  mano  di  vS.  S'",  et  ella  ando  in  persona  legato  per 
trovarsi  jn  fatto  con  gli  altri.  Dove  essendo  riusciti  li  disegni  diversamente  da 
quello  che  s'  era  imaginato,  et  constretto  papa  Leone  a  fare  quelli  accordi  che 
pole  con  el  ch'"'",  il  cardinale  de  Medici  hebbe  quella  cura  di  conservare  il  papa 
Spagnuolo  che  ogn'  uno  di  quelli  che  all'  bora  vi  si  trovorono  posson  render  testi- 
monio,  et  uso  tutta  1'  auttorita  che  haveva  col  papa  suo  fratello,  che  la  volunta 
et  estremo  desiderio  che  el  christianissimo  haveva  di  seguir  la  vittoria  et  passar 
con  tanto  csercito  et  favore  nel  regno,  fussi  raffrenato  hor  con  una  scusa  et  hor 
con  un  altra,  et  tra  le  altre  che  essendo  il  re  cattolico  vecchio  et  per  1'  infermita 
gia  a  gli  ultimi  anni,  S.  M"*  aspettasse  1'  occasione  della  morte  sua,  nel  qual 
tempo  1'  impresa  riuscircbbe  senza  difficulta  alcuna.  Et  succedendo  assai 
presto  doppo  questi  ragionamenti  la  morte  del  re  cattolico,  che  credo  non  ci  fusse 
un  mese  di  tempo,  con  quant'  arte  et  fatica  fussi  necessario  reprimere  1'  instantia 
grande  che  el  christianissimo  ne  faceva,  ne  sarebber  testimonio  le  lettere  di  pro- 


AL  CARDINAL  FARNESE.  271 

pria  mano  di  S*  M'%  se  questi  soldati,  clie  tra  le  altre  cose  hanno  ancor  saccheg- 
giato  tutte  le  scrilture,  o  ci  le  rendessero  over  le  mandassero  all'  imperatore. 
Et  queste  cose  con  molte  altre,  che  tutte  erano  in  preparar  quieta  e  stabile  la 
heredita  et  successione  dcUa  persona  liora  dell'  imperatore  et  in  assicurarlo 
etiam  vivente  1'  avo  de  maestrati  di  Spagna,  tutte  faceva  el  cardinale  de  Medici 
non  per  private  commodo  suo  alcuno,  anzi  direltamente  contro  1'  utile  particu- 
lare,  non  liavendo  rendita  alcuna  di  memento  se  non  nel  dominio  di  Francia,  et 
non  procurando  mai  d'  haver  ristoro  in  quel  di  Spagna.  Successe  la  morte  dell' 
imperatore  Massimiliano,  et  essendo  Leone  inclinato  alia  parte  del  christian- 
issimo  per  quella  dignita  et  opponendosi  alii  conati  delli  M'"  Cesarea  d'  hora, 
non  passa  il  termine  dell'  elettione  che  el  cardinal  de  Medici  condiisse  il  papa 
a  non  contravenirvi,  e  doppo  fatta  1'  elettione  ad  approvarla,  assolverlo  dalla 
simonia,  dal  pergiuro,  che  non  poteva,  essendo  re   di  Napoli,  si  come  vuole  la 

costitutione  di  papa ,  procurar  d'  essere  imperatore,  rinvestirlo   et  darli  di 

nuovo  il  regno  di  Napoli:  in  che  non  so — se  1'  aft'etlion  grande  et  1'  oppiiiione 
nella  quale  el  cardinal  de  Medici  era  entrato  della  bonta,  prudentia  et  religions 
della  M**  sua  non  lo  scusasse — se  fusse  pin  o  il  servitio,  che  puo  molto  aperta- 
mente  dire  d'  haver  fatto  grandissimo  alia  M'*  sua,  overo  il  deservitio  fatto  al 
fratello  cioe  al  papa  et  alia  chiesa,  favorendo  et  nutrendo  uno  potentia  tanto 
grande  e  da  considerare  che  un  di  da  questo  flume  poteva  erumpere  una  devas- 
tatione  et  oltraggio  si  grande  come  hora  e  seguito.  Ma  vedendo  il  cardinale 
queste  due  potenze  di  Spagna  et  Francia  divise  di  sorte  che  malamente  non  con- 
trapesando  I'una  coll'  altra  si  poteva  sperar  pace,  andu  prima  con  questo  disegno 
d'  aggiunger  tanta  auttorita  et  forze  al  re  di  Spagna  che  essendo  uguale  al  chris- 
tianissimo  dovessi  haver  rispetto  di  venire  a  guerra,  et  se  pur  la  disgratia  por- 
tasse  che  non  si  potesse  far  dimeno,  essendo  I'oppinione  d'anteporre  il  re  di  Spagna 
al  christ'"°,  Spagna  fussi  in  mode  ferma  et  gagliarda  che  attaccandosi  in  un  case 
simile  a  quella  parte  si  potesse  sperarne  buon  esito  et  certa  vittoria.  Et  questo 
lo  provassi  con  altro  che  a  parole,  se  forte  le  cose  sopradette  fusser  cosi  oscure 
che  havesser  bisogno  di  piu  aperta  fede;  ne  fara  testimonio  la  coclusa  lega  con 
Cesare  contra  Francia,  et  tanto  dissimili  le  conditioni  che  si  promettevano  da 
un  lato  a  quelle  dell'  altro,  che  non  solo  Leone  non  doveva  venire  a  legarsi  coll' 
imperatore,  essendo  in  sua  lil)erta  et  arbitrio  d'elegger  quel  che  piu  faceva  per 
lui,  ma  essendo  legato  doveva  fare  ogni  opera  per  spiccarsene:  et  per  mostrar 
brevemente  esser  con  effetto  quanto  io  dice,  1'  imperatore  si  trovava  in  quel  tempo 
che  Leone  fece  lega  seco,  privo  d'  ogni  auttorita,  nervo,  amici  et  reputatione, 
havendo  perduto  in  tutto  I'obbedienza  in  Spagna  per  la  rebellione  di  tutti  i  po- 
puli,  essendo  tornato  dalla  dieta  che  sua  M'"  haveva  fatta  in  Vormatia,  escluso 
d'  ogni  conclusion  buona  d'  ajuti  et  di  favori  che  si  fussi  proposto  d'ottenere  in 
essa,*  havendo  la  guerra  gia  rnosso  ne  suoi  paesi  in  due  lati,  in  Fiandra  per  via 
di  Roberto  della  Marca  et  in  Navarra,  il  qual  regno  gia  era  tutto  andata  via  et 
ridottosi  all'  obbedienza  del  re  favorito  da  i  Francesi:f  li  Suizzeri  poco  inanzi 
s'  eron  di  nuovo  allegati  col  christianissimo  con  una  nuova  conditione  d'  obbli- 
garsi  alia  defensione  dello  stato  di  Milano,  che  el  re  possedeva,  cosa  che  mai 
per  inanzi  non  havevon  voluto  fare:  et  il  ser""  re  d'Anglia,  nel  quale  forse  1'  im- 
peratore faceva  fondamento  per  il  parentado  tra  loro  et  per  la  nemista  naturale 
con  Francia,  mostrava  esser  per  star  a  veder  volentieri,  come  comprobo  poi  con 
li  effetti,  non  si  movendo  a  dar  pure  un  minimo  ajuto  all'  imperatore  per  molta 
necessita  in  che  lo  vedessi  et  per  molta  instantia  che  gli  no  fusse  fatta,  salvo 
doppo  la  morte  di  Leone.  11  christianissimo  all'  incontro,  oltre  la  potentia 
grande  unita  da  se  et  la  pronta  unione  che  haveva  con  1'  111'"^  Siguona  et  che 
haveva  questa  nuova  lianza  de  Suizzeri,  si  trovava  tanto  piu  superior  nel  resto 
quanto  li  causano  la  potentia  sua,  et  la  facevano  maggiore  li  molli  et  infiniti 
disordini  ne  quali  dico  di  sopra  che  1'  imperatore  si  trovava.     Le   speranze  et 

*  Manifestly  fiilsc.  A  subsidy  of  20,000  M.  z.  F.  and  4000  M.  z.  Pf.  was  voted  to 
the  emperor  at  Worms. 

+  Error  in  the  date.  The  treaty  vpith  the  emperor  was  dated  the  8th  of  May.  Du 
Mo  nt.  iv,  iii,  97.     The  Frencli  arrived  at  Pampluna  on  the  20th  Garibay,  xxx,  523. 


272  INSTRUTTIONffi 

proposition!  dei  premii  et  comodita  dell  successo  et  prosperita  die  le  cose  haves- 
sero  havuto  eron  raolto  diverse:  il  christianissimo  voleva  dar  di  primo  colpo 
Ferrara  alia  chiesa  inanzi  che  per  sua  M''  si  facessi  altra  impresa,  poi  nell' 
acquisto  del  regno  di  Napoli  S'  M'*  christianissima,  per  non  venire  a  i  particular], 
dava  tante  comodita  alia  chiesa  circa  ogni  cosa  che  gli  tornava  di  piu  comodo 
piu  utilita  et  sicurta  assai,  che  non  sarebbe  stato  se  ce  1'  havesse  lassato  tutto; 
in  quest'  altra  banda  non  era  cosa  nessuna  se  non  proposito  di  metter  lo  stato  di 
Milano  in  Italiani  et  far  ritornar  Parma  et  Piacenza  alia  chiesa:*  et  nondimeno, 
essendo  et  nella  facilita  dell'  impresa  in  una  parte  et  nell'  altra  il  pericolo  cosi 
ineguale  et  aggiungendovisi  ancora  la  disparita  de  i  guadagni  si  grande,  potette 
tanto  la  volunta  del  cardinale  de  Medici  appresso  al  papa,  et  appresso  a  S.  S. 
Rev"*  1'  oppinione  della  bonta  et  religione  della  Maesta  Cesarea,  che  mettendosi 
nella  deliberatione  che  era  necessaria  di  fare  o  in  un  luogo  o  in  un  altro  questa 
imaginazione  inanzi  agli  occhi,  non  voile  dar  parte  della  vista  all'  altro  consiglio 
ne  altro  esamine  se  non  darsi  in  tutto  et  per  tutto  a  quella  parte  donde  sperava 
piu  frutti  d'  animo  santo  et  christiano  che  da  qualsivoglia  altri  premii  che  tem- 
poralmente  havesser  potuto  pervenire  per  altra  via.  Et  che  sia  vero  chi  non  ha 
visto  che  non  essendo  successe  le  cose  in  quel  principio  come  si  sperava,  et 
essendo  consumati  i  danari  che  per  la  prima  portion  sua  la  M'*  Cesarea  haveva 
dato,  et  vedendo  male  il  modo  che  si  facessi  provisione  per  piu,  la  S'*  M"*  di 
Leone  per  sua  parte  et  S.  S.  Rev"'"  molto  piu  per  la  sua  non  manco  mettervi  la 
sustantia  della  patria  sua  et  di  quanti  amici  et  servitori  che  havessi  et  per  1'  ul- 
timo la  persona  sua  propria,  della  quale  conobbe  1'  importantia  et  il  frutto  che  ne 
segui. 

"  Mori  in  quelle  papa  Leone,  et  benche  S.  S.  Rev"'  si  trovasse  nemico  tutto 
il  mondo,  perche  qiielli  che  haveva  ofFeso  dalla  parte  francese  tutti  s'eron  levati 
contro  lo  stato  et  dignita  sua  temporale  et  spirituale,  gli  altri  della  parte  dell' 
Imp''*  parte  non  lo  volsero  ajutare,  parte  gli  furon  contrarj,  come  V.  S.  Revm»  et 
ogn'  uno  sa  molto  bene,  non  dimeno  ne  il  pericolo  o  offerte  grandi  dei  primi  ne 
1'  ingratitudine  o  sdegno  dei  second!  bastorono  mai  tanto  che  lo  facesser  muovere 
pur  un  minimo  punto  della  volunta  sua,parendoli  che  sicome  1'  animo  di  Cesare 
et  1'  opinion  d'  esso  era  stato  scopo  et  objetto,  cosi  quello  dovessi  esser  sua  guida: 
et  non  si  potendo  imaginar  che  questo  nascessi  dall'  animo  suo  nepotendo  per  il 
tempo  breve  suspicarlo,  volse  piu  presto  comportar  ogni  cosa  che  mutarsi  niente, 
anzi  come  se  fussi  stato  il  contrario,  di  nessuna  cura  tenne  piu  conto  che  di  fare 
un  papa  buono  parimente  per  la  M*'  sua  come  per  la  chiesa:  et  che  1'  oppinione 
anzi  certezza  fussi  che  non  sarebbe  quasi  stato  diflerenza  a  far  papa  Adriano  o  1' 
Imp"^^  stesso,  ogn'  uno  lo  sa,  sicome  ancora  e  notissimo  che  nessuno  fu  piu  aut- 
tore  et  conduttore  di  quella  creatione  che  '1  cardinal  de  Medici. 

"  Hor  qui  fu  il  luogo  dove  il  card'*  de  Medici  hebbe  a  far  prova,  se  '1  giudicio 
el  quale  S.  S.  haveva  fatto  della  M*'  Cesarea  gli  riusciva  tale  quale  S.  S.  Rev"* 
s'  era  imaginato,  perche  inanzi  I'ombra  et  in  drizzo  della  S'^  M"*  di  Leone  haveva 
fatto  che  non  si  veniva  a  fare  esperienza  d'  altro,  et  1'  animo  di  S.  S.  tutto  occu- 
pato  a  servir  la  M'^  sua  non  haveva  pensato  di  distraherlo  in  cura  sua  o  di  suoi 
particular!,  ne  era  cosi  avido  o  poco  prudente  che  s'  imaginasse  i  premii  corris- 
pondenti  ai  meriti,  anzi  in  questo  pareva  d'  haver  perfettamente  servito  et  meritato 
assai,  non  havendo  objetto  nessun  tale  et  essendosi  rimesso  in  tutto  e  per  tutto 
alia  discrettione  et  liberalita  sua.  E  vero  che  trovandosi  piu  di  due  anni  quasi 
prima  che  la  M***  sua  non  pensava  ne  credeva  polet  ricever  tanto  beneficio  et 
servitio  dalla  casa  de  Medici,  haver  [iromesso  per  scritto  di  sua  mano  et  disegnato 
et  tenuto  a  tale  instantia  separataniente  da  quella  uno  stato  nel  regno  di  Napoli 
di  6  m.  scudi  et  una  nioglie  con  stato  in  dote  di  X  m.  pur  promesso  a  quel  tempo 
per  uno  dei  nipoti  di  papa  Leone  et  di  S.  S.  R^^  et  non  essendosi  mai  curati  d' 
entrare  in  possesso  del  primo  ne  venir  a  effetto  del  secondo  per  parerli  d'  haver 
tutto  in  certissimo  deposito  in   mano  di  sua  Maesta,  morto  papa  Leone  et  non 

*  Utterly  false.  The  IStli  article  of  the  treaty  stipulates  for  the  assistance  of  the 
emperor  against  Ferrara.  Prornittit  Ces»  M*"*  omnem  vim,  omnem  potentiam,  ut  ea 
(Ferraria)  apostolica  sedi  recuperetur. 


AL  CARDINAL  FARNESE.  273 

essendo  rimasto  segno  alcuno  di  bene  verso  la  casa  de  Medici,  che  gli  facessi 
ricordo  d'  haver  liavuto  tanto  tempo  un  papa,  se  non  questo,  mandando  S.  S. 
R'""alla  M'"  Cesarea  a  farli  riverenza  et  dar  conto  di  se,  dette  commissioni  dell' 
espeditione  di  questa  materia,  che  se  ne  facessi  la  spedilione,  la  consiornatione  et  li 
privilegii  et  venisse  all'  elfetto.  Ma  successe  molto  diversamente  da  quello  che 
non  solo  era  I'oppinion  nostra  ma  d'  ogn'  uno:  perche  in  cambio  di  vedere  che  si 
pensasse  a  nuovi  preniii  et  grattitudine  per  li  quali  si  conoscesse  la  recognitione 
de  beneficii  fatti  alia  M'"  sua,  et  la  casa  de  Medici  si  consolasse  vedendo  non 
haver  fatto  molta  perdita  nella  morte  di  Leone,  si  messe  difficolta  tale  nell' espe- 
ditione delle  cose  dette  non  come  si  i'lisse  trattato  di  uno  stato  gia  stabilito  et 
debito  per  conto  molto  diverso  et  inieriore  ai  meriti  grandi  che  s'  erono  aggiunti 
prima  di  disputare,  non  altrimenti  che  se  la  casa  de  Medici  gli  fusse  stata  ne- 
mica,  facendo  objettioni  di  sorte  che  ancorche  fusse  stata  in  quel  termine,  non  si 
devevon  fare,  perche  la  fede  et  quel  che  s'  e  una  volta  promesso  si  vuol  servare 
in  ogni  tempo,  pure  si  replied  et  mostro  il  torto  che  si  receveva  talmente  che  in 
cambio  di  sperar  piu  o  di  havere  almeno  interamente  quello  che  era  promesso  d' 
uno  stato  di  XVI  m.  scudi,  VI  di  S*  M'"  propria  et  X  m.  di  dote  che  si  doveva 
dare,  si  risolvette  in  tre,  nel  qual  tempo  essendo  il  cardinale  de  Medici  bene  in- 
formato  di  tutto,  se  S.  S.  R^^non  si  mosse  dalla  devotione'di  S»M"»  perseverando 
non  come  trattato  ut  supra  ma  come  se  fusse  stato  remimerato  a  satieta,  si  po- 
trebbe  dire  che  1'  havessi  fatto  per  forza,  essendo  la  potenza  dell'  imperatore 
fermata  di  sorte  che  non  poteva  far  altro,  overo  per  rnancarli  partito  con  altri 
prencipi,  overo  per  trovarsi  in  qualche  gran  necessita  nella  quale  fussi  piu  pronto 
prestar  ajuto  all'  imperatore  che  ad  altri:  ma  chi  si  ricorda  dello  stato  di  quei 
tempi,  che  e  facile  essendo  assai  fresca  la  memoria,  conoscera  che  1'  esercilo  e 
parte  imperiale  in  Italia  per  el  nuovo  soccorso  che  i  Francesi  havean  mandate 
reparando  1'  esercito  et  forze  loro,  con  1'  III'"'' Sig'''%  era  in  grandissimo  pericolo, 
et  in  mano  d'  alcuno  era  piu  in  Italia  per  1'  opportunitd  del  stato  amici,  parenti, 
dependentie,  denari  et  gente,  che  del  cardinale  de  Medici  far  cader  la  vittoria  in 
quella  parte  dove  gli  fusse  parso  a  S.  S.  R""*  salda  nella  volonta  verso  1'  impera- 
tore, cercavono  opprimerlo,  non  solo  poteva  sperare  ajuto  dalli  Cesarei,  ma  essi 
male  haverebbon  fatto  i  fatti  loro  se  da  S.  S.  R"'^  non  havesser  ricevuto  ogni  sorte 
di  ajuto  tanto  ad  acquistar  la  vittoria  quanto  a  mantenerla,  essendosi  spogliato 
fino  all'  ossa  et  se  et  la  patria  per  pagare  una  grossa  imposilione  che  fii  imposta  per 
contribuire  et  pagar  1'  essercito  et  tenerlo  unito.  Direi  volentieri,  connumerando 
tutti  i  bieficii,  officii  et  meriti  infiniti  del  cardinale  de  Medici  et  di  casa  sua,  qualche 
amorevol  demostratione  o  specie  di  grattitudine  che  S"  M'*  havessi  usato  inverse 
di  loro,  cosi  per  dire  il  vero  come  per  scusare  in  questo  modo  questa  perseverantia 
mai  interrotta  per  alcun  accidente  verso  S"  M*^  et  difenderla  da  chi  la  volessi 
chiamare  pm  tosto  ostinatione  che  vero  giudicio,  ma  non  vi  essendo  niente  non 
lo  posso  far  di  nuovo,  salvo  se  non  si  dicesse  che  in  cambio  di  XXII  m.  sc.  d' 
entrata  perduti  in  Francia  S*  M'"  gli  ordino  sopra  Toledo  una  pensione  di  X  m. 
sc,  dei  quali  ancora  in  parte  ne  resta  creditore.  E  vero  che  nelle  lettere  che  S* 
M'^scriveva  in  Italia  a  tutti  li  suoi  ministri  et  oratori  et  capitani  gli  faceva  hono- 
rifica  mentione  di  S.  S.  R™",  et  cometteva  che  facessin  capo  a  quella  et  ne  tenes- 
sero  gran  conto  per  insino  a  cometterii  che  se  dio  disponesse  della  S*"  M"" 
d'Adriano,  non  attendessero  a  far  papa  altri  che  S.  S.  R'"":  donde  nasceva  che 
tutti  facevano  nei  negolii  loro  capo  a  Fiorenza  et  communicavano  le  facende,  et 
quando  s'  haveva  a  trattar  di  danari  o  altra  sorte  d'  ajuti,  a  nessuno  si  ricorreva 
con  piu  fiducia  che  a  S.  S  R""%  favorendola  gagliardamente  contro  la  mala  dis- 
positione  di  papa  Adriano  per  triste  information!  ingeste  da  Volterra  che  mostrava 
haver  di  S.  S'":  nelle  quai  cose,  non  facendo  ingiuria  al  buon  animo  che  Cesare 
potesse  havere  con  el  cardinale,  diro  bene  che  S*  M'*  si  governava  prudentissima- 
mente  in  volere  che  si  mantenessi  una  persona  di  tanta  auttorita  in  Italia,  la  quale 
per  poca  recognitione  che  gli  fussi  stata  fatta  non  si  era  mai  mutato  un  pelo  del 
solito  suo,  et  non  possendo  succedere,  cosi  in  questo  come  negli  altri  stati,  che 
mutando  la  forma  et  regimento  se  ne  fusse  potuto  sentire  evidentissimi  frutti  et 
commodita  che  faceva  sua  Maesta,  stando  integro  in  Fiorenza  el  cardinale  de 
Medici. 

24* 


274  INSTRUTTIONE 

Morto  Adriano  fu  il  cardinale  create  papa,  dove  ancorche  i  ministri  et  altri 
dependent!  da  Cesare  havesser  gagliarda  commissione,  parte  si  portoron  come 
volsero,  et  alcuni  che  all'  ultimo  descesero  poi  a  favorirla  sua  elettione  il  primo 
protesto  che  essi  volsero  fu  che  non  intendevono  per  niente  che  S.  S'"  conoscesse 
1'  opera  loro  ad  instantia  dell'  imperatore,  ma  che  lo  facevono  per  mera  disposi- 
tione  privata.  Et  nondimeno  fatto  papa  ritenne  S.  S'-''  la  medesima  persona  del 
cardinal  de  Medici,  quanto  comportava  una  union  tale  insierae  con  la  dignita 
nella  quale  dio  1'  haveva  posto:  et  se  in  pesar  queste  due  parti  del  debito  del 
pontefice  et  dell'  afFettion  verso  1'  imperatore  S.  S'"  non  s'  havesse  lassato  vincere 
et  fatto  pesar  piu  1'  ultima,  forse  che  il  monde  sarebbe  piu  anni  fa  in  pace,  etnon 
patiremmo  hora  queste  calamita.  Perche  trovandosi  nel  tempo  che  S'^  S**  fu 
papa,  due  esserciti  gagliardi  in  Lombardia,  di  Cesare  et  del  christianissimo,  et 
il  primo  oppresso  da  molte  difficulta  di  potersi  mantenere,  se  N.  S.  non  1'  ajutava, 
come  fece  con  lassar  le  genti  ecclesiastiche  et  Florentine  in  campo,  con  darli 
tante  decime  nel  regno  che  ne  cavavano  80  m.  scudi,  et  farli  dar  contribution!  di 
Fiorenza,  et  S*  S'"  ancora  privatamente  denari  et  infinite  altre  sorli  d'ajuti,  forse 
quella  guerra  havrebbe  havuto  altro  esito  et  piu  moderate  et  da  sperar  fine  ai 
travagli  et  non  principio  a  nuove  et  maggiori  tribulation!,  alle  quali  sperando  N. 
S.  tanto  ritrovar  forma  quanto  oltre  all'  auttorita  ordinnria  che  credeva  haver 
coll'  imperatore  et  per  consigliarlo  bene  ci  haveva  ancora  aggiunto  queste  nuove 
dimostrationi,  senza  le  quali  non  havrebbe  potuto  vincere,  perche  et  me  n'  ero 
scordato  senz'  esse  ma!  la  Signoria  faceva  una  1'  esercito  suo,  non  solo  non  fu 
dato  luogo  alcuno  al  suo  consiglio,  che  dissuadeva  di  passare  in  Francia  con  1' 
esercito,  anz!  in  molte  occorentie  si  comincio  a  mostrare  di  tenare  un  poco  conto 
di  S"  S'",  et  favorir  Ferrara  in  dispreggio  di  quella,  et,  in  cambio  di  lodarsi  et 
ringratiarla  di  quanto  haveva  fatto  per  loro,  querelarsi  di  quel  che  non  s'era  fatto 
a  voglia  loro,  non  misurando  prima  che  tutto  si  facessi  per  mera  dispositione 
senza  obbligo  alcuno,  et  poi  se  ben  ce  ne  fussero  stati  infiniti,  che  molto  maggior 
doveva  esser  quello  che  tirava  S*  Santita  a  fare  il  debito  suo  con  Dio  che  con  1' 
imperatore. 

L'  esito  che  hebbe  la  guerra  di  Francia  mostro  se  el  consiglio  di  N.  Sig'  era 
buono,  che  venendo  el  christianissimo  adosso  all'  esercito  Cesareo,  ch'  era  a 
Marsiglia,  lo  costrinse  a  ritirarsi,  di  sorte,  e  '1  re  seguiva  con  celerita,  che  prima 
fu  entrato  in  Milano  ch'  essi  potesser  provedere,  et  fu  tanto  terrore  in  quella 
giornata  del  vicere,  secondo  che  1'  huomo  di  S.  S'**  che  era  presso  a  S.  EcC* 
scrisse,  che  non  sarebbe  stato  partito  quale  S.  Signoria  non  avessi  accettato  dal 
re,  et  prudentemente:  vedendosi  in  estrema  rovina  se  la  ventura  non  1'  havessi 
ajutato  con  fare  che  el  christianissimo  andasse  a  Pavia  et  non  a  Lodi,  dove  non 
era  possibile  stare  con  le  genti  che  vi  s'  eron  ridotte.  Hora  le  cose  si  trovavano 
in  questi  termini  et  tanto  peggiori  quanto  sempre  in  casi  cosi  subiti  1'  huomo  s' 
imagina,  et  N.  S.  in  malissima  intelligentia  col  chr"^  et  poca  speranza  di  non 
haver  a  sperar  se  non  male  da  S"  M'^  et  rimaneili  odiato  in  infinite,  essendosi 
governata,  come  diro  appresso  con  quella  verita  che  debbo  et  sono  obbligato  in 
qualsivoglia  luogo,  che  piu  potessi  stringere  a  dirla  di  quel  che  io  mi  reputi  al 
presente. 

Fatto  che  fu  N.  Sig''^  p^ipa,  mando  el  christianissimo  di  mandar  subito  messi 
a  supplicare  a  S.  S'*,  che  come  dio  1'  haveva  posta  in  luogo  sopra  tutti,  cosi  ancora 
si  volessi  metier  sopra  se  stessa  et  vincer  le  passioni  quali  gli  potesser  esser  rimaste 
o  di  troppa  affettione  verso  1'  imperatore  o  di  troppo  mala  volunta  verso  di  lui,  et 
che  rimarebbe  molto  obligate  a  dio  et  a  S.  S**  se  tenessi  ogn'  une  ad  un  segno, 
interponendosi  afar  bene,  ma  non  mettendosi  a  favorir  1'  nna parte  centre  1'  altro, 
et  se  pure  per  suoi  interessi  o  desegni  S.  B'-"  giudicasse  bisognarli  une  appoggio 
particulare  d'  un  prencipe,  qual  poteva  havere  meglio  del  sue,  che  naturalmente 
et  a  figliuolo  delia  chiesa  et  non  emulo,  desiderava  et  era  solite  eperar  grandezza 
di  essa  et  non  diminutione,  et  quanto  alia  volunta  poi  da  persona  a  persona,  gli 
farebbeben  partiti  tali  che  S.  S*'*conoscerebbe  che  molte  piu  haguadagnatoinfarsi 
conoscere  quanto  meritava  offendendo  etdescrvendo  lui,  che  ajutando  etfavorendo 
1'  imperatore,  venendo  in  particular!  grandi. 

Nostro  Signore  accettava  la  prima  parte  d'  essere  amorevole  a  tutti,  et  benche 


AL  CARDINAL  FARNESE.  275 

poi  con  li  effetti  dependessi  piu  dall'  imperatore,  oltre  alia  inclinazione  lo  faceva 
ancora  con  certissima  speranza  di  poter  tanto  con  1'  imperatore  che  facilmente 
lassandosi  Sua  M*"*  Cesarea  governare  et  miiovere,  a  Sua  S'"  non  fussi  per  essere 
SI  grave  quello  che  offendeva  el  christianissimo,  quanto  gli  sarebbe  comodo  poi 
in  facilitare  et  ajutare  gli  accordi  che  se  havessero  havuto  a  fare  in  la  pace.  Ma 
succedendo  altrimenti  et  facendo  il  re,  mentre  che  1'  essercito  Cesarea  era  a 
Marsiglia,  resolutione  di  venire  in  Italia,  mando  credo  da  Azais  un  corriere  con 
la  carta  bianca  a  N.  Sig""*  per  mezzo  de  sig''"  Alberto  da  Carpi  con  capitulatione 
favorevole  et  amplissimi  mandati  et  con  una  dimostration  d'  animo  tale  che  certo 
1'  haverebbe  possuto  mandare  al  proprio  imperatore,  perche  di  voler  lo  stato  di 
Milano  in  poi  era  contento  nel  resto  di  riporsi  in  tutto  et  per  tutto  alia  volunta 
et  ordine  di  Nostro  Signore:  et  non  ostante  questo  Sua  Santita,  non  si  volse 
risolver  mai  se  non  quando  non  la  prima  ma  la  secondavolta  fu  certa  della  presa 
di  Milano  et  hebbe  lettere  dall'  huomo  suo,  che  tutto  era  spacciato  et  che  el 
vicere  non  lo  giudicava  altrimenti.  Mettasi  qualsivoglia  o  amico  o  servitoie  o 
fratello  o  padre  o  1'  imperatore  medesimo  in  questo  hiogo,  et  vegga  in  questo 
subito  et  ancora  nel  seguente?  che  cosa  havria  potuto  fare  per  beneticio  suo  che 
molto  meglio  S.  S*^  non  habbia  fatto'?  dico  meglio:  perche  son  certo  che  quelli 
da  che  forse  S.  M  "  ha  sperato  et  spera  miglior  volunta  poiche  si  trovano  obbli- 
gati  havrebber  voluto  tenere  altro  conto  dell'  obbligo,  che  non  fece  la  S.  S'%  la 
quale  havendo  riposto  in  man  sua  far  cessar  1'  arme  per  far  proseguir  la  guerra 
nel  regno  di  Napoli  et  infiniti  altri  comodi  et  publici  et  privati,  non  s'  era  obli- 
gata  ad  altro  in  favor  dell'  christianissimo  se  non  a  farli  acquistar  quello  che  gia 
1'  esercito  di  Cesare  teneva  per  perduto  et  in  reprimerlo  di  non  andare  inanzi  a 
pigliare  il  regno  di  Napoli,  nel  quale  non  pareva  che  fussi  per  essere  molta  diffi- 
culta:  et  chi  vuol  farsi  bello  per  li  eventi  successi  al  contrario,  deve  ringratiare 
dio  che  miracolosamente  et  per  piacerli  ha  voluto  cosi,  et  non  attribuir  nulla  a  se, 
et  riconoscer  che  '1  papa  fece  quella  capitulazione  per  conservar  se  et  1'  impera- 
tore et  non  per  mala  volonta.  Perche  trovando  poi  per  sua  disgratia  el  re  diffi- 
culta  nell'  impresa  per  haverla  presa  altrimenti  di  quel  che  si  doveva,  N.  S''*  lo 
lasso  due  mesi  d'  intorno  a  Pavia  senza  dar  un  sospiro  di  favore  alle  cose  sue,  et 
benche  questo  fusse  assai  beneficio  delli  Spagnuoli,  non  manco  ancora  far  perl  oro, 
dandoli  del  suo  stato  tutte  le  comodita  che  potevon  disegnare,  non  mancando 
d'  interporsi  per  metter  accordo  quanlo  era  possibile  tra  loro:  ma  non  vi  essendo 
ordine  et  soUecitando  il  re,  che  N.  Sig''"  si  scoprisse  in  favor  suo  per  farli  ac- 
quistare  tanto  piu  facilmente  lo  stato  di  Milano,  et  instando  ancora  che  i  Fio- 
rentini  facessero  il  medesimo,  a  che  parimente  come  S.  S'"  erono  obbligati,  fece 
opera  di  evitare  1'  haversi  a  scoprire  ne  dare  ajuto  alcuno  salvo  di  darli  passo  et 
vettovaglia  per  el  suo  stato  a  una  parte  dell'  esercito,  che  sua  M'''  voleva  man- 
dare  net  regno  per  far  diversione  et  ridur  piu  facilmente  all'  accordo  gl'  impe- 
riali.  Oh  che  gran  servitio  fu  questo  ai  Francesi,  concedendoli  cosa  la  quale  era 
in  facolta  loro  di  torsela,  ancorche  non  glie  1'  havesse  voluto  dare,  trovandosi 
disarmato  et  parendo  pur  troppo  strano  che  havendo  fatto  una  lega  con  S.  M** 
christianissima  non  1'  havendo  voluto  servir  d'  altro,  gli  negasse  quello  che  non 
poteva,  et  una  publicatione  d'  una  concordia  finta,  come  fu  quella  che  si  dette 
fuora  all'  hora  per  dare  un  poco  di  pastura  a  quella  M''"*  et  fare  che  di  manco  mal 
animo  comportasse  che  S.  S'"  non  osservasse  ad  unguem  la  capitulatione:  et  se 
si  vorra  dire  il  vero,  el  christianissimo  fu  piu  presto  deservito  che  servito  di 
quella  separatione  dell'  esercito,  perche  furono  le  genti  intertenute  tanto  in  Siena 
et  di  poi  in  questo  di  Roma,  che  1'  imperiali  hebber  tempo  in  Lcmbardia  di  far 
la  prova  che  fecero  a  Pavia:  la  qual  ottenuta,  qualche  ragione  voleva,  che  I'im- 
peratore  ne  i  suoi  agenti  ne  huomo  al  mondo  di  quella  parte  si  tenesse  offeso  da 
Sua  S*"  o  pensassi  altro  che  farli  servitio  o  piacere,  se  la  religionenon  li  moveva 
et  il  seguitare  gli  esempii  degli  altri  prencipi,  li  quali  non  solo  non  hanno  offeso 
i  papi,  che  si  sono  stati  a  vedere,  ma  quando  hanno  ottenuto  vittoria  contro  quella 
parte  con  la  quale  la  chiesa  si  fussi  adherita,  gli  hanno  havuti  in  somma  adhe- 
renza  e  riverenza  e  posto  termine  alia  vittoria  sua  in  chiederli  perdono,  honoraria 
et  servirla.  Lasciamo  stare  la  religione  da  canto  et  mettiamo  il  papa  et  la  chiesa 
in  luogo  di  Moscovita,  dove  si  trovo  mai  che  a  persona  et  stato  che  non  ti  occupa 


276  INSTRUTTIONE 

niente  di  quello  a  che  la  ragione  vuole,  tu  poSsa  prfitendere?  anzi  havendo  una 
continuata  memoria  d'  haver  tanti  anni  col  favore,  ajuto  et  sustantia  sua  et  par- 
ticularmente  della  persona  ottenuto  tante  vittorie,  et  se  hora  si  era  adherito  col 
re,  lo  fece  in  tempo  nel  quale  non  potendo  ajut'ire,  se  ne  altri  gli  parve  d'  havere 
una  occasione  divina  di  poter  col  mezzo  dei  nemici  fare  quel  medesimo  effetto, 
non  gli  pando  piu  di  quello  che  o  la  forza  loro  o  1'  importantia  dell'  imperatore 
gli  concedeva,  et  poi  quatido  el  corso  della  vittoria  si  fermo  per  i  Francesi,  ha- 
verla  piu  tosto  arenata  che  ajutata  a  spignere  inanzi:  che  inhumanita  inaudita, 
per  non  usar  piu  grave  termine,  fu  quella,  come  se  appunto  non  vi  fasse  stata 
alcuna  di  queste  raggioni  o  fussero  state  al  contrario,  subito  ottenuto  la  vittoria 
in  Pavia  et  fatto  prigione  il  re,  cercare  di  far  pace  con  gli  altri,  dei  quali  merita- 
mente  potevasi  presumere  d'  essere  stati  ofTesi,  alia  chiesa  et  alia  persona  del 
papa  subito  indir  la  guerra  et  mandarli  uno  esercito  adosso?  O  gl'  imperiali 
havevon  veduti  i  capitoli  della  lega  con  el  chr^o  o  non  gli  havevon  veduti.  Ha- 
vendo gli  visti,  come  siam  certi,  essendo  andate  in  man  loro  tutte  le  scritture  di 
S.  M*%  dovevon  produrli,  et  mostrando  offensione  in  essi  o  nel  tempo  che  furon 
conclusi  overo  nei  particulari  di  cosa  che  fusse  in  pregiudicio  alia  M'°  Cesarea, 
giustificar  con  essi  quello  che  contavano,  se  giustificatione  alcuna  pero  vi  potesse 
essere  bastante.     Non  gli  havendo  visti,  perche  usar  tale  iniquita  contra  di  — 

]  Ma  ne  in  scriptis  non  havendo  visto  cosa  tale  ne  in  fatto  non  havendolo 

provato,  non  havevon  sentito  offensione  alcuna.  Ne  resto  N.  Sig''"'  per  poco 
animo  o  per  non  potere,  perche  se  1'  ha  dell'  animo  o  del  pctere  essi  in  loro  bene- 
ficio  1'  havevon  provato  tanto  tempo  et  del  primo  1'  eta  non  glien'  haveva  potuto 
levar  niente  et  del  secondo  la  dignita  glien'  haveva  aggiunto  assai,  ne  anche 
perche  S.  S'"  havessi  intercette  alcune  lettere  di  questi  sig"  nelle  quali  si  vedeva 
che  stanno  gonfi  et  aspettavano  occasione  di  vendicarsi  della  ingiuria,  che  non 
riceverono  da  S.  S*%  ma  per  non  reputar  niente  tutte  queste  cose,  respetto  alia 
giustilia  et  al  dovere  et  buon  animo  della  M'"  Cesarea,  senza  participation  della 
quale  non  penso  mai  che  si  mettesse  a  tentare  cosa  alcuna,  et  non  possendo  mai 
persuadersi  che  S  M'*  fusse  per  comportarlo.  Pero  accadde  tutto  il  contrario, 
che  subito  senza  dimora  alcuna  fecer  passare  1'  esercito  in  quel  della  chiesa  et 
constrinser  S.  S''' a  redimer  la  vexatione  con  100m.  sc.  et  col  far  una  lega  con 
loro:  la  quale  mandandosi  in  Spagna,  la  demostratione  che  S.  M*"  ne  fece  d' 
haverlo  a  male  fu  che  se  in  essa  si  conteneva  qualche  cosa  che  fusse  in  beneficio 
di  N.  Sig''*  et  della  chiesa,  non  la  volse  ratificare,  non  ostante  che  quanto  fu  fatto 
in  Italia,  fussi  con  li  mandati  amplissimi  della  M'^  sua,  et  tra  le  altre  cose  v' 
era  la  reintegratione  dei  sali  dello  stato  di  Milano  che  si  pigliasser  dalla  chiesa, 
et  la  restitution  di  Reggio,  di  che  non  volse  far  nulla,  Havendo  N.  Sig""*  veduto 
gabbarsi  tante  volte  et  sperando  sempre  che  le  cose  dell'  imperatore,  ancorche 
alia  presentia  paressero  altrimenti,  in  effetto  poi  fussero  per  riuscire  migliori  et 
havendo  sempre  visto  riuscirli  il  contrario,  comincio  a  dare  orecchie  con  tante 
prove  che  ne  vedeva  a  chi  glie  1'  haveva  sempre  detto  et  perseverava  che  la 
M*"  sua  tendessi  alia  oppressione  di  tutta  Italia  et  volersene  far  sig'''  assoluto, 
parendoli  strano  che  senza  un'  objetto  tale  S.  M'*  si  governasse  per  se  et  per  li 
suoi  di  qua  della  sorte  che  faceva:  et  truvandosi  in  questa  suspettione  et  mala 
contentezza  di  veder  che  non  gli  era  osservato  ne  fede  ne  promessa  alcuna,  gli 
pareva  che  gli  fusse  ben  conveniente  adherire  alia  amicitia  et  pratiche  di  colore 
li  quali  havessero  una  causa  commune  con  la  santita  sua  et  fusser  per  trovar 
modi  da  difenaersi  da  una  violentia  tale  che  si  teneva:  et  essendo  tra  le  altre 
cose  proposto  che  disegnando  Cesare  levar  di  stato  el  duca  di  Milano  et  farsene 
padrone  et  havendo  tanti  indicii  che  questo  era  piu  che  certo  non  si  doveva  per- 
der  tempo  per  anticipar  di  fare  ad  allri  quel  che  era  disegnato  di  fare  a  noi,  S. 
S'^  non  poteva  recusare  di  seguitare  il  camino  di  chi  come  dico  era  nella  fortuna 
commune.  Et  di  qui  nacque  che  volendosi  il  regno  di  Fraiicia,  la  S.  S"^  di  Ve- 
netia  et  il  resto  di  Italia  unire  insieme  per  rilevamento  delli  stati  et  salute  com- 
mune, N.  S.  dava  intentione  di  non  recusare  d'  essere  al  medesimo  che  gli  altri 
s'  offerivono.  et  confessa  ingenuamente  che  essendoli  proposto  in  nome  et  da 
parte  del  marchese  di  Pescara  che  egli  come  mai  contento  dell'  imperatore  et 
come  Italiano  s'  oflferiva  d'  essere  in  questa  compagnia,  quando  s'  avesse  a  venire 


AL  CARDINAL  FARNESE.  277 

a  fatti,  non  solamente  non  lo  ricuso,  ma  havendo  sperato  di  poterlo  liavere  con 
effetti,  gli  haverebbe  fatto  ogni  partito,  perche  essendo  venuto  a  termine  di  temer 
dello  stato  et  salute  propria,  pensava  che  ogni  via  che  se  gli  fusse  oiTerta  da 
potere  sperare  ajuto  non  era  da  rifiutare.  Hora  egli  e  morto  et  dio  sa  la  verita 
et  con  che  animo  governo  questa  cosa.  E  ben  vero  et  certo  questo  che  simile 
particulare  fu  messo  a  N.  Signore  in  suo  noine;  etj  mandando  S.  S'=»  a  ditnan- 
darnelo,  non  solo  non  lo  riciiso,  ma  torno  a  confermare  egli  stesso  quel  che  per 
altri  mezzi  gli  era  stato  fatto  intendere:  et  benche  le  pratiche  procedesser  di 
questa  sorte,  dio  sa  se  N.  Signore  ci  andava  pia  tosto  per  necessita  che  per  elet- 
tione;  et  di  cio  possono  far  testimonio  molte  lettere  scritte  in  quel  tempo  al  nun- 
tio  di  S.  Sta  appresso  1'  imperatore,  per  le  quali  se  gli  ordinava  che  facesse  in- 
tendere alia  M'*  S^  li  mali  modi  et  atti  a  rovinare  il  mondo  che  per  quella  si  tene- 
vano,  et  che  per  amor  di  dio  volesse  pigliarla  per  altra  via,  non  essendo  possibile 
che  Italia,  ancorche  si  ottenesse,  si  potesse  tenere  con  altro  che  con  amore  et  con 
una  certa  forma  la  quale  fusse  per  contentare  gli  animi  di  tutti  in  universale.  Et 
non  giovando  niente,  anzi  scoprendosi  S.  M'*''  in  quel  che  si  dubitava,  d'  impa- 
tronirsi  dello  stato  di  Milano  sotto  il  pretesto  di  Girolanao  Morone  et  che  il  duca 
si  fusse  voluto  ribellare  a  S.  M'%  perseverava  tuttavia  in  acconciarla  con  le 
buone,  descendendo  a  quel  che  voleva  S.  M'-''  se  ella  non  voleva  quel  che  piaceva 
alia  S'*  Sua,  purche  lo  stato  di  Milano  restasse  nel  duca,  al  quale  effetto  si  erano 
fatte  tutte  le  guerre  in  Italia;  in  che  S.  S'"  hebbe  tanto  poca  ventura  che,  andando 
lo  spaccio  di  questa  sua  volunta.  all'  imperatore  in  tempo  che  S.  M**  voleva  ac- 
cordarsi  col  christianissimo,  rifiuto  far  1'  accordo:  et  potendo,  se  accettava  prima 
1'  accordo  con  il  papa,  far  piu  vantaggio  et  poi  piu  fermo  quel  del  christianissi- 
mo, rifiuto  far  I'accordo  con  N.  Signore,  per  fare  che  quanto  faceva  con  il  re 
fusse  tanto  piu  [comodo]  vano  quanto  non  lo  volendo  il  re  osservare  era  per 
haver  de'  compagni  mal  content!  con  li  quali  unendosi  fusse  per  tenere  manco 
conto  della  M'*  Sua;  et  non  e  possibile  imaginarsi  donde  procedesse  tanta  alien- 
atione  dell'  imperatore  di  volere  abbracciare  il  papa:  non  havendo  ancora  con 
effetto  sentita  offesa  alcana  di  S.  S*%  havendo  mandato  legato  suo  nipote  per  ho- 
norarlo  et  praticare  queste  cose  accioche  conoscesse  quanto  gli  erano  a  cuore, 
facendoli  ogni  sorte  di  piacere,  et  tra  gli  altri  concedendoli  la  dispensa  del  matri- 
monioj  la  quale  quanto  ad  unire  I'amicitia  et  intelligentia  di  quel  regni  per  ogni 
caso  a  cavargli  denari  della  dote  et  ha  verquesta  successione*  era  della  impor- 
tanza,  che  ogn'  uno  sa,  et  tamen  non  si  movendo  S.  M**^  niente,  costrinse  la  S. 
S*^  a  darsi  a  chi  ne  la  pregava,  non  volendo  I'  imperatore  supplicarlo,  et  a  grand- 
issimo  torto  accettarlo:  et  avenne  che  stringendosi  N.  Signore  con  il  christianis- 
simo et  con  1'  altri  prencipi  et  potentati  a  fare  la  lega  per  commune  difensione  et 
precipuamente  per  far  la  pace  universale,  quando  1'  imperatore  lo  seppe,  volse  poi 
unirsi  con  N.  Signore  et  mandando  ad  offrirgli  per  il  sig'"''  Don  Ugo  di  IMoncada 
non  solo  quel  che  S.  S'*  gli  haveva  addimandato  et  importunato,  ma  quel  che 
mai  haveva  sperato  di  potere  ottenere.  Et  se  o  la  M'^  S.  si  vuol  difendere  o 
calumniare  N.  Sig''%  che  concedendoli  per  il  sig"=  Don  Ugo  quanto  dissi  di  sopra, 
non  1'  havesse  voluto  accettare,  non  danni  la  S**  S,,  la  quale  mentrache  fu  in 
sua  potesta,  gli  fece  istanza  di  contentarsi  di  manco  assai,  ma  incolpi  il  poco 
giudicio  di  coloro  che  quanto  e  tempo  et  e  per  giovare  non  vogliono  consentire  a 

uno  et  vengono  fuori  d'  occasioni  a  voler  buttar  cento non  essendo  (se 

non'?)  con  somma  giustificatione  cio  in  tempo,  che  sua  M*^  negasse  d'  entrare  in 
lega  con  honeste  conditioni  et  che  le  imprese  riuscissero  in  modo  difficili  che 
altrimenti  non  si  potesse  ottenere  1'  intento  commune,  et  chi  dubitassi  che  1'  im- 
presa  del  regno  non  fusse  stata  per  essere  facile,  lo  puo  mostrare  1'  esilo  di  Fru- 
solone  et  la  presa  di  tante  terre,  considerando  massime  che  N.  Sig''"'  poteva 
mandare  nel  principio  le  medesime  enti,  ma  non  eron  gia  atti  ad  havere  nel 
regno  in  un  subito  tante  preparationi  quante  stentorono  ad  havere  in  molii  mesi 
con  aspettare  gli  ajuti  di  Spagna,  et  mentre  non  manca  nell'  inimicitia  esser  amico 
et  voler  usar  piu  presto  ufficio  di  padre,  minacciando  che  dando  (offendendo?)  e 

*  We  see  that  in  1525  tlie  attack  made  by  Portugal  on  Spain  was  already  in  contem- 
plation. 


278  INSTRUTTIONE 

procedendo  con  ogni  sincerita  et  non  raancando  di  discendere  ancora  ai  termini 
sotto  della  dignita.  sua  in  fare  accordo  con  Colonnesi  sudditi  suoi  perlevare  ogni 
suspetlione  et  per  non  mandar  mai  il  ferro  tanto  inanzi  che  non  si  potessi  tiran- 
dolo  in  dietro  sanar  facilmente  la  piaga,  fu  ordinata  a  S.  S*^  quella  tradilione,  che 
sa  ogn'  lino  et  piu  sene  parla  tacendo,  nod  si  potendo  esprimere,  nella  quale  e 
vero  che  se  S.  M"^  non  ci  dette  ordine  ne  consenso,  ne  mostro  alineno  gran  dis- 
piacere  et  non  fece  maggior  dimostration,  parendo  che  1'  armata  e  tutti  li  prepa- 
ratorii  che  potessi  mai  fare  1'  imperatore  non  tendessino  ad  altro  che  a  voler  ven- 
dicare  la  giustitia  N.  Sig""^  haveva  fatta  contro  i  Colonnesi  di  rovinarli  quattro 
castelli.  Non  voglio  disputar  della  tregua  fatta  qui  in  castello  questo  septembre 
per  il  sig""^  Don  Ugo  se  teneva  o  non  teneva:  ma  1'  assolutione  dei  Colonnesi 
non  teneva  gia  in  modo  N.  Sig''®  che  essendo  suoi  sudditi  non  gli  potessi  et  do- 
vessi  castigare.  Et  se  quanto  all'  osservantia  poi  della  tregua  tra  N.  Sig""^  et 
1'  imperatore  fussi  stato  modo  da  potersi  fidare,  si  sarebbe  osservata  d'  avvanzo, 
benclie  N.  Sig'''^  non  fusse  mai  el  primo  a  romperla:  ma  non  gli  essendo  osservate 
ne  qui  ne  in  Lombardia,  dove  nel  tempo  della  tregua  calando  XII  mila  lanzichi- 
neche  vennero  nella  terra  della  chiesa,  et  facendosi  dalle  bande  di  qua  el  peggio 
che  si  poteva,  et  sollecitandosi  el  vicere  per  lettere  del  consiglio  di  Napoli,  che 
furono  intercette,  che  S.  S"*  accelerassi  la  venuta  per  trovare  il  papa  sprovisto 
et  fornir  quel  che  al  primo  colponon  haveva  potuto  fare,  non  pote  N.  Sig""^  man- 
care  a  se  stesso  di  mandare  a  tor  gente  in  Lombardia,  le  quali,  ancorche  venis- 
sero  a  tempo  di  far  fattione  nel  regno,  non  volse  che  si  movesser  dei  confini — et 
la  rovina  de  luoghi  dei  Colonnesi  fu  piu  per  1'  inobbedienza  di  non  haver  voluto 
alloggiare  che  per  altro — et  similmente  di  dar  licentia  a  Andrea  Doria  di  andare 
ad  impedir  quell'  armata  della  quale  S.  S**  haveva  tanti  riscontri  che  veniva  alia 
sua  rovina.  Non  si  puo  senza  nota  di  S.  S**  di  poca  cura  della  salute  et  dignita 
sua  dir,  con  quante  legittime  occasioni  costretto  non  abbandonassi  rnai  tanto 
tempo  1'  amore  verso  1'  imperatore,  e  dipoiche  comincio  a  esservi  qualche  sepa- 
ratione,  quante  volte  non  solo  essendoli  offerti  ma  andava  cercando  i  modo  di 
tornarvi,  ancorche  et  di  questo  primo  proposilo  et  di  quest'  altre  reconciliationi 
gliene  fussi  seguito  male.  Ecco  che  mentre  le  cose  son  piu  ferventi  che  mai, 
viene  el  padre  generale  dei  Minori,  al  quale  havendo  N.  Sig'''^  nel  principio  della 
guerra  andando  in  Spagna  dette  buone  parole  assai  dell'  animo  suo  verso  1'  im- 
peratore et  mostratoli  quali  sariano  le  vie  per  venire  a  una  pace  universale,  la 
M'*  sua  lo  rimando  indietro  con  commissioni  a  parole  tanto  ample  quanto  si  po- 
teva desiderare,  ma  in  effetto  poi  durissime:  pur  desiderando  N.  Sig''*  d'  uscirne 
et  venire  una  volta  a  chiarirsi  facie  ad  faciem  con  1'  imperatore,  se  vi  era  modo 
o  via  alcuna  di  far  pace,  disse  di  si  et  accetto  per  le  migliori  del  mondo  queste 
cose  che  1'  imp''=  voleva  da  sua  santita  et  quello  che  la  M'^  sua  voleva  dare:  et 
volendo  venire  alio  stringere  et  bisognando  far  capo  col  vicere,  il  quale  si  tro- 
vava  anch'  esso  arrivato  a  Gaetta  nel  medesimo  tempo  con  parole  niente  infe- 
riori  di  quelle  che  el  generale  haveva  detto,  queste  conditioni  crescevano  ogn' 
hora  et  erano  infinite  insoportabili  da  potersi  fare:  con  tutto  cio  niente  premeva 
piu  a  N.  ^ignore  che  esser  costretto  a  far  solo  accordo  con  1'  imperatore  in  Italia, 
perche  la  causa  che  moveva  a  farlo,  etiam  con  grandissimo  danno  et  vergogna 
sua,  era  I'unione  et  pace  in  Italia  et  il  potere  andare  all'  imperatore,  et  se  la  Sig- 
noria  di  Venetia  non  gli  consentiva,  questo  non  poteva  occorrere,  et  per  practi- 
care  il  consenso  loro,  stando  il  vicere  a  Frusolone,  si  fece  la  sospensione  dell' 
armi  otto  giorni,  tra  quali  potesse  venire  la  risposta  di  Venetia,  et  andando  con 
esse  il  signor  Cesare  Fieramosca,  non  fu  prima  arrivato  la  che  gia  essendosi  alle 
mani  et  liberato  Frusolone  dall'  assedio  non  si  pote  far  niente:  nel  qual  maneg- 
gio  e  certo  che  N.  Signore  ando  sinceramente  et  cosi  ancora  il  rev™°  legato,  ma 
trovandosi  gia  1'  inimici  a  posta  et  con  1'  armi  in  mano,  non  era  possibile  di  trat- 

tare  due  cose  diverse  in  un  tempo  medesimo Si  potrebbe  maravigliarsi 

che  doppo  1'  aver  provato  1'  animo  di  questa  parte  et  restarsi  sotto  con  inganno, 
danno  et  vergogna,  hora  volens  et  sciens,  senza  necessita  alcuna  libero  dalla 
paura  del  perdere,  sicuro  di  guadagnare,  non  sapendo  che  amicitia  acquistassi, 
essendo  certo  della  alienatione  et  nemicilia  di  tutto  il  mondo  et  di  quel  principali 
che  di  cuore  amano  la  S'^  sua,  andasse  a  buttarsi  in  una  pace  o  tregua  di  questa 


AL  CARDINAL  PARNESE.  279 

sorte.  Ma  havendo  sua  S'*  provato  che  non  piaceva  a  dio  che  si  facessi  guerra, 
— perche  ancorche  havessi  fatto  ogni  prova  per  non  venire  ad  arme  et  di  poi  es- 
sendovi  venuto  con  tanti  vantaggi,  11  non  haver  haviito  se  non  tristi  successi  non 
si  puo  attribuire  ad  altro,  venendo  la  povera  christianita  afflitta  e  desolata  in 
modo  insoffribile  ad  udirsi  da  noi  medesimi,  che  quasi  eravamo  per  lassar  poca 
fatica  al  Turco  di  fornirla  di  rovinare, — giudicava  clie  nessun  rispetto  humano 
dovessi  per  grande  che  fusse  valer  tanto  che  havessi  a  rimuovere  la  S''^  sua  da 
cercar  pace  in  compagnia  d'ogn'  uno,  non  possendola  haver  con  altri,  farscla  a 
se  stessa,  et  massime  che  in  qiiesti  pensieri  tornorno  a  interporvisi  di  qnelli 
avvisi,  et  nuove  dell'  animo  et  volunta  di  Cesare  disposto  a  quello  che  suol  muo- 
vere  la  S.  S'"^  mirabilmente  havendo  havuto  nel  rnedesimo  tempo  lettere  di  man 
propria  di  S.  M**  per  via  del  Sig"'*  Cesare  et  per  Paolo  di  Arezzo  di  quella  sorte 
che  era  necessario;  vedendo  che  d'  accordarsi  il  papa  col  imperatore  fusse  per 
segiiirne  la  felicita  del  mondo  overo  imaginarsi  che  uomo  del  mondo  non  potessi 
mai  nascer  di  peggior  natura  che  1'  imperatore  se  fusse  andato  a  trovare  questa 
via  per  rovinare  il  papa,  la  qual  fussi  indegnissima  d'  ogni  vilissimo  uomo  et 
non  del  maggiore  che  sia  tra  christiani,  ma  absit  che  si  possa  imaginar  tal  cosa, 
ma  si  reputa  piu  tosto  che  dio  1'  habbia  permessa  per  recognition  nostra  et  per 
dar  campo  alia  M'*  sua  di  mostrar  piu  pieta,  piu  bonta  e  fede  et  darli  luogo  d' 
assettare  il  mondo  piu  che  fusse  mai  concesso  a  prencipe  nato.  Essendo  venule 
in  mano  di  questi  soldati  tntte  le  scritture,  tra  1'  altre  gli  sara  capitato  una  nuova 
capitulatione,  che  fece  N.  S"  cinque  o  sei  di  al  piu  prima  che  seguisse  la  perdita 
di  Roma,  per  la  quale  ritornando  S.  .S''  per  unirsi  con  la  lega  et  consentendo  a 
molte  conditioni  che  erano  in  pregiudicio  della  M'*  Cesarea,  non  penso  che  alcu- 
no  sia  per  volersene  valere  contro  N.  S"=  di  quelli  della  parte  di  Cesare,  perche 
non  lo  potrebbon  fare  senza  scoprir  piu  i  difetti  et  mancamenti  loro,  li  quali  dato 
che  si  potessi  concedere  che  non  si  iussi  potuto  ritrar  Borbone  dal  proposito  suo 
di  voler  venire  alia  rovina  del  papa,  certo  e  che  eron  tanti  altri  in  quel  campo  di 
fanti  et  uomini  d'  arme  et  persone  principali  che  havrebbono  obbedito  a  i  com- 
mandamenti  dell'  imperatore  se  gli  fussero  stati  fatti  di  buona  sorte:  et  privato 
Borbone  d'  una  simil  parte,  restava  pocco  atto  a  proseguire  el  disegno  suo.  Et 
dato  che  questo  non  si  fusse  possuto  fare,  benche  non  si  possa  essere  escusazione 
alcuna  che  vagli,  come  si  giustifichera  che  havendo  N.  Sig"^^  adempito  tutte  le 
conditioni  della  capitulazione  fatta  col  vicere,  sicome  V.  S.  R""-^  potria  ricordarsi 
et  vedere  rileggendo  la  copia  di  essa  capitulazione,  che  portera  seco,  che  doman 
dando  S.  S**  all'  incontro  che  se  li  osservasse  il  pagamento  dei  fanti  et  degli 
uomini  d'  arme,  che  ad  ogni  richiesta  sua  se  li  erano  obbligati,  non  ne  fussi  stato 
osservato  niente  si  che  non  essendo  stato  corrisposto  in  nessuna  parte  a  N.  Sig"^* 
in  quella  capitulatione,  da  un  canto  facendosi  contro  quello  che  si  doveva,  dall' 
altro  non  se  li  dando  li  ajuti  che  si  doveva,  non  so  con  che  animo  possa  mettersi 
a  voler  calunniare  la  S'^  S.  d'  una  cosa  fatta  per  mera  necessita  indutta  da  loro 
et  tardata  tanto  a  fare,  che  fu  la  rovina  di  sua  Beattitudine,  e  pigliare  occasione 
di  tenersi  ofTesi  da  noi. 

"Dalla  deliberatione  che  N.  Sig""®  fece  dell'  andata  sua  all'  imperatore  in 
tempo  che  nessuno  posseva  suspicare  che  si  movessi  per  altro  che  per  zelo  della 
salute  de  christiani,  essendo  venuta  quella  inspiratione  subito  che  si  hebbe 
nuova  della  morte  del  re  d'  Ungheria  et  delia  perdita  del  regno,  non  lo  negheranno 
li  nemici  proprii,  havendo  S^  S'*  consultato  e  resoluto  in  concistore  due  o  tre  di 
inanzi  I'entrata  di  Colonnesi  in  Roma;  ne  credo  che  sia  alcuno  si  grosso  che 
pensi  si  volessi  fare  quel  tjtto  di  gratia  coll'  imperatore  prevedendo  forse  quella 
tempesta,  perche  non  era  tale  che  se  si  fussi  havuto  tre  bore  di  tempo  a  saperlo, 
non  che  tre  di,  non  si  fusse  con  un  minimo  suono  (sforzol)  potuto  scacciare.  Le 
conditioni  che  el  padre  generale  di  S.  Francesco  portu  a  N.  Sig''"  furon  queste: 
la  prima  di  voler  pace  con  S^  S^,  et  se  percaso  alia  venuta  sua  trovasse  le  cose 
di  S»  S*-^  et  della  chiesarovinate,  che  era  contento  si  riducessero  tutte  al  pristino 
stato  et  in  Italia  darebbe  pace  ad  ogn'  uno,  non  essendo  d'animo  suo  volere  ne  per  se 
ne  per  suo  fratello  pur  un  palmo,  anzi  lassar  ogn'  un  in  possesso  di  quello  in  che 
si  trovava  tanto  tempo  fa;  la  differentia  del  duca  di  Milano  si  vedessi  in  jure  da 
giudici  da  deputarsi  per  S*  S'^  et  S'^  M'-\  et  venendo  da  assolversi  si  rostituisse 


280  INSTRUTTIONE 

dovendo  esser  condennato  si  dessi  a  Borbone,  et  Francia  sarebbe  contento  far 
I'accordo  a  danari,  cossa  che  non  haveva  voluto  far  fin  qui,  et  la  somma  nominava 
la  medesima  che  '1  ehristianissimo  haveva  mandate  a  offerire  cioe  due  millioni 
d'oro;  le  quali  conditioni  N.  Sig''*  accetto  subito  secondo  che  il  generale  ne  pud 
far  testimonio,  et  le  sottoscrisse  di  sua  mano,  ma  non  furono  gia  approvate  per 
gli  altri,  li  quali  V,  S.  sa  quanto  gravi  et  insoportabili  petition!  gli  aggiunsero. 
Hora  non  essendo  da  presumere  se  non  che  la  M*-^  Cesarea  dicesse  da  dovero  et 
con  quella  sincerita  che  conviene  a  tanto  prencipe,  et  vedendosi  per  queste  pro- 
positioni  et  ambasciate  sue  cosi  moderato  animo  et  molto  benigno  verso  N. 
Sig",  in  tanto  che  la  M**  sua  non  sapeva  qual  fussi  quelle  di  S^  S^  in  verse  se 
et  che  si  stimava  1'  armi  sue  essere  cosi  potentissime  in  Italia  per  li  lanzichineche 
et  perl'  armata  mandata,  che  in  ogni  cosa  havessi  ceduto,  non  e  da  stimare  se 
non  che  quando  sara  informato  che  se  la  M'^*  sua  mando  a  mostrar  buon  animo 
non  fu  trovato  inferiore  quel  di  N.  Sig''«,  et  che  alle  forze  sue  era  tal  resistentia 
che  S^  S'''  piu  tosto  fece  beneficio  a  S^  M*^  in  depor  1'  armi,  che  lo  ricevessi, 
come  ho  detto  di  sopra  et  e  chiarissimo,  et  che  tutta  la  rovina  seguita  sta  sopra 
la  fede  et  nome  di  sua  M*%  nella  quale  N.  Sig'''  si  e  confidato,  vorra  non  sola- 
mente  esser  simile  a  se,  quando  andera  sua  sponte  a  desiderar  bene  et  offerirsi 
parato  rifarne  a  N.  Sig''^  et  alia  chiesa,  ma  ancora  aggiunger  tanto  piu  a  quella 
naturale  disposition  sua  quanto  ricerca  il  volere  evitare  questo  carico,  et  d'igno- 
minioso  che  (non)  sarebbe  per  essere,  (da?)  passarsene  di  leggiero,  voltarlo  in 
gloria  perpetua,  facendola  tanto  piu  chiara  et  stabile  per  se  medesima  quanto 
altri  haimo  cercato  come  suoi  ministri  deprimerla  et  oscurarla.  Et  gli  effetti 
che  bisognerebbe  far  per  questo  tantoprivatameiite  verso  la  chiesa  et  restauration 
sua  quanto  i  beneficiiche  scancellassero  le  rovine  in  Italia  et  lutta  la  christianita, 
estimando  piu  essere  imperatore  per  pacificarla  che  qualsivoglia  altro  emolu- 
mento,  sara  molto  facile  a  trovarli,  purche  la  dispositione  et  giudicio  di  volere 
et  conoscere  il  vero  bene  dove  consiste  vi  sia. 


"Per  non  entrare  in  le  cause  per  le  quali  fummo  costretti  a  pigliar  1'  armi, 
per  essere  cosa  che  ricercarebbe  piu  tempo,  si  verra  solamente  a  dire  che  non  le 
pigliammo  mai  per  odlo  o  mala  volunta  che  havessimo  contra  1'  imperatore,  o 
per  ambitione  di  far  piu  grande  lo  stato  nostro  o  d'  alcuno  de  nostri,  ma  solo  per 
necessita  nella  quale  ci  pareva  che  fusse  posta  la  liberta  et  stato  nostro  et  delli 
communi  stati  d'  Italia,  et  per  far  constare  a  tutto  il  mondo  et  all'  imperatore 
che  se  si  cercava  d'opprimerci,  noi  non  potevamo  ne  dovevamo  comportarlo 
senza  far  ogni  sforzo  di  difenderci,  in  tanto  che  sua  M%  se  haveva  quell'  animo 
del  quale  mai  dubitavamo,  intendesse  che  le  cose  non  erano  per  riuscirli  cosi 
facilmente  come  altri  forse  gli  haveva  dato  ad  intendere,  overo  se  noi  ci  fussimo 
gabbati  in  qiiesta  oppinione  che  S^  M*-""  intendessi  a  farsi  male,  et  questi  sospetti 
ci  fusser  nati  piu  per  modi  dei  ministri  che  altro,  facendosi  S.  M**  Cesarea  in- 
tendere esser  cosi  da  dovero,  si  venisse  a  una  buona  pace  et  amicitia  non  solo 
tra  noi  particularmente  et  S.  M'-'',  ma  in  compagnia  degli  altri  prencipi  o  sig" 
con  li  quali  eravamo  colligati  non  per  altro  effetto  che  solamente  per  difenderci 
dalla  villania  che  ci  fusse  fatta  o  per  venir  con  conditioni  honeste  et  ragionevoli 
amettere  un'  altra  volta  pace  infra  la  misera  christianita:  et  se  quando  Don  Ugo 
venne  S.  M'"  ci  havesse  mandate  quelle  resolutioni  le  quali  honestissimamente 
ci  parevan  necessarie  per  venir  a  questo,  ci  haverebbe  N.  Sig"^'  Iddio  fatto  la  piu 
felice  gratia  che  si  potessi  pensare,  che  in  un  medeslmo  di  quasi  che  si  presero 
1'  armi  si  sarebbon  deposte.  Et  che  sia  vero  quel  che  diciamo  che  habbiamo 
havuto  sempre  in  animo,  ne  puo  far  testimonio  la  dispositione  in  che  ci  trovo  il 
generale  di  fS.  Francesco,  con  el  quale  communicando  noi,  hora  e  un'  anno  che 
era  qui  per  andare  in  Spagna,  le  cause  perche  noi  et  gli  altri  d'  Italia  havevamo 
da  star  mai  contenti  deli'  imperatore,  et  dandogli  carico  che  da  nostra  parte 
1'  esponesse  tutte  a  quella,  con  farli  intendere  che  se  voleva  attendere  ai  consigli 
et  preghiere  nostre,  le  quali  tutte  tendevano  alaude  et  servitio  di  dio  et  beneficio 
COSI  suo  come  nostro,  ci  troverebbe  sempre  di  quella  amorevolezza  che  ci  haveva 


AL  CARDINAL  FARNESE.  281 

provato  per  inanzi,  et  essendosi  di  la  alquanti  mesi  rimandatoci  il  detto  generale 
da  S.  M'*  con  risponderci  humanissimamente  che  era  contenta,  per  usar  dalle 
sue  parole,  accettar  per  comandamento  quelle  che  noi  gli  havevamo  mandate  a 
consigliare;  et  per  dar  certezza  di  cio,  portava  tra  1'  altre  risolutioni  d'  esser 
contento  di  render  li  figliuoli  del  christianissimo  con  quel  riscatto  et  taglia  che 
gli  era  stata  offerta  da  S.  M*%  cosa  che  sin  qui  non  haveva  voluto  mai  fare;  oltre 
che  prometteva  che  se  tutta  Italia  per  un  modo  di  dire  a  quell'  hora  che  '1  gene- 
rale  arrivassi  a  Roma,  fussi  in  suo  potere,  era  contenta,  per  far  buggiardo  che 
1'  havesse  voluto  calunniare  che  la  volessi  occupare,  di  restituir  tutto  nel  suo 
pristine  state  et  mostrar  che  in  essa  ne  per  se  ne  per  il  ser""  suo  fratello  non  ci 
voleva  un  palmo  di  piu  di  quelle  che  era  solito  di  possidervi  anticamente  la 
corona  di  Spagna:  et  perche  le  parole  s'  accompagnasser  con  i  fatli,  portava  di 
cio  amplissimo  mandate  in  sua  persona  da  poter  risolver  tutto  o  con  Don  Ugo  o 
con  el  vicere,  se  el  tempo  che  ci  capitava,  in  Italia  fussi  arrivato.  Quanto  qui 
fussi  il  nostro  contento,  non  si  potrebbe  esprimere,  e  ci  pareva  un'  hora  mill' 
anni  venire  all'  effetto  di  qualche  sorte  d'  accordo  generale  di  posar  1'  arme:  et 
sopragiungeudo  quasi  in  un  medesimo  tempo  il  vicere  et  mandandoci  da  San 
Steffano,  dove  prima  prese  portoiuquestomare,  per  el  comandante  Pignalosaadire 
el  miglior  parole  del  mondo  et  niente  differenti  da  quanto  ci  haveva  detto  el  generale, 
rendemmo  gratie  a  iddio  che  il  piacere  che  havevamo  preso  per  I'  ambasciata  del 
generale  non  fusse  per  havere  dubbio  alcuno,  essendoci  confermato  il  medesimo 
per  il  signer  vicere,  il  quale  in  farci  intendere  le  commissioni  dell'  imperatore  ci 
confortava  in  tutto,  et  pur  ci  mandava  a  certificare  che  nessuno  potrebbe  trovarsi 
con  migliore  volunta  di  mettersi  ad  eseguirle.  Hora  qualmente  ne  succedesse 
il  contrario,  non  bisogna  durare  molta  fatica  in  dirlo,  non  essendo  alcun  che  non 
sappia  le  durissime,  insoportabili  et  ignominiose  conditioni  che  ne  furono  di- 
mandate  da  parte  del  vicere,  non  havendo  noi  posta  dimora  alcuna  in  mandarlo  a 
pregare  che  non  si  tardasse  a  venire  alia  conditione  di  tanto  bene.  Et  dove  noi 
pensavamo  ancora  trovar  meglio  di  quel  che  ne  era  stato  detto,  essendo  1'  usanza 
di  farsi  sempre  riservo  delle  migliori  cose  per  farle  gustare  piu  gratamente,  non 
solo  ci  riusci  di  non  trovare  niente  del  proposto,  ma  tutto  il  contrario,  et  prima: 
non  havere  fede  alcuna  in  noi,  come  se  nessuno  in  verita  possa  produrre  testi- 
monio  in  contrario;  et  per  sicurta  domandarci  la  migliore  et  piu  importante  parte 
dello  stato  nostro  et  della  S'^'*  di  Fiorenza,  dipoi  somma  di  denari  insoportabile 
a  chi  havesse  havuto  i  monti  d'  oro,  non  che  a  noi,  che  ogn'  uno  sapeva  che  non 
havevamo  un  carlino;  volere  che  con  tanto  ignominia  nostra,  anzi  piu  dell'  im- 
peratore, restituissimo  colore  che  contra  ogni  debito  humano  et  divino,  con  tanta 
tradizioni,  vennero  ad  assalire  la  persona  di  N.  Signore,  saccheggiare  la  chiesa 
di  San  Pietro,  il  sacro  palazzo;  stringerne  senza  un  minimo  rispetto  a  volere  che 
ci  obbligassimo  strettamente  di  piu  alia  M'*  Cesarea,  sapendo  tutto  il  mondo 
quanto  desiderio  ne  mostrammo  nel  tempo  che  eravamo  nel  piu  florido  stato  che 
fussimo  mai,  et,  per  non  dire  tutti  gli  altri  particulari,  volere  che  soli  facessimo 
accordo,  non  lo  potendo  noi  fare  se  volevamo  piu  facilmente  condurre  a  fine  la 
pace  universale,  per  la  quale  volevamo  dare  questo  principio.  Et  cosi  non  si 
potendo  il  vicere  rimuoversi  da  queste  sue  dimande  tanto  insoportabili  et  venendo 
senza  niuna  causa  ad  invader  lo  stato  nostro,  havendo  noi  in  ogni  tempo  et  quei 
poche  mesi  inanzi  lasciato  stare  quelle  dell'  imperatore  nel  regno  di  Napoli,  accadde 
la  venuta  di  Cesare  Fieramosca:  il  quale  trovando  il  vicere  gia  nello  stato  della 
chiesa,  credemmo  che  portasse  tali  commissioni  da  parte  dell'  imperatore  a  S. 
S^'*  che  se  si  fossero  eseguite,  none  si  sarebbbero  condotte  le  cose  in  questi 
termini.  Et  mentre  S.  S''*  volse  fare  due  cose  assai  contrarie  insieme,  una 
mostrare  di  non  haber  fatto  male  ad  esser  venuto  tanto  inanzi  overo  non  perdere 
le  occasioni  che  gli  pareva  havere  di  guadagnare  il  tutte,  1'  altro  di  obbedire  alii 
comandamenti  dell'  imperatore,  quali  erano  che  in  ogni  modo  si  facesse  accordo, 
non  successe  all'  hora  ne  1'  uno  ne  1'  altro:  perche  S.  S"''  si  trovo  gabbata,  che 
non  potette  fare  quello  che  si  pensava.  Et  tornando  il  signer  Cesare  con  patti  di 
far  tregua  per  otto  di,  fintanto  che  venisse  risposta  se  la  Sig'''^di  Venetia  vi  voleva 
entrare,  quando  arrive  in  campo  trovo  gli  esercili  alle  mani  et  non  si  ando  per  all' 
VOL.  II. — 25 


282  INSTRUTTIONE  AL  CAR^  FARNESE. 

hora  piu  inanzi;  salvo  che  non  ostante  questo  successo  et  conoscendo  certo  che 
stassimo  sicurissimi  in  Lombardia  et  in  Toscana  per  le  buone  provisioni  et  infi- 
nita  gente  di  guerra,  che  vi  ere  di  tutta  la  lega,  et  che  le  cose  del  reame  non 
havessero  rimedio  alciino  come  1'  esperientia  1'  haveva  cominciato  a  dimostrare, 
mai  deponemmo  dall'  animo  nostro  il  desiderio  et  procuratione  della  pace.  Et 
in  esser  successe  le  cose  cosi  bene  verso  noi,  non  havevamo  altro  contento  se 
non  poter  mostrare  che  se  desideravamo  pace,  era  per  vero  giudicio  et  buona 
volunta  nostra  et  non  per  necessita,  et  per  mostrare  all'  imperatore  che,  s.e  com- 
ando  con  buono  animo,  come  crediamo,  al  padre  generale  che  ancorche  tutto 
fusse  preso  a  sua  devotione  Si  restiluisse,  che  quel  che  ella  si  imaginava  di  fare 
quando  il  caso  havesse  portato  di  esserlo,  noi  essendo  cosi  in  fatto  lo  volevamo 
eseguire.  Aquesto  nostro  desiderio  ci  aggiunsero  un  ardore  estremo  piu  lettere 
scritte  di  mano  dell'  imperatore,  tra  1'  altre  due  che  in  ultimo  havemmo  da 
Cesare  Fieramosca  et  da  Paolo  di  Arezzo  nostro  servitore,  le  quali  sono  di  tal 
tenore  che  non  ci  pareria  havere  mai  errato  se  in  fede  di  quelle  lettere  sole  non 
solo  havessimo  posto  tutto  il  mondo  ma  I'anima  propria  in  mano  di  S.  M**; 
tanto  ci  scongiura  che  vogliamo  dar  credito  alle  parole  che  ne  dice,  et  tutte  esse 
parole  sono  piene  di  quella  satisfattione  di  quelle  promesse  et  quell'  ajuto  che 
noi  a  noi  non  lo  desideravamo  migliore.  Et  come  in  trattare  la  pace  finche  non 
eravamo  sicuri  che  corrispondenza  s'  era  per  havere,  non  si  rimetteva  niente 
delle  provisioni  della  guerra,  cosi  ci  sforzavamo  chiarirci  bene  essendo  due  capi 
in  Italia,  Borbone  et  il  signor  vicere,  s'era  bisogno  trattare  con  un  solo  et  quello 
sarebbe  rato  per  tutti,  overo  con  tutti  due  particularmente;  accioche  se  ci  fusse 
avenuto  quel  che  e,  la  colpa  che  e  data  d'  altra  sorte  ad  altri,  non  fusse  stata  a 
noi  di  pocca  prudentia:  et  havendo  trovato  che  questa  faculta  di  contrattare  era 
solo  nel  vicere,  ce  ne  volemmo  molto  bon  chiarire  et  non  tanto  che  fussi  cosi 
come  in  effetto  il  generale,  il  signor  Cesare,  il  vicere  proprio,  Paulo  d'Arezzo  et 
Borbone  ne  dicevono,  ma  intender  dal  detto  Borbone  non  una  volta  ma  mille  et 
da  diverse  persone  se  I'era  per  obbedirlo,  et  proposto  di  voler  fare  accordo  parti- 
cularmente con  lui  et  recusando  et  affermando,  che  a  quanto  appuntarebbe  el 
vicere  non  farebbe  replica  alcuna.  Hora  fu  facil  cosa  et  sara  sempre  ad  ogn' 
uno  adombrar  con  specie  di  virtu  un  suo  disegno,  et  non  lo  potendo  condurre 
virtuosamente  ne  all'  aperta,  tirarlo  con  fallacia,  come — venghi  donde  si  voglia, 
ci  par  esser  a  termine  che  non  sappiamo  indovinar  donde  procedeva — ci  par  che 
si  sia  stato  fatto  a  noi,  li  quali  si  vedeche  tutte  le  diligentie  che  si  possono  usare 
di  non  esser  gabbati,  sono  state  usate  per  noi,  et  tanto  che  qual  chevolta  ci  pareva 
d'esser  superstitiosi  et  di  meritarne  reprehensione.  Perche  havendo  el  tesiimonio, 
et  di  lettere  et  di  bocca  dell'  imperatore,  del  buon  animo  suo,  et  che  Borbone 
obbedirebbe  al  vicere,  et  a  cautela  dando  S.  M'*  lettere  nuove  a  Paulo  sopra 
questa  obbedientia  al  vicere  dirette  a  esso  Borbone,  et  facendosi  el  trattata  con  el 
poter  si  ampio  di  S.  M'^  che  doveva  bastare,  et  havendo  Borbone  mostrato  di  re- 
mettersi  in  tutto  nel  vicere,  et  contentandosi  poi  esso  di  venire  in  poter  nostro, 
fu  una  facilta  tanto  grande  a  tirarci  alio  stato  ove  siamo  che  non  sappiamo  gia 
che  modo  si  potra  piu  trovare  al  mondo  di  credere  alia  semplice  fede  d'  un 
private  gentil  huomo,  essendovi  qui  intervenute  niolte  cose  e  riuscito  a  questo 
modo.  Et  per  non  cercare  altro  che  fare  i  fatti  proprii,  era  molto  piu  lecito  et 
facile  a  noi  senza  incorrer  non  solo  in  infamia  di  non  servator  di  fede,  ma  ne 
anche  d'  altro,  usar  dell'  occasione  che  la  fortuna  ci  haveva  portato,  di  starsi 
sicnrissimo  in  Lombardia  come  si  stava  che  mai  veniva  Borbone  inanzi,  se  1' 
esercito  della  lega  non  si  fusse  raffreddato  per  la  stretta  prattica  anzi  conclusion 
della  pace,  et  valuto  di  quella  commodita  seguitar  la  guerra  del  reame,  et  da 
due  0  tre  fortezze  in  poi  levarlo  tutto,  e  di  poi  andare  appresso  in  altri  luoghi, 
dove  si  fosse  potuto  far  danno  et  vergogna  all'  imperatore,  et  stando  noi  saldi 
in  compagnia  dei  confederati  rendere  tutti  li  disegni  suoi  piu  difficili.  Ma 
parendoci  che  el  servitlo  di  dio  et  la  misera  christianita  ricercasse  pace,  ci  pro- 
ponemmo  a  deporre  ogni  grande  acquisto  o  vittoria  che  fussimo  stati  per  havere, 
et  offender  tutti  li  prencipi  christiani  et  Italiani,  senza  saper  quodanimodo  che 
haver  in  mano,  ma  assai  pensavamo  d'  havere  se  1'  animo  dell  imperatore  era 


p.  VETTORI,  ISTORIA  d'iTALIA.  283 

tale  come  S.  M**  con  tante  evidentie  si  sforzava  darci  ad  intendere.  Et  molto 
poco  stimavamo  I'offensione  degli  altri  prencipi  christiani,  li  quali  di  li  a  molto 
poco  ci  sarebber  restati  molto  obbligati  se  si  fusse  seguito  quello  che  tanto 
amplamente  S.  M"^  ci  ha  con  argumenti  replicato,  che  sarebbe,  accordandosi  noi 
seco,  per  rimettere  in  nostra  mano  la  conclusion  della  pace  et  assenso  con  li 
prencipi  christiani.  Et  se  alcuno  volesse  pensare  che  fussimo  andati  con  altro 
objetto,  costui  conoscendoci  non  puo  piu  mostrare  in  cosa  alcuna  la  malignita 
sua;  non  ci  conoscendo  et  facendo  diligentiadi  sapere  le  attioni  della  vita  nostra, 
trovera  che  e  molto  consentiente  che  noi  non  habbiamo  mai  desiderate  se  non 
bene  et  operate  virtuosamente  et  a  quel  fine  postposto  ogni  altro  interesse:  et  se 
hora  ce  n'  e  successo  male  ricevendo  di  mano  di  N.  Sig''^  dio  quanto  giustamente 
gli  place  con  ogni  humilta,  non  e  che  da  gli  huomini  non  riceviamo  grandissimo 
torto  et  da  quelli  massime  che  se  ben  fino  a  un  certo  termine  posson  coprirsi  con 
la  forza  et  con  la  disobbedienza  d'  altri,  benche  quando  s'  havessi  a  discutere  si 
trovarebbe  da  dire  assai,  hora  et  un  pezzo  fa  et  per  honor  loro  et  per  quel  che 
sono  obbligati  secondo  dio  et  secondo  il  mondo  si  potrebber  portare  altrimenti  di 
quel  che  fanno.  Noi  siamo  entrati  nel  trattato  poi  fatto  a  Fiorenza  con  quelli  di 
Borbone  per  mano  del  sig™  vicere  et  dipoi  non  osservato,  perche  non  vogliamo 
parer  d'  haver  tolto  assunto  di  fare  il  malo  contra  chi  e  stato  causa  di  trattarci 
cosi,  li  quali  dio  giudichi  con  el  suo  giusto  giudicio;  doppo  la  misericordia  del 
quale  verso  di  noi  et  della  sua  chiesa  non  speriamo  in  altro  che  nella  religione, 
fede  et  virtu  dell'  imperatore;  che  essendoci  noi  condotti  dove  siamo  per  1' 
opinione  che  havevamo  di  esso  con  el  frutto  che  s'  aspetta  a  tal  parte  ci  litragga 
et  ponga  tanto  piu  alto  quanto  siamo  in  basso.  Dalla  cui  M'^  aspettiamo  della 
ignominia  et  danni  patiti  infinitamente  quella  satisfattione  che  S.  M*"  ci  puo 
dare  eguale  alia  grandezza  sua  et  al  debito,  se  alcuna  se  ne  potesse  mai  trovare 
al  mondo  che  bastusse  alia  minima  parte.  Non  entraremo  esprimendo  i  parti- 
colari  a  torre  la  gratia  dei  concetti,  che  doviam  sperare  che  havra  et  che  ci  man- 
dera  a  proporre.  Diciamo  che  mettendoci  al  piu  basso  grado  di  quel  che  si  possi 
domandare  et  che  e  per  esser  piu  presto  vergogna  a  S.  M*^  a  non  conceder  piu  et 
a  noi  a  non  domandare  che  parer  duro  a  farlo,  che  da  S.  M**  dovrebber  venire 
queste  provisioni: 

"Che  la  persona  nostra,  el  sacro  colleggio  et  la  corte  dello  stato  tutto  tem- 
porale  et  spirituale  siamo  restituti  in  quel  grado  ch'  era  quando  furon  fatte 
1'  indutie  col  sig'  vicere,  etnon  ci  gravare  a  pagare  un  denaro  dell'  obbligato. 

"  Et  se  alcuno  sentendo  questo  si  burlera  di  noi,  rispondiamo  che  se  le  cose  di 
sopro  son  vere,  et  si  maraviglia  che  ci  acquietiamo  di  questo,  ha  gran  raggione; 
ma  se  gli  paresse  da  dovero  strano,  consider!  con  che  bonta  lo  giudica  o  verso 
Cesare  o  verso  noi:  se  verso  Cesare,  consider!  bene  che  ogni  volta  che  non  si 
promette  di  S.  M*"  e  questo  e  molto  piu,  che  lo  fa  gia  partecipe  di  tutto  quel 
male  che  qui  e  passato:  ma  se  verso  noi  diciamo  che  iniquamente  ci  vuole 
detrarre  quello  che  nessuno  mai  ardis  rebbe  di  far  buona  mente.  Ne  si  deve 
guardare  che  siamo  qui,  ma  si  bene  come  si  siamo,  et  che  e  pur  meglio  far  con 
virtii  et  giudicio  quello  che  finalmente  el  tempo  in  ogni  modo  ha  da  portare,  se 
non  in  vita  nostra,  in  quella  d'  altri." 

16. 

Sommario  deW  Isloria  d'  Italia  daW  anno  1512  insino  a  1527.     Scritto  da  Fran- 
cesco Vettori. 

This  is  a  most  remarkable  work,  written  by  an  able  man,  well  versed  in  the 
affairs  of  the  Medici,  and  indeed  of  Italy  in  general,  a  friend  also  of  Machiavelli 
and  Guicciardini.  I  found  it  in  the  Corsini  library  at  Rome,  but  could  only 
make  extracts.  I  should  otherwise  have  requested  leave  to  print  it,  which  it 
well  deserves. 

The  plague  drove  Vettori  out  of  Florence  in  the  year  1527,  and  he  wrote  this 
review  of  recent  occurrences  at  his  villa. 

He  chiefly  concerns  himself  with  Florentine  affairs.     His  opinions  approxi- 


284  r.  vETTORi,  isTORiA  d'italia. 

mate  very  nearly  to  those  of  his  friends;  when  he  treats  of  the  sort  of  govern- 
ment given  to  his  native  town  by  the  Medici  in  1512,  by  which  cardinal  de' 
Medici,  afterwards  Leo  X,  reduced  everything  into  his  own  power,  ("  si  ridusse 
la  citta,  che  non  si  facea  se  non  quanto  volea  11  card'  de  Medici,")  he  adds, 
"  This  is  called  tyranny,  but  1,  for  my  part,  know  of  no  state,  whether  it  be  a 
monarchy  or  a  republic,  which  has  not  something  tyrannical."  "  Tutte  quelle 
republiche  e  principati  de'  quali  io  ho  cognitione  per  historia  o  che  io  ho  veduto 
mi  pare  che  sentino  della  tirannide."  People  might  quote  the  example  of  France 
or  of  Venice;  but  he  would  reply  that  in  France  the  nobility  enjoyed  a  prepon- 
derance of  power  in  the  state,  and  had  the  church  patronage  in  their  hands;  and 
that  in  Venice,  three  thousand  men  ruled,  and  not  always  justly,  over  one  hun- 
dred thousand:  there  was  no  difference  between  a  king  and  tyrant,  save  that  a 
good  ruler  deserved  to  be  called  a  king,  and  a  bad  one,  a  tyrant. 

Notwithstanding  the  intimate  terms  on  which  he  stood  with  both  the  popes 
of  the  house  of  Medici,  he  is  little  convinced  of  the  christian  character  of  the 
papal  power.  "  Chi  considera  bene  la  legge  evangelica,  vedra  i  pontefici, 
ancora  che  tenghino  il  nome  di  vicario  di  Christo,  haver  indutto  una  nova  reli- 
gione,  che  non  ve  n'  e  altro  di  Christo  che  il  nome;  il  qual  comanda  la  povertae 
loro  vogliono  la  richezza,  comanda  la  humilta  e  loro  vogliono  la  superbia,  com- 
anda la  obedientia  e  loro  vogliono  comandar  a  ciascuuo."  W^e  see  how  much 
the  temporal  power  of  the  papacy,  and  the  contrast  it  exhibited  to  the  spiritual 
nature  of  Christianity,  prepared  the  way  for  protestantism. 

The  choice  of  Leo  as  pope  is  ascribed  by  Vettori  chiefly  to  the  opinion  gene- 
rally entertained  of  his  good  nature.  The  people  had  had  enough  of  the  two 
awful  popes  who  had  preceded  him,  and  chose  Medici.  "  Haveva  saputo  in 
modo  simulare  che  era  tenuto  di  ottimi  costumi."  Bibbiena  had  the  greatest 
share  in  this  election,  as  he  knew  the  inclinations  of  all  the  cardinals,  and  had 
the  art  of  winning  them  over  contrary  to  their  own  interests.  "  Condusse  fuori 
del  conclave  alcuni  di  loro  a  promettere,  e  nel  conclave  a  consentire  a  detta 
elettione  contra  tutte  le  ragioni." 

He  relates  admirably  the  expedition  of  Francis  I  in  1515,  and  Leo's  conduct 
during  it;  and  attributes  it  chiefly  to  the  talent  displayed  by  Tricarico,  who  ar- 
rived in  the  French  camp  as  the  king  was  mounting  his  horse  to  go  to  oppose 
the  Swiss  at  Marignano,  that  the  consequences  were  not  more  disastrous  to  the 
pope:  after  the  battle  Tricarico  conducted  the  negotiations  with  consummate 
prudence. 

Next  follows  the  revolt  of  Urbino;  I  have  already  given  the  motives  to  which 
Vettori  ascribes  Leo's  conduct.  "  Leone  disse,  che  se  non  privava  il  duca  dello 
stato,  el  quale  si  era  condotto  con  lui  e  preso  danari  et  in  su  1'  ardore  della  guerra 
era  convenuto  con  li  nemici  ne  pensato  che  era  suo  subdito,  ne  ad  altro,  che  noQ 
sarebbe  si  piccolo  barone,  che  non  ardisse  di  fare  il  medesimo  o  peggio;  e  che 
havendo  trovato  il  ponteficato  in  riputatione  Io  voleva  mantenere.  Et  in  verita 
volendo  vivere  i  pontefici  come  sono  vivuti  da  molte  diecine  d'  anni  in  qua,  il 
papa  non  poteva  lasciare  il  delitto  del  duca  impunito." 

Vettori  likewise  wrote  a  life  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici;  and  praises  him  more 
than  any  other  author.  He  places  his  government  of  Florence  in  a  new  and 
peculiar  light;  his  biography  and  our  summury  mutually  complete  and  illustrate 
each  other. 

He  also  treats  of  the  election  of  the  emperor  of  Germany,  which  occurred 
about  that  time;  and  says  that  Leo  only  supported  the  pretensions  of  the  king  of 
France,  because  he  knew  that  the  Germans  would  not  elect  him.  His  calcula- 
tion was  that  Francis  I  would  give  the  weight  of  his  influence  to  some  German 
prince,  if  it  was  only  to  prevent  Charles  from  succeeding.  I  meet  with  the  un- 
expected assertion,  which  indeed  I  do  not  wish  to  guarantee,  that  the  king  in 
fact  endeavored  at  last  to  further  the  election  of  Joachim  of  Brandenburg.     "  II 

re haveva  volto  il  favore  suo  al  marchese  di  Brandenburg,  uno  delli  electori, 

et  era  contento  che  li  danari  prometteva  a  quelli  electori  che  eleggevano  lui, 
dargli  a  quelli  che  eleggevano  dicto  marchese."     At  any  rate,  the  proceedings  of 


MARCO  FOSCARI  REL.       1526.  285 

Joachim  during  this  election  were  very  extraordinary.  Tiie  whole  history  of 
this  event,  strangely  perverted  as  it  has  been,  with  or  without  design,  is  at  any 
rate  worthy  of  investigation.* 

Vettori  tliinks  the  treaty  of  Leo  with  Charles  imprudent  beyond  belief:  "  La 
mala  fortuna  di  Italia  lo  indusse  a  fare  quello  che  nussuno  uomo  prudente 
avrebbe  facto;"  and  attributes  it  chiefly  to  the  persuasions  of  Geronimo  Adorno. 
He  never  mentions  the  natural  considerations  which  influenced  the  house  of 
Medici. 

He  narrates  some  of  the  particulars  of  the  pope's  death,  which  I  have  used  in 
the  text,  and  does  not  believe  in  his  being  poisoned.  "  Fu  detto  che  mori  di 
veneno,  e  questo  quasi  sempre  si  dice  delli  uomini  grandi  e  maxime  quando 
muojono  di  malattie  acute."  His  opinion  is  that  we  should  rather  wonder  that 
Leo  had  lived  so  long. 

He  confirms  the  report  that  Adrian  at  first  refused  to  do  anything  against  the 
French,  and  that  it  was  only  after  a  pressing  despatch  from  the  emperor  that  he 
consented  to  afford  some  very  small  assistance. 

It  would  lead  us  too  far  to  repeat  here  all  the  remarks  which  this  summary 
contains,  of  the  further  course  of  events:  it  is  remarkable,  even  in  the  passages 
where  the  author  only  expresses  his  own  sentiments,  which  are  very  similar  to 
those  of  Machiavelli,  whom  he  resembles  in  his  bad  opinion  of  mankind. 
"  Quasi  tutti  gli  uomini  sono  adulator!  e  dicono  volontieri  quello  che  piacciaagli 
uomini  grandi,  benche  sentino  altrimenti  nel  cuore."  Francis  I's  violation  of 
the  treaty  of  Madrid  he  pronounces  the  noblest  and  best  deed  which  had  been 
performed  for  centuries.  "  Francesco,"  he  says,  "  fece  una  cosa  molto  conve- 
niente,  a  promettere  assai  con  animo  di  non  observare,  per  potersi  trovare  a 
difendere  la  patria  sua."  This  is  a  view  of  the  subject  worthy  of  the  '  Prin- 
cipe.' 

But  in  other  respects,  also,  Vettori  shows  himself  to  be  imbued  with  the  same 
spirit  as  the  other  great  authors  of  that  epoch.  The  work  under  our  review  is 
full  of  originality  and  talent,  and  the  more  attractive  from  its  brevity.  The  author 
says  only  as  much  as  he  knows,  but  that  is  very  important.  It  would  require  a 
more  minute  account  than  I  can  give  to  do  him  justice. 

17. 

Sommario  di  la  relatione  di  S.  Marco  Foscari,  venuto  orator  del  sommo  pontejice  a 
di  2  Marzo  1526.     In  Sanuto,  vol.  41. 

Marco  Foscari  formed  one  of  that  embassy  which  swore  allegiance  to  Adrian, 
and  appears  to  have  remained  in  Rome  till  1526. 

He  says  something  of  the  times  of  Adrian,  but  is  better  informed  concerning 
Clement  VII  from  having  been  in  constant  and  animated  intercourse  with 
that  pope  daring  the  strict  alliance  then  existing  between  Clement  and  the 
Venetians. 

He  thus  describes  Clement:  "  Horn  prudente  e  savio,  ma  longo  a  risolversi,  e 
di  qua  vien  le  sue  operation  varie.  Discorre  ben,  vede  tulto,  ma  e  molto  timido: 
niun  in  materia  di  state  pol  con  lui,  aide  tutti  e  poi  fa  quello  li  par:  homo  justo 
et  homo  di  dio:  et  in  signatura,  dove  intravientre  cardinali  e  tre  refe rend arii,  non 
fara  cosa  in  pregiuditio  di  altri,  e  come  el  segna  qualche  supplicacion,  non  revocha 
piu,  come  feva  papa  Leon.  Questo  non  vende  beneficii,  ne  li  da  per  symonia, 
non  tuo  officii  con  dar  beneficii  per  venderli,  come  feva  papa  Leon  e  li  altri,  ma 
vol  tulto  passi  rectamente.  Non  spende,  ne  tuol  quel  di  altri:  onde  e  reputa 
mixero.  E'  qualche  murmuration  in  Roma,  etiam  per  causa  del  card'  Armelin, 
qual  trouva  molte  invention  per  trovar  danari  in  Roma  e  fa  metter  nove  angarie 

e  fine  a  chi  porta  tordi  a  Roma  et  altre  cose  di  manzar E'  continentissimo, 

non  si  sa  di  alcuna  sorte  di  luxuria  che  usi Non  vol  buff'oni,  non  musici, 

*  Since  writing  the  above  I  have  tried  to  come  nearer  to  the  truth  in  my  Gorman 
history.     (Notes  to  the  2d  edition.) 

25* 


286  GASPAR  CONTARINI  REL.       1530, 

non  va  a  cazare.  Tutto  il  suo  piacere  e  di  rasconar  con  inzegneri  e  parlar  di 
aque." 

He  then  mentions  his  chief  advisers.  To  his  nephew  the  pope  allowed  not 
the  least  influence;  even  Giberto  had  not  much  power  in  affairs  of  state:  "  il 
papa  lo  aide,  ma  poi  fa  al  suo  modo."  He  also  thinks  that  Giberto  is  for  the 
French,  although  "  devoto  e  savio;"  and  that  Schomberg,  "libero  nel  suo  par- 
lar," is  for  the  emperor.  Zuan  Foietta  was  also  a  steady  adherent  of  the  em- 
peror; and  was  less  intimate  with  the  pope  from  the  time  lie  entered  into  alliance 
with  France.  Foscari  also  mentions  the  pope's  two  secretaries,  Jacopo  Salviati 
and  Fr.  Vizardini  (Guicciardini),  and  esteems  the  latter  the  abler  man,  but  tho- 
roughly French. 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  pope  was  not  on  better  terms  with  the  PVench,  than 
with  the  imperialists,  and  well  knew  what  he  had  to  expect  at  their  hands.  It 
was  only  with  Venice  that  he  felt  his  alliance  to  be  cordial  and  secure.  "Co- 
nosce,  se  non  era  la  Signoria  nostra,  saria  ruinado  e  caza  di  Roma." 

They  mutually  strengthened  each  other  in  their  regard  for  Italian  interests, 
and  saw  that  their  honor  consisted  in  maintaining  them.  It  was  a  matter  of 
pride  to  the  pope  that  he  had  prevented  Venice  from  coming  to  terms  with  the 
emperor:  on  the  other  hand,  Foscari  positively  asserts  that  it  was  he,  through 
whose  means  Italy  had  been  freed;  that  the  pope  had  determined  to  recognise 
Bourbon  as  duke  of  Milan,  but  that  he  had  so  earnestly  dissuaded  him,  that  he 
had  at  length  given  way. 

He  aflSrms  that  the  pope  would  grant  the  emperor  the  dispensation  essential 
to  him  for  the  solemnisation  of  his  marriage,  only  under  certain  conditions — a 
circumstance  which  the  above  instructions  do  not  mention.  The  emperor  how- 
ever had  attained  his  object  by  other  means. 

There  is  one  very  remarkable  thing  relating  to  this  report.  When  the  am- 
bassadors were  afterwards  requested  to  make  and  send  in  their  reports  in  writing, 
Marco  Foscari  did  like  the  others.  But  it  is  striking  how  much  feebler  the 
second  report  is  than  the  first  which  was  written  immediately  after  the  occur- 
rence of  the  facts  recorded,  out  of  the  fulness  of  a  fresh  memory;  but  so  many 
other  great  events  had  subsequently  occurred,  before  the  composition  of  the 
second,  that  the  vividness  of  the  former  impressions  had  been  effaced.  This 
shows  how  much  we  owe  to  the  indefatigable  activity  of  Sanuto.  This  is  the 
last  report,  for  a  knowledge  of  which  I  am  indebted  exclusively  to  his  chronicle. 
Others  follow  which  have  been  preserved  in  copies  made  and  revised  by  their 
authors. 

18. 

Relatione  riferita  nel  consiglio  di  pregadi  per  il  clarissimo  Caspar  Contarini  ritor- 
nato  ambasciatore  del  papa  Clemente  VII  e  dal  imp^e  Carlo  F,  Marzo,  1530.  In- 
formationi  Politiche  XXV.     In  the  Berlin  Library. 

This  is  the  same  Gaspar  Contarini  of  whom  we  have  so  much  reason  to 
speak  with  admiration  in  the  course  of  our  history.  After  he  had  already  filled 
the  office  of  ambassador  to  tlie  court  of  Charles  V,  (the  report  of  this  embassy 
is  extremely  rare;  I  have  only  seen  one  copy  of  it  in  the  Albani  collection  at 
Rome,)  Contarini  was  deputed  to  attend  the  pope  in  1528,  just  before  he  re- 
tnrned  to  Rome  after  such  a  succession  of  misfortunes  and  so  long  an  absence. 
He  accompanied  Clement  from  Viterbo  to  Rome,  and  from  thence  to  the  corona- 
tion of  the  emperor  at  Bologna,  where  he  took  a  considerable  part  in  the  nego- 
tiations. 

He  gives  an  account  of  all  that  he  had  witnessed  in  Viterbo,  Rome,  and  Bo- 
logna; and  the  only  fault  we  can  find  with  it,  is  its  extreme  brevity. 

Contarini's  embassy  fell  just  at  that  important  period,  when  the  pope  was 
gradually  leaning  to  a  renewal  of  the  alliance  with  the  emperor,  on  the  same 
terms  as  that  formerly  concluded  by  the  Medici.  The  ambassador  saw  with 
wonder  that  the  pope,  notwithstanding  the  many  subjects  of  complaint  against 


INSTR.  DATA  CjGSARI  A  CAMPEGGIO.       1530.  287 

the  imperialists,  still  retained  greater  confidence  in  them  than  in  the  allies;  in 
which  he  was  principally  strengthened  by  Musettola,  "  huomo,"  as  Contarini 
says,  "ingegnoso  e  di  valore  assai,  ma  di  lingua  e  di  audacia  maggiore:"  as 
long  as  the  fortune  of  war  was  doubtful,  the  pope  would  not  declare  himself; 
but  when  the  French  were  beaten,  and  the  imperialists  prepared  to  evacuate  the 
strong  places  they  held,  he  no  longer  hesitated.  As  early  as  the  spring  of  1529 
the  pope  was  again  on  good  terms  with  the  emperor;  and  in  June  they  signed 
their  treaty,  of  the  conditions  of  which,  Contarini  had  the  greatest  difficulty  in 
obtaining  a  sight. 

Contarini  also  describes  the  persons  of  the  actors  in  these  events. 

The  pope  was  rather  tall  and  well  made,  but  had  not  yet  wholly  recovered 
from  the  effects  of  his  accumulated  misfortunes,  nor  from  a  severe  illness.  "  He 
is  neither  capable  of  strong  love,"  says  Contarini,  "nor  of  violent  hatred;  he 
is  passionate,  but  has  such  command  over  himself  that  none  would  think  him 
so.  He  wishes,  indeed,  to  relieve  the  church  from  the  evils  which  press  upon 
her,  but  takes  no  effectual  measures  for  that  purpose.  It  is  not  easy  to  judge 
of  his  inclinations.  It  has  for  some  time  appeared  as  if  he  were  indifferent  to 
the  state  of  Florence,  and  he  now  allows  an  imperial  army  to  march  upon  that 

city-" 

Many  reforms  were  introduced  during  the  ministry  of  Clement  VII. 

The  datario  Giberto  possessed,  more  than  any  other  man,  the  entire  confi- 
dence of  his  master,  but  retired  of  his  own  accord  after  the  bad  success  which 
attended  measures  proposed  under  his  administration,  and  devoted  his  attention 
to  his  bishopric  of  Verona.  On  the  other  hand,  Niccolo  Schomberg  was  again 
employed  in  the  most  important  matters,  in  consequence  of  his  mission  to 
Naples.  Contarini  describes  him  as  a  thorough  imperialist,  a  man  of  good  un- 
derstanding, beneficent  but  irritable.  Jacopo  Salviati  also  had  considerable  in- 
fluence, and  was  regarded  as  inclined  to  the  French  faction. 

Short  as  this  narrative  is,  it  gives  us  much  valuable  information. 

19. 
Instrudio  data  Cacsari  a  rev^no  Campeggio  in  dieta  Augustana,  1530.  {^MS.  Roma.) 

Until  this  time  political  events  had  been  the  most  important,  but  by  degrees 
ecclesiastical  affairs  forced  themselves  on  the  pope's  attention.  At  the  very 
beginning  we  meet  with  that  bloodthirsty  scheme  for  the  destruction  of  the  pro- 
testants  which  I  have  mentioned  in  my  text;  it  is  here  called  an  instruction. 

The  cardinal  states  that,  in  conformity  with  the  office  he  held  and  with  the 
commission  of  the  apostolical  see,  he  desired  to  prescribe  those  measures  which, 
according  to  his  judgment,  ought  to  be  taken. 

He  thus  describes  the  state  of  affairs.  "  In  alcuni  luoghi  della  Germania  per 
le  suggestioni  di  questi  ribaldi  sono  abrogati  tutti  li  christiani  riti  a  noi  dagli 
antichi  santi  padri  dati:  non  piu  si  ministrano  li  sacramenti,  non  si  osservano  11 
voti,  li  matrimonii  si  confundono  e  nelli  gradi  prohibiti  della  legge" — and  so  on 
— for  it  would  be  superfluous  further  to  transcribe  this  capucinude. 

He  reminds  the  emperor  that  the  protestant  sect  would  by  no  means  contri- 
bute to  the  increase  of  his  power,  as  he  had  been  led  to  believe.  He  promised 
him  his  spiritual  assistance  if  he  would  follow  the  advice  he  gave  him.  "  Et  io, 
se  sara  bisogno,  con  le  censure  e  pene  ecclesiastiche  li  proseguiro,  non  preter- 
mettendo  cosa  a  far  che  sia  necessaria,  privando  li  heretici  beneficiati  delli  bene- 
ficii  loro  e  separandoli  con  le  excommunicationi  dal  cattolico  gregge,  e  V.  Cels. 
col  suo  bando  imperiaie  justo  e  formidabile  li  ridurra  a  tale  e  si  horrende  ester- 
minio  che  ovvero  saranno  costretti  a  ritornare  alia  santa  e  cattolica  fede  ovvero 

con  la  loro  total  ruina  mancar  delli  beni  a  della  vita Se  alcuni  ve  ne  fos- 

sero,  che  dio  nol  voglia,  li  quali  obstinatamente  perseverassero  in  questa  dia- 
bolica  via,  ....  quella  (V.  M.)  potra  mettere  la  mano  al  ferro  et  al  foco  et  radi- 
citus  extirpare  queste  male  e  venenose  piante." 


288  ANT.  SURIANO  REL.       1533. 

He  also  recommends  the  kings  of  England  and  France  to  confiscate  the  pro- 
perty of  heretics. 

But  his  attention  is  mainly  directed  to  the  affairs  of  Germany:  he  shov/s  how 
the  articles  of  the  treaty  of  Barcelona,  to  which  he  constantly  refers,  should  be 
interpreted.  "Saraal  proposito,  poiche  sarra  ridotta  questa  magnifica  e  catto- 
lica  impresa  a  buono  e  dritto  camino,  che  alcuni  giorni  dipoi  si  eleggeranno  in- 
quisitori  buoni  e  santi,  li  quali  con  summa  diligentia  et  assiduita  vadino  cer- 
cando  et  inquirendo,  s'  alcuni,  quod  absit,  perseverassero  in  queste  diaboliche  et 
heretiche  opinioni  ne  volessero  in  alcun  modo  lasciarle,  ....  et  in  quel  case  siano 
gastigati  e  puniti  secundo  le  regole  e  norma  che  si  osserva  in  Spagna  con  li 
Marrani." 

It  is  fortunate  that  all  were  not  of  his  opinion.  Indeed  such  projects  are  not 
very  frequent  in  the  documents  to  which  we  have  had  access. 

20. 

Relatio  viri  nohilis  Antonii  Suriani  ductoris  et  eqtiitis,  qui  reversus  est  orator  ex 
curia  Romuna,  presentata  in  collegia  18  Julii  1533.     {ArcMvio  di  Venetia.) 

Suriano  begins  by  observing  that  "among  the  most  important  objects  which 
envoys  have  to  study,  are  the  characters  of  those  princes  to  whose  courts  they 
are  accredited." 

He  therefore  first  describes  the  character  of  Clement  VII:  he  remarks,  that 
when  we  observe  the  regular  manner  of  life  of  this  pope,  the  assiduity  with  which 
he  gave  audiences,  and  his  devout  attention  to  the  ceremonies  of  the  church,  we 
should  naturally  imagine  him  to  be  of  a  melancholy  disposition;  but  those  who 
knew  him  better,  said  he  was  of  a  sanguine  temperament,  but  that  his  heart  was 
cold;  so  that  he  was  slow  in  coming  to  a  decision,  but  was  easily  persuaded  to 
change  his  resolution.  "  lo  per  me  non  trovo  che  in  cose  pertinenti  a  stato  la  sia 
proceduta  cum  grande  dissimulatione.  Ben  cauta:  et  quelle  cose  che  S.  S*"  non 
vole  che  si  intendano,  piu  presto  le  tace  che  dirle  sotto  false  colore." 

Those  among  the  ministers  of  Clement  of  whom  the  earlier  reports  make  chief 
mention,  no  longer  play  an  important  part;  for  they  are  never  once  spoken  of:  on 
the  other  hand,  Jacopo  Salviati  comes  most  prominently  forward,  as  administer- 
ing the  affairs  of  Romagna  and  the  territory  of  the  church  generally.  The  pope 
had  the  utmost  reliance  upon  him.  It  is  true  that  Clement  perceived  that  he 
had  his  own  interests  too  much  at  heart,  and  had  complained  of  this  even  in 
Bologna,  but  Salviati  still  continued  to  be  employed. 

Salviati  hence  became  an  object  of  hatred  to  the  other  kinsmen  of  the  pope. 
They  thought  he  stood  in  their  way,  and  attributed  it  to  his  influence,  when  Cle- 
ment was  less  liberal  to  them  than  usual:  "  pare  che  suadi  al  papa  atener  strette 
le  mani  ne  li  subministri  danari  secundo  e  lo  appetite  loro,  che  e  grande  di  spen- 
der e  spander." 

But  they  were  all  at  variance  among  themselves.  Cardinal  Ippolito  Medici 
wished  to  be  a  temporal  prince.  The  pope  contented  himself  with  occasionally 
saying  of  him,  "he  is  a  mad  devil;  the  fool  wishes  not  to  be  a  priest." — "  L'  e 
matto  diavolo,  el  matto  non  vole  esser  prete."  He  was,  however,  highly  in- 
censed when  Ippolito  really  made  attempts  to  drive  duke  Alexander  out  of 
Florence. 

Cardinal  Ippolito  lived  on  the  most  intimate  terms  of  friendship  with  the 
young  Catherine  of  Medici,  who  is  called  the  "  duchessina."  She  is  his  "  cu- 
sina  in  terzo  grado,  con  la  qnale  vive  in  amor  grande,  essendo  anco  reciproca- 
mente  da  lei  amato,  ne  piu  in  altro  lei  si  confida  ne  ad  altri  ricorre  in  li  sui 
bisogni  e  desiderj  salvo  al  dicto  card'." 

Suriano  describes  the  girl  wbo  was  fated  to  fill  so  important  a  station,  in  the 
following  terms:  "  Di  natura  assai  vivace,  monstra  gentil  spirito,  ben  accostu- 
mata:  e  stata  educata  e  gubernata  cum  le  monache  nel  monasterio  delle  murate 
in  Fiorcnza,donnedi  molto  bon  nome  e  sanctavita;  e  piccola  de  persona,  scarna, 
non  de  viso  delicate,  ha  li  occhi  grossi  proprj  alia  casa  de'  Medici." 


ANT.  SURIANO  REL.       1536.  289 

She  received  offers  of  marriage  from  every  quarter.  The  duke  of  Milan,  the 
duke  of  Mautua,  and  the  king  of  Scotland  wished  to  marry  her,  but  were  refused 
for  various  reasons;  the  French  marriage  was  not  then  definitively  settled.  "  Ac- 
cording to  his  irresolute  nature,"  says  Suriano,  "  the  pope  spoke  sometimes  with 
more,  sometimes  with  less  cordiality  concerning  this  marriage." 

He  thinks  that  the  reason  why  the  pope  decided  in  favor  of  the  French  alli- 
ance, was  for  the  sake  of  winning  over  the  French  party  in  Florence  to  his  side. 
In  other  respects  he  treats  of  the  foreign  relations  of  Rome  in  a  very  reserved 
and  brief  manner. 

21. 

Relatione  di  Roma  cf  Antonio  Suriano  153G.   MS.  Foscar.   Vienna.  St.  Marc.  Bibl. 

Venice. 

The  transcripts  of  this  report  vary  in  their  dates  from  1535  to  1539:  but  I  hold 
1536  to  be  the  correct  date;  first,  because  it  mentions  the  return  of  the  emperor 
to  Rome,  which  occurred  in  April,  1536;  and  also  because  a  letter  of  Sadolet  to 
Suriano  is  extant,  dated  Rome,  Nov.  1536,  which  proves  that  the  ambassador 
had  already  left  that  city. 

This  letter  (Sadoleti  Epp.  p.  383,)  is  highly  flattering  to  Suriano:  "  Mihi  ea 
officia  prsestitisti  quae  vel  frater  fratri,  vel  filio  praestare  indulgens  pater  solet, . .  . 
nuUis  meis  provocatus  officiis." 

Three  days  after  the  former  report  had  been  communicated  to  the  Venetian 
government,  on  the  21st  July,  1533,  Suriano  was  again  named  ambassador  to 
Rome. 

The  later  report  now  before  us  follows  out  the  course  of  events  mentioned  in 
the  former,  more  especially  the  conclusion  of  the  French  marriage,  which,  how- 
ever, was  not  agreeable  to  all  the  connections  of  the  pope, — "  Non  voglio  tacere 
che  questo  matrimonio  fu  fatto  contrail  volere  diGiac.  Salviati  emolto  piu  della 
S''''  Lucrezia  sua  moglie,  la  quale  etiam  con  parole  ingiuriose  si  sforzo  di  dis- 
suadere  S.  S*%"  doubtless  because  the  Salviati  were  now  of  the  imperialist 
party;  it  further  treats  of  that  remarkable  meeting  between  the  emperor  and  the 
pope  which  we  have  already  mentioned.  The  pope  acted  with  the  utmost  fore- 
sight, and  gave  no  promise  in  writing.  "  Di  tutti  lidesiderii  s'  accommodo  Cle- 
mente  con  parole  tali  che  gli  facevano  credere  S.  S'*  esser  disposta  in  tutte  alia 
sue  voglie  senza  pero  far  provisione  alcuna  in  scritture."  The  pope  had  no  wish 
for  war,  at  least  in  Italy,  and  only  wanted  to  hold  the  emperor  in  check:  "  con 
questi  spaventi  assicurarsi  del  spavento  del  concilio." 

Gradually  the  convocation  of  a  general  council  became  the  chief  matter  of  inte- 
rest to  the  papal  policy.  Suriano  discusses  the  points  of  view  under  which  this 
was  considered  at  the  commencement  of  the  reign  of  Paul  the  III  by  the  court  of 
Rome.  Schomberg  said  that  a  council  would  be  granted  only  on  condition  that  all 
the  topics  which  it  was  proposed  to  discuss  there  should  first  be  submitted  to 
the  pope  and  the  cardinals  in  Rome,  and  be  considered  and  settled  by  them. 


290 


SECTION  II. 

CRITICISM  OP  SARPI  AND  PALLAVICINI. 

A  LARGE  portion  of  the  history  of  the  sixteenth  century  is  occupied  by  the 
pouncil  of  Trent,  its  preliminaries,  convocation,  dissolution  at  two  separate 
intervals,  and  its  last  convocation,  with  all  the  motives  which  contributed  to 
these  events.  It  is  not  necessary  for  me  to  insist  here  on  the  incalculable  effect 
this  council  had  on  the  definitive  establishment  of  the  catholic  religion,  and  on 
the  relations  in  which  it  stood  to  the  protestant  faith.  It  was  the  very  keystone 
of  that  theologico-political  schism  which  marked  the  century. 

This  remarkable  event  has  come  down  to  us  in  two  elaborate  historical  pic- 
tures, which  would  be  interesting  even  from  their  originality.  Not  only  are 
these  representations  dinmetrically  opposed  to  each  other,  but  the  world  is  as 
much  divided  with  regard  to  the  historians  themselves,  as  to  the  subject  of  their 
history;  so  that  to  this  very  day,  Sarpi  is  esteemed  by  one  party  veracious  and 
authentic,  Pallavicini  false  and  unworthy  of  credit;  while  by  the  other,  Pallava- 
cini  is  declared  worthy  of  implicit  confidence,  and  Sarpi  mendacious  to  a 
proverb. 

We  are  seized  with  a  kind  of  dread  on  approaching  these  voluminous  works. 
It  would  be  difficult  to  master  the  contents  of  their  histories,  even  had  they  con- 
tained nothing  but  credible  matter:  how  much  more  difficult  does  our  task  become 
when  we  have  to  use  the  greatest  caution  at  every  step  we  take,  not  to  be  de- 
ceived by  falsehoods  either  on  the  one  hand  or  the  other,  or  entangled  in  a  laby- 
rinth of  systematic  deceptions! 

Nevertheless  it  is  impossible  to  test  their  accuracy,  step  by  step,  by  means  of 
better  informed  or  more  credible  authorities;  for  where  are  we  to  look  for  impar- 
tial details  of  these  events'?  Even  were  tiiey  to  be  found,  fresh  folio  volumes 
would  be  required  to  sift  their  testimony,  and  to  pass  judgment  upon  them. 

Nothing  then  remains  but  to  make  an  attempt  to  attain  to  a  clear  insight  into 
the  respective  methods  of  our  authors.  For  we  cannot  regard  as  his  own  all 
that  appears  in  the  works  of  an  historian,  especially  in  those  so  rich  in  matter, 
and  so  full  of  digressions;  he  is  the  mere  receiver  of  the  mass  of  his  facts.  It  is 
his  manner  of  apprehending  and  handling  his  stuff  that  shows  the  man,  whose 
individual  character  it  is,  that  gives  originality  and  unity  to  his  work.  Even  in 
these  folios,  before  which  industry  itself  stands  aghast,  the  soul  of  a  poet  may  be 
traced. 

Storia  del  concilio  Tridentino  di  Pietro  Soave  Polano.     The  first  edition,  free  from 
extraneous  editions.     Geneva,  1629. 

This  work  was  first  published  in  England,  by  Domini  of  Spalatro,  an  arch- 
bishop converted  to  protestantism.  Although  Fra  Paolo  Sarpi  never  avowed 
this  work,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  was  the  author  of  it.  We  perceive 
from  his  own  letters  that  he  was  busied  with  a  history  of  this  sort;  for  we  find  a 
manuscript  copy  of  it  in  Venice,  which  he  caused  to  be  made  for  him,  with  cor- 
rections by  his  own  hand;  it  may  also  be  affirmed  that  he  was  the  only  man 
who,  at  any  time,  could  have  written  such  a  history  as  the  one  now  before  us. 

Fra  Paolo  was  the  leader  of  a  catholic  opposition  to  the  pope.     The  hostility 


SARPI.  291 

of  this  party  to  the  papacy  originated  in  political  questions;  but  they  approxi- 
mated, on  many  points,  to  profestant  views,  in  consequence  of  their  adoption  of 
certain  principles  of  St.  Augustine,  and  indeed  occasionally  fell  under  the  re- 
proach of  protestantism. 

The  veracity  of  Sarpi's  work,  however,  is  not  to  be  suspected  in  consequence 
of  these  opinions.  There  were  tlien  to  be  found  only  decided  adherents  and  de- 
cided opponents  of  the  council  of  Trent;  from  tbe  former,  nothing  but  eulogy, 
from  the  latter,  nothing  but  utter  condemnation,  was  to  be  expected.  Sarpi  was 
placed  altogether  out  of  the  circle  of  these  hostile  feelings.  He  had  no  motive 
for  defending  the  council  throughout,  nor  was  he  under  the  necessity  of  utterly 
condemning  it.  On  the  other  hand  his  position  procured  him  the  means  of  form- 
ing an  unprejudiced  judgment;  for  it  was  only  in  the  midst  of  an  Italian  catholic 
republic,  that  he  could  collect  the  materials  requisite  for  his  purpose. 

If  we  would  form  a  just  conception  of  his  manner  of  handling  these  materials, 
we  must  call  to  our  recollection  how  the  great  historical  works  of  that  time  were 
composed. 

Men  had  not  then  thought  it  incumbent  on  them  to  collect  together  materials 
in  a  complete  and  uniform  body,  an  undertaking  which  is  always  extremely  dif- 
ficult; nor  to  sift  them  with  critical  accuracy;  nor  to  explore  original  authorities; 
nor  to  work  them  out  philosophically.  How  few  indeed  impose  that  task  upon 
themselves  even  now! 

The  writers  of  that  time  were  contented  not  only  to  take  as  groundwork  those 
historians  who  were  generally  reckoned  trustworthy,  but  quoted  entire  passages, 
and  amplified  narratives,  whenever  it  suited  their  purpose  to  adopt  them:  or  they 
interpolated  newly  discovered  manuscript  notices  in  appropriate  places. 
Their  chief  care  then  was,  to  give  to  all  this  matter  an  even  and  continuous 
style. 

Thus  Sleidan  composed  his  work  out  of  the  documents  relating  to  the  history 
of  the  reformation,  as  he  could  get  them;  he  then  strung  them  together  without 
much  critical  labor,  and  imparted  to  the  whole  a  uniformity  of  style,  by  the  color- 
ing of  his  latinity. 

Thuanus  without  scruple  inserted  long  passages  from  other  historians;  we 
find  extracts  from  Buchanan's  History  of  Scotland  worked  up  with  the  various 
parts  of  Thuanus's  History;  the  English  history  he  has  derived  from  materials 
sent  to  him  by  Camden,  the  German  from  Sleidan  and  Chytroeus,  the  Italian 
from  Adriani,  and  the  Turkish  from  Busbequius  and  Leunclavius. 

This  is  a  method  in  which  indeed  originality  is  little  regarded,  and  which 
often  gives  us  the  work  of  one  author  under  the  name  of  another.  It  is  now  once 
more  adopted  by  the  manufacturers  of  French  memoirs,  who  are  wholly  without 
excuse;  they  would  render  a  much  better  service  by  giving  to  the  world  the 
originals  unaltered. 

But  to  return  to  Sarpi.  He  gives  the  following  unvarnished  account  of  his 
situation  and  intentions  in  the  first  pages  of  his  work. 

"  My  object  is  to  write  the  history  of  the  council  of  Trent.  For  although 
many  celebrated  historians  of  our  day  have  touched  upon  insulated  points  of 
this  matter  in  their  works,  and  John  Sleidan,  a  most  accurate  historian,  has  de- 
tailed with  the  greatest  industry  the  antecedent  causes  thereof;  yet  all  these  put 
together  would  not  present  a  complete  narrative.  As  soon  as  I  began  to  concern 
myself  with  the  affairs  of  mankind,  I  had  the  greatest  desire  thoroughly  to  know 
this  history.  After  I  had  collected  all  that  had  been  written  on  the  subject,  as 
well  as  the  documents  which  existed  in  print,  or  had  been  handed  about  in  manu- 
script, I  began  to  seek  out  the  notices  which  existed  among  the  papers  of  de- 
ceased prelates  and  others  who  had  taken  part  in  the  council  of  Trent;  as  well  as 
the  votes  which  they  had  given,  recorded  by  themselves  or  others,  and  the  cor- 
respondence which  had  been  sent  from  that  city.  I  have  spared  no  trouble  nor 
labor,  and  have  had  the  good  fortune  to  see  whole  collections  of  notes  and  letters 
from  persons  who  took  a  great  share  in  those  transactions.  And  as  I  had  brought 


292  SARPI. 

together  matter  which  afforded  me  such  abundant  materials  for  my  history,  I 
determined  to  arrange  them  in  a  connected  narrative." 

Sarpi  has  here  described  his  position  with  great  simplicity.  We  see  him 
placed  between  the  historians  whose  narratives  he  strings  together,  but  who  are 
not  sufficient  for  his  purpose,  on  the  one  side;  and  on  the  other,  provided  with 
manuscript  materials  from  which  he  supplies  their  deficiencies. 

Sarpi  has  unfortunately  given  no  accurate  list  of  either  the  former  or  the  lat- 
ter, nor  was  this  the  custom  of  his  predecessors.  It  was  his  whole  aim,  as  it 
had  been  theirs,  to  weave  out  of  the  records  he  had  found,  a  history  which  should 
be  well  written,  agreeable  and  complete. 

We  can,  however,  without  any  such  particular  information,  easily  discover 
what  were  the  printed  histories  from  which  he  drew;  for  the  former  part  of  his 
hook,  Jovius  and  Guicciardini;  for  the  latter,  Thuanus,  Adriani,  but  above  all,  the 
only  historian  whom  he  mentions  by  name,  Sleidan. 

For  example,  in  the  whole  of  the  account  of  the  state  of  affairs  at  the  time  of 
the  Interim,  and  after  the  council  was  transferred  from  Trent  to  Bologna,  he  has 
Sleidan,  and  (but  very  rarely)  the  sources  from  which  that  author  drew,  con- 
stantly before  his  eyes. 

It  is  worth  while  to  follow  him  still  further,  and  to  observe  how  he  pro- 
ceeds. 

It  is  by  no  means  rare  for  him  merely  to  translate  Sleidan,  freely  indeed, 
nevertheless  he  does  translate;  for  example,  in  the  passage  concerning  the  nego- 
tiations of  the  emperor  with  the  other  sovereigns,  touching  their  preliminary 
submission  to  the  council  of  Trent. 

"  Et  Palatinus  quidem  territatus  fuit  etiam,  nisi  morem  gereret,  oh  recentem 
anni  superioris  offensionem,  uti  diximus,  cum  vix  ea  cicatrix  coaluisset;  Mauri- 
cius,  qui  et  socerum  landgravium  cuperet  liberari  et  nuper  admodum  esset  auctus 
a  Caesare,  faciundum  aliquid  sibi  videbat.  Itaque  cum  Caesare  eis  prolixe  de 
sua  voluntate  per  internuncios  promitteret,  et  ut  ipsius  fidei  rem  permitterent 
flagitaret,  illi  demum  octobris  die  vigesimo  quarto  assentiuntur.  Reliquae  solum 
erant  civitates:  quEe  magni  rem  esse  periculi  videbant  submittere  se  concilii  de- 
cretis  indifferenter.  Cum  iis  Granvellanus  et  Hasius  diu  multumque  agebant; 
atque  interim  fama  per  urbem  divulgata  fuit,  illos  esse  praefractos,  qui  recusarent 
id  quod  principes  omnes  comprobassent:  auditse  quoque  fuerunt  comminationes, 
futurum  ut  acrius  multo  quam  nuper  plectantur.  Tandem  fuit  inventa  ratio  utet 
Caesari  satisfieret  et  ipsis  etiam  esset  cautum.  Etenim  vocati  ad  Csesarem,  ut 
ipsi  responsa  principum  corrigant  non  suum  esse  dicunt,  et  simul  scriptum  ei 
tradunt,  quo  testificantur  quibus  ipsi  conditionibus  concilium  probent.  Caesar, 
eorum  audito  sermone,  per  Seldium  respondet,  sibi  pergratum  esse  quod  reli- 
quorum  exemplo  rem  sibi  permittant  et  ceteris  consentiant."  Sleidan,  lib.  xix, 
p.  50. 

"  Con  1'  elettor  Palatino  le  preghiere  havevano  specie  di  minacce  rispetto  alle 
precedenti  offese  perdonate  di  recente.  Verso  Mauricioduca  di  Sassonia  erano 
necessita,  per  tanti  beneficii  nuovamente  havuti  da  Cesare,  e  perche  desiderava 
liberare  il  lantgravio  suo  suocero.  Perilche  promettendo  loro  Cesare  d'  adoper- 
arsi  che  in  concilio  havessero  la  dovuta  sodisfattione  e  ricercandogli  che  si  fidas- 
sero  in  lui,  finahnenie  consentirono,  e  furono  seguiti  dagli  arabasciatori  dell' 
elettore  di  Brandeburg  e  da  tutti  i  prencipi.  Le  citta  ricusarono  come  coso  di 
gran  pericolo  il  sottomettersi  indifferentemente  a  tutti  i  decreli  del  concilio.  II 
Granvela  negotiu  con  gli  ambasciatori  loro  assai  e  longamente,  trattandogli  anco 
da  ostinati  a  ricusar  quello  che  i  prencipi  havevano  comprobato,  aggiongendo 
qualche  sorte  di  minacce  di  condannargli  in  somma  maggiore  che  la  gia  pagata: 
perilche  finalmente  furono  costrette  di  condescendere  al  voler  di  Cesare,  riservata 
pero  cautione  per  1'  osservanza  delle  promesse.  Onde  chiamate  alia  presenza 
dell'  imperatore,et  interrogate  se  si  conformavano  alia  deliberationede' prencipi, 
risposero  che  sarebbe  stato  troppo  ardire  il  loro  a  voler  correggere  la  risposta  de' 
prencipi,  e  tutti  insieme  diedero  una  scrittura  contenente  le  conditioni  con  che 


SARPI.  293 

avrebbono  ricevuto  il  concilio.  La  scrittura  fu  ricevuta  ma  non  letta,  e  pernome 
di  Cesare  dal  suo  cancellario  furono  lodati  clie  ad  essenipio  degli  altri  havessero 
rimesso  il  tutto  all'  imperatore  e  fidatisi  di  lui;  e  I'istesso  imperatore  fece  dimo- 
stratione  d'haverlo  molto  jjrato.  Cosi  1'  una  e  1'  altra  parte  voleva  esser  ingan- 
nata."     Sarpi,  lib.  iii,  p.  283. 

We  cannot  help  remarking  in  this  translation,  that  Sarpi  does  not  adhere 
exactly  to  the  facts  as  he  found  them  slated.  It  is  not  asserted  by  Sleidan  that 
Granvella  had  threatened  the  cities;  but  the  Italian  puts  into  the  mouth  of  that 
minister  the  threat  which  the  German  only  mentions  as  currently  imputed  to 
him.  The  agreement  with  the  cities  is  more  clearly  stated  in  the  original  than 
in  Sarpi's  translation.  This  may  be  taken  as  a  sample  of  innumerable  other 
passages. 

In  this  case  we  should  have  nothing  further  to  remark;  we  should  only  have 
to  bear  in  mind  that  we  were  reading  a  somewhat  arbitrary  paraphrase  of  Slei- 
dan's  work;  but  occasionally  we  meet  with  still  more  material  changes. 

In  the  first  place,  Sarpi  had  no  accurate  conception  of  the  constitution  of  the 
empire:  he  had  always  present  to  his  mind  a  constitution  consisting  of  three 
estates,  viz.  the  clergy,  temporal  lords,  and  cities.  Accordingly  he  frequently 
alters  the  expressions  of  his  author  in  accordance  with  his  own  erroneous  notion. 
For  example,  in  lib.  xx,  p.  108,  Sleidan  gives  the  votes  concerning  the  Interim 
in  the  three  colleges.  1.  The  electoral.  The  three  spiritual  electors  are  for  the 
Interim,  the  temporal  ones  against  it;  "reliqui  tres  electores  non  quidem  ejus 
erant  sententiee,  Palatinus  imprimis  et  Mauricius,  verum  uterque  causas  habe- 
bant  cur  Cassari  non  admodum  reclamarent;"  2,  the  college  of  princes:  "  casteri 
principes,  qui  maxima  parte  sunt  episcopi,  eodem  modo  sicut  Moguntinus  atque 
collegae  respondent;"  3,  "civitatum  non  ita  magna  fuit  habita  ratio."  This 
Sarpi  turns  as  follows,  in  lib.  iii,  p.  300:  the  spiritual  electors  give  their 
opinion  as  described  by  Sleidan.  "  Al  parer  de'  quali  s'  accostarono  tutti  i  ves- 
covi:  i  prencipi  secolari  per  non  offendeye  Cesare  tacquero:  et  a  loro  esempio 
gli  ambasciatori  delle  cilta  parlarono  poco,  ne  di  quel  poco  fu  tenuto  conto." 
What  Sleidan  asserts  of  two  elecrors,  is  thus  applied  by  Sarpi  to  all  the  tem- 
poral princes.  It  would  appear  as  if  the  bishops  had  given  their  votes  sepa- 
rately, and  the  whole  odium  is  thrown  upon  them.  The  high  importance  to 
which  the  council  of  the  princes  of  the  empire  attained  in  those  times  is  com- 
pletely underrated.  Thus  in  the  passages  quoted  above,  Sarpi  says,  that  the 
princes  acceded  to  the  judgment  of  the  electors.  But  the  fact  was,  that  they 
had  already  pronounced  one  of  their  own,  which  differed  on  many  points  from 
that  of  the  electors. 

But  it  is  a  still  more  important  fact,  that  while  Sarpi  inserts  the  statements 
which  he  finds,  and  mixes  with  them  what  he  has  met  with  in  other  places,  and 
extracts  and  translates,  he  at  the  same  time  interweaves  the  whole  narrative 
with  his  own  observations.  Let  us  observe  of  what  nature  these  are;  for  it  is 
extremely  remarkable. 

For  instance,  the  worthy  Sleidan  (lib.  xx,  p.  58)  repeats,  with  guileless  sim- 
plicity, a  proposal  of  the  bishop  of  Trent,  wherein  three  things  are  demanded; 
the  removal  of  the  council  back  to  Trent;  the  mission  of  a  legate  to  Germany; 
and  a  resolution  by  which  the  proceedings  should  be  regulated  in  the  event  of  a 
vacancy  in  the  holy  see.  Sarpi  translates  this  passage  word  for  word,  but  then 
inserts  this  observation,  "The  third  point  was  added  in  order  to  remind  the  pope 
of  his  advanced  age  and  approaching  death,  and  to  induce  him  to  be  more  yield- 
ing, as  he  could  not  wish  to  leave  as  a  legacy  to  his  successor,  the  resentment 
of  the  emperor." 

His  observations  are  chiefly  of  this  character,  thoroughly  imbued  with  bitter- 
ness and  gall.  "The  legate  convoked  the  assembly,  and  first  gave  his  opinion: 
for  the  Holy  Ghost,  which  usually  moves  the  legates  to  follow  the  wishes  of 
the  pope,  and  the  bishops  those  of  the  legates,  now  inspired  them  after  its 
wonted  manner." 
According  to  Sleidan,  the  Interim  was  sent  to  Rome,  "and  it  contained  some 
VOL.  II. — 26 


294  .  SARPI, 

concessions  to  the  protestants."  According  to  Sarpi,  the  German  hishops  in- 
sisted on  this,  "because  they  have  always  endeavored  to  maintain  tlie  reverence 
due  to  the  papal  authority  as  a  counterpoise  to  that  of  the  emperor,  against 
which,  without  the  pope,  they  could  not  stand;  especially  if  the  emperors  should 
ever  endeavor  to  compel  them  to  live  according  to  the  usages  of  the  primitive 
Christian  church,  in  the  practice  of  their  duty,  and  should  restrain  within  due 
bounds  the  abuses  of  so-called  ecclesiastical  freedom." 

We  see  how  widely  Sarpi  differs  from  the  compilers  who  had  preceded  him. 
His  manner  of  extracting  is  full  of  vivacity  and  spirit.  In  spite  of  the  foreign 
materials  he  employs,  his  style  has  a  light,  agreeable,  and  even  flow;  so  that 
we  cannot  distinguish  when  he  passes  from  one  author  to  another.  But  his  nar- 
rative bears  the  color  of  his  opinions — of  his  systematic  opposition,  dislike  and 
hatred  to  the  Roman  court;  and  its  effect  is  the  more  impressive. 

But,  as  we  have  seen,  Paolo  Sarpi  had  to  work  with  materials  very  different 
from  printed  authors;  and  by  far  the  most  important  portion  of  his  book  is  com- 
piled from  such  documents. 

He  distinguishes  the  interconciliar  and  the  preparatory  events  from  the  real 
history  of  the  council.  He  says  he  would  treat  the  former  more  in  the  manner 
of  annals,  the  latter  rather  in  that  of  a  journal.  Another  difference  is,  that  as 
regarded  the  latter  he  had  kept  chiefly  to  the  current  and  well-known  historians; 
for  the  former,  on  the  contrary,  he  had  ransacked  new  and  original  documents. 

The  first  question  is,  of  what  kind  these  documents  were. 

I  do  not  believe  that  he  gained  much  information  from  men  like  Oliva,  the 
secretary  to  the  first  legate  at  the  council;  or  the  French  ambassador  at  Venice, 
Ferrier,  who  was  also  present  at  the  council  of  Trent:  indeed,  in  regard  to  Oliva, 
Sarpi  is  guilty  of  a  great  error,  for  he  makes  him  leave  the  council  before  he 
really  did  so.  The  French  documents  were  soon  afterwards  printed:  the  influ- 
ence which  these  two  men,  who  belonged  to  the  discontented  party,  necessarily 
exercised  over  Sarpi,  had  the  effect  of  increasing  his  hatred  against  the  council. 
The  Venetian  collections,  on  the  other  hand,  afforded  to  him  the  genuine  acts  of 
the  council  in  great  completeness,  consisting  of  letters  of  legates,  e,  g.,  Monte; 
secret  envoys,  like  Visconti;  reports  from  nuncios,  such  as  Chieregato,  and 
minute  journals  which  had  been  kept  at  the  council;  there  were  also  theLettere 
d'Avisi,  and  numerous  other  more  or  less  authentic  documents.  In  this  respect 
he  was  fortunate  enough  to  have  access  to  some  manuscripts  which  have  never 
since  come  to  light;  which  Pallavicini,  notwithstanding  the  powerful  assistance 
he  received,  had  not  been  able  to  procure,  and  which  later  historians  are  com- 
pelled to  seek  in  the  pages  of  Sarpi. 

The  next  question  is,  in  what  manner  he  employed  these  documents. 

He  doubtless  embodied  a  portion  in  his  work,  with  but  slight  alterations. — 
Courayer  asserts,  that  he  had  seen  a  manuscript  report  upon  the  congregations 
of  the  year  15G3,  which  had  been  used  and  almost  copied  by  Sarpi;  "  que  notre 
historien  a  consultee  et  presque  copiee  mot  pour  mot." 

I  have  in  my  possession  a  manuscript  Historia  del  S.  Concilio  di  Trente  scritta 
per  M.  Antonio  INIilledonne,  Seer.  Veneziano,  which  was  also  known  to  Fosca- 
rini  (Lett.  Venez.  i,  p.  351)  and  to  Mendham — \\ritten  by  a  contemporary  and 
well-informed  author,  which,  notwitbstanding  its  brevity,  is  still  by  no  means 
unimportant  towards  a  knowledge  of  the  later  portion  of  the  sitting  of  the  coun- 
cil of  Trent. 

I  find  that  Sarpi  has  occasionally  inserted  it  nearly  word  for  word  in  his  text. 
For  example,  these  are  the  words  of  Milledonne:  *'  II  senate  di  Norimbergo  ris- 
pose  al  nontio  Delfino,  che  non  era  per  partirsi  dalla  confessione  Augustana,  e 
che  oon  accettava  il  concilio,  come  quelle  che  non  aveva  le  condition!  ricercate 
da'  protestanti.  Simil  risposta  fecero  li  senati  d'  Argentina  e  Francfort  al  me- 
desimo  nontio  Delfino.  II  senato  di  Augusta  e  quello  di  Olma  risposero,  che 
non  potevano  separarsi  dalli  altri  che  tenevano  la  confessione  Augustana." 

These,  on  the  other  hand,  are  Sarpi's  words,  p.  450:  "II  noncio  Delfino  nel 
ritorno  espose  il  suocarico  in  diverse  citta.     Dal  senato  di  Norimberg  hebbe  ris- 


SARPi.  295 

posta,  che  non  era  per  partirsi  dalla  confessione  Augustana,  e  che  non  accettera. 
il  concilio,  come  quello  clie  non  haveva  condition!  ricercate  da'  protestanti. — 
Simili  risposte  <rU  fecero  li  senati  d'Argenlina  e  di  Francfort.  II  senalo  d'Au- 
gusta  e  quello  d'Olma  risposero,  die  noii  potevano  separarsi  dagli  altri  die  ten- 
gono  la  lor  confessione." 

Sarpi  only  does  not  follow  Milledonne  when  he  praises  the  council,  even  where 
his  praise  is  not  liable  to  suspicion. 

Milledonne  says,  "  II  c'  Gonzaga  prattico  di  negotii  di  stato  per  aver  gover- 
nato  il  ducato  di  Mantova  molti  anni  doppo  la  morte  del  duca  suo  fratello  fino 
che  li  nepoti  erano  sotto  tutela,  gentiluoino  di  bell'  aspetto,  di  bnona  creanza, 
libero  e  schietto  nel  parlare,  di  buona  mente,  inclinato  al  bene.  Seripando  era 
Napolitano,  arcivescovo  di  Salerno,  frate  eremitano,  grandissimo  teologo,  per- 
sona di  ottima  coscienza  e  di  singolar  bonta,  desideroso  del  bene  universale  della 
christianita." 

Sarpi  is  far  more  niggardly  in  his  praise  of  these  men;  for  he  says,  p.  456: 
"  Deslino  al  concilio  fra  Girolamo,  C  Seripando,  theologo  di  molta  fama;"  this 
is  sufficient  for  him. 

The  letters  of  Visconti,  which  Sarpi  had  before  him,  have  since  been  printed; 
and  it  easy  to  see  on  the  first  comparison  that  he  occasionally  kept  very  close  to 
them.  Vol.  II.,  p.  174,  (Visconti,  Lettres  et  Negotiations,)  affords  us  an  exam- 
ple: "  Ci  sono  poi  stati  alcuni  Spagnuoli,  li  quali  parlando  dell'  istituzione  de' 
vescovi  e  della  residenza  havevano  havuto  ordine  di  affirmare  queste  opinion! 
per  vere  come  li  precetti  del  decalogo.  Segovia  segui  in  queste  due  materie  1' 
opinione  di  Granata,  dicendo  ch'  era  verita  espressa  la  residenza  ed  istituzione 
delli  vescovi  essere  de  jure  divino  e  che  niuno  la  poteva  negare,  soggiungendo 
che  tanto  piii  si  dovea  fare  tal  dichiarazione  per  dannare  I'opinione  de  gli 
heretici  che  tenevano  il  contrario.  Guadice,  Aliffi  e  Montemarano  con  molti 
altri  prelati  Spagnuoli  hanno  aderito  all'  opinione  di  Granati  e  di  Segovia:  ma 
piacque  al  signore  dio  che  si  fecero  all'  ultimo  di  buona  risoluzione." 

Sarpi  Vllf,  753:  "  Granata  disse,  esser  cosa  indegna  haver  tanto  tempo  deriso 
li  padri  trattando  del  fondamento  dell'  instituzione  de'  vescovi  e  poi  adesso  tral- 
asciandola,  e  ne  ricerco  la  dichiarazione  de  jure  divino,  dicendo  maravegliarsi 
perche  non  si  dichiarasse  un  tal  punto  verissimo  et  infallibile.  Aggionse  che  si 
dovevano  prohibire  come  heretici  tuiti  quel  libri  che  dicevano  il  contrario.  Al 
qual  parer  adheri  Segovia,  affermando  che  era  espressa  verita  che  nissuno  poteva 
negarla,  e  si  doveva  dichiarare  per  dannare  I'openione  degli  heretici  che  tenevano 
il  contrario.  Seguivano  anco  Guadice,  Aliffe  et  Monte  Marano  con  gli  altri 
prelati  Spagnuoli,  de'  quali  alcuni  dissero,  la  lore  openione  esser  cosi  vera  come 
li  precetti  del  decalogo." 

We  perceive  here  that  Sarpi  is  no  common  transcriber;  the  more  we  compare 
him  with  the  original  sources  he  drew  from,  the  more  we  perceive  how  well  he 
knew  the  art  of  iiicoporating  into  his  own  narrative  that  of  the  author  from  whom 
he  copied,  and  of  elevating  the  style  by  some  elegant  turn  of  expression;  but  at 
the  same  time,  his  anxiety  to  strengthen  the  impression  most  unfavorable  to  the 
council  is  extremely  evident. 

And,  as  might  naturally  be  expected,  he  treats  the  manuscript  documents  pre- 
cisely as  he  does  the  printed. 

It  is  obvious  that  this  occasionally  influences  very  strongly  his  mode  of  view- 
ing facts;  as,  for  instance,  in  his  representation  of  the  most  important  of  the 
German  religious  conferences,  that  of  Ratisbon  in  1541. 

In  the  account  of  that  event,  he  keeps  again  very  closely  to  Sleidan;  he  must 
also  doubtless  have  had  before  him  Bucer's  report. 

In  the  use  he  makes  of  these  German  authorities,  he  falls  into  the  old  errors. 
At  that  diet  the  estates  gave  the  emperor,  at  two  separate  times,  their  answer  to 
his  proposals;  but  on  neither  occasion  were  they  unanimous.  The  electoral 
college  was  favorable,  the  college  of  princes  was  opposed,  to  the  intentions  of 
the  emperor.  The  difference  was,  that  the  princes  gave  way  the  first  time,  and 
did  not  the  second  time,  when  they  sent  in  a  refusal. 


296  sARPi. 

Sleidan  endeavors  to  account  for  the  opposition  of  the  colleo^e  of  princes,  by 
remarking  that  it  contained  so  many  bishops;  a  most  important  feature  in  the 
constitution  of  the  empire.  Sarpi  destroys  the  whole  meaning  of  this  passage, 
by  calling  the  college  of  princes,  bishops.  He  states  on  the  occasion  of  the  first 
answer,  "  I  vescovi  rifiutarono;"  of  the  second,  "  I  vescovi  con  alcuni  pochi  prin- 
cipi  caitolici;"  which,  as  we  have  observed,  completely  changes  the  view  of  the 
constitution  of  the  empire. 

But  we  will  no  longer  detain  our  readers  on  this  point.  The  chief  object  is,  to 
ascertain  how  he  makes  use  of  the  more  secret  sources  to  which  he  alone  had  ac- 
cess, and  which  he  had  reason  to  believe  would  still  remain  unknown  for  some 
time. 

Among  the  materials  for  the  history  of  that  diet  he  had  the  instruction  ad- 
dressed to  cardinal  Contarini,  which  cardinal  Quirini  afterwards  printed  from  a 
Venetian  MS. 

Here  we  must  first  remark,  that  he  interwove  into  his  narrative  of  the  con- 
ferences which  the  legate  held  with  the  emperor,  the  materials  he  found  in  that 
instruction. 

It  contains  the  following  words:  "  Eos  articulos  in  quibus  inter  se  convenire 
non  possunt,  ad  nos  rernittant,  qui  in  fide  boni  pastoris  et  universalis  pontificis 
dabimus  operam  utper  universale  concilium  vol  per  aliquam  viam  aequivalentem 
non  pra3cipitanter,  sed  mature  et  quemadmodum  res  tanti  momenti  exigit,  finis 
his  controversiis  imponatur,  et  remedium  quod  his  malis  abhibendum  est  quam 
diutissime  perdurare  possit." 

Sarpi  makes  Contarini  require,  "  ogni  cosa  si  mandasse  al  papa,  il  qual  pro- 
metteva  in  fede  di  buon  pastore  et  universale  pontefice  di  fare  che  il  tutto  fosse 
determinato  per  un  concilio  generate  o  per  altra  via  equivalente  con  sincerita  e 
con  nissun  atfetto  humano,  non  con  precipitio,  ma  maturamente." 

The  instruction  proceeds  in  another  place:  "  Si  quidem  ah  initio  pontifieatus 
nostri,  ut  facilius  hoc  religionis  dissidium  in  pristinam  concord iam  reduceretur, 
primum  christianos  principes  ad  veram  pacem  et  concordiam  per  literas  et  nun- 
lios  nostros  saepissime  hortati  sumus,  ....  mox  ob  banc  eandem  causam  con- 
cilium generale  ....  christianis  regibus  et  principibus  etiam  per  proprios  nun- 
tios  significavimus,  ....  multaque  in  Germania  religionis  causa  non  ea  qua 
decuit  auctoritatem  nostram,  ad  quam  religionis  judicium  cognitio  et  examen 
spectat,  reverentia  tractari  et  fieri  non  absque  gravi  dolore  animi  intelleximus, 
tum  temporum  conditione  moti,  tum  Caesareas  et  regiae  majestatum  vel  earum 
oratorum  pollicitationibus  persuasi  quod  ea  qufe  hie  fiebant  boni  alicujus  inde 
secuturi  causa  fierent,  partim  patientes  tulimus,  etc." 

Sarpi  adds  to  this:  "  Sicome  la  S'^  S.  nel  principio  del  pontificatb  per  questo 
medesimo  fine  haveva  mandate  lettere  e  nuntii  a  prencipi  percelebrar  il  concilio, 
e  poi  intimatolo,  e  mandate  al  luogo  i  suoi  legati,  e  che  se  haveva  sopportato 
che  in  Germania  tante  volte  s'havesse  parlato  delle  cose  della  religione  con  poca 
riverentia  dell'  autorita  sua,  alia  quale  sola  spetta  trattarle,  I'haveva  fatto  per 
essergli  dalle  M'*  S.  data  intentione  e  promesso  che  cio  si  faceva  per  bene." 

In  short,  it  is  evident  that  the  declarations  which  Sarpi  puts  into  the  mouth  of 
Contarini,  are  exactly  taken  from  his  instructions;  and  when  once  we  are  aware 
of  this,  we  can  eiisily  excuse  it,  though  we  cannot  deny  that  the  truth  occa- 
sionally suffers  by  this  proceeding.  The  daily  changes  in  events  caused  fresh 
instructions  to  be  constantly  despatched  to  the  legate.  Sarpi  makes  him  propose 
reasons  for  referring  only  the  unsettled  points  to  Rome,  at  a  time  when  he  was 
required  to  refer  every  thing,  even  the  points  upon  which  an  agreement  had 
already  been  come  to,  to  the  judgment  and  approbation  of  the  Roman  court. 

Sarpi,  however,  departs  still  more  widely  from  his  original,  in  applying  words 
of  the  instructions  to  a  case  upon  which  they  were  never  intended  to  bear. 

The  pope  declares  himself  in  the  instructions  with  peculiar  emphasis  against 
a  national  council:  "...  Majestati  Ccesareaj  in  memoriam  redigas,  quantopere 
concilium  illud  sit  semper  detestata,  cum  alibi  tum  Bononise  palam  diceret  nihil 
aeque  perniciosum  fore  et  apostolicae  et  imperiali  dignitatibus  quam  Germanorum 


SARPi.  297 

nationale  concilium,  illi  nulla  meliore  via  quam  per  generale  concilium  obviam 
iri  posse  confiteretur:  quia  imo  etiam  S.  M.  post  Ratisbonensem  dietam  anno  d""' 
1532  habitam  pro  sua  sino^ulari  prudentia  omni  studio  semper  egit  ne  qua  impe- 
rialis  dicta  hactenus  sit  celebrata  ac  ex  ea  occasione  ad  concilium  nationale  de- 
veniretur." 

Sarpi  quotes  this  literally,  and  as  if  it  were  taken  from  the  instructions;  but 
with  a  remarlvable  addition:  "  Che  raccordasse  all'  imperatore  quanto  egli 
medesimo  havesse  detestato  il  concilio  nationale  essendo  in  Bologna,  conoscen- 
dolo  pernicioso  all'  autorita  irnperiale:  poiche  i  sudditi  preso  animo  dal  vedersi 
concessa  potestii  di  mutare  le  cose  della  religione  pensarebbono  ancora  a  mutare 
lo  state:  e  che  S.  M.  dopo  il  1532  non  volse  mai  pid  celebrare  in  sua  presenza 
dieta  irnperiale  per  non  dar  occasione  di  domandar  concilio  nationale." 

Who  would  not  believe  that  the  emperor  himself  had  expressed  the  opiniou, 
that  a  nation  which  had  once  changed  its  religion,  would  easily  alter  its  form  of 
government?  But  in  this  matter  1  cannot  believe  the  author  simply  on  his  owu 
affirmation;  nothing  of  the  sort  is  to  be  found  in  the  instructions.  This  is  an 
idea  which  first  obtained  currency  after  the  events  of  a  later  period. 

I  do  not  think  that  my  criticisms  will  appear  too  minute  or  captious.  The 
only  way  to  arrive  at  the  conclusion  whether  an  author  speaks  the  truth  or  not, 
is  to  compare  him  with  the  originals  from  which  he  has  drawn. 

I  find  Sarpi  deviating  from  his  authorities  on  a  point  even  more  important  than 
any  of  those  already  cited. 

In  the  very  first  conference  which  he  mentions  as  taking  place  between  the 
emperor  and  Contarini,  he  interweaves  the  words  of  the  instruction: — those 
important  words  to  which  we  have  referred. 

The  pope  excuses  himself  for  not  having  given  the  cardinal  such  extensive 
powers  as  the  emperor  and  the  king  had  desired:  "  primum  quia  videndum  im- 
primis est,  an  protestantes  in  principiis  nobiscum  conveniant,  cujusmodi 

est  hujus  sanclse  sedis  primatus  tanquam  a  Deo  et  Salvatore  nostro  institutus, 
sacros.  ecclesiae  sacramenta,  et  alia  qusdam  quae  turn  sacrarum  literarum  aucto- 
ritate  turn  universalis  ecclesiaj  perpetua  obscrvatione  hactenus  observata  et  com 
probata  fuere  et  tibi  nota  esse  bene  scimus:  quibus  statim  initio  admissis  omnis 
super  aliis  controversiis  concordia  tentaretur." 

Sarpi  makes  Contarini  say:  "che  S.  S'*  gli  aveva  data  ogni  potesta  di  con- 
cordare  co'  protestanti,  purche  essi  ammettino  i  principii,  clie  sono  il  primoto 
della  sede  apostolica  instituito  da  Christo,  et  i  sacramenti  sicome  sono  insegnati 
nella  chiesa  Romano,  e  le  altre  cose  detenniiiate  nella  bulla  di  Leone,  ofFerendosi 
nelle  altre  cose  di  dar  ogni  sodisfattione  alia  Germania." 

We  see  what  a  difference  here  is.  In  the  vagueness  of  the  pope's  words  lay 
the  sole  possibility  of  a  successful  issue;  the  conference  would  have  no  con- 
ceivable aim,  had  not  this  opening  been  left:  in  Sarpi,  however,  this  is  wholly 
lost  sight  of.  The  pope  does  not  mean,  "quaedam  quae  tibi  nota  esse  bene 
scimus,"  but  requires  the  recognition  of  the  decrees  of  the  bull  of  Leo  X,  that 
is,  the  condemnation  of  the  doctrines  of  Luther;  a  measure  which  it  was  impos- 
sible to  carry  into  effect. 

Sarpi  will  by  no  means  allow  that  the  papal  see  had  shown  any  symptom  of 
a  disposition  to  give  way.  Contarini,  according  to  him,  was  obliged  to  assert 
the  papal  authority  in  its  sternest  form.  According  to  Sarpi,  he  began  by  affirm- 
ing that  "  the  pope  could  not  impart  the  authority  to  decide  upon  doubtful  points 
of  faith:  to  him  alone  was  the  privilege  of  infallibility  granted  in  these  words — 
Ego  rogavi  pro  te,  Petre."  These  are  circumstances  of  which  there  is  not  a 
word  to  be  found  in  the  instruction.  For  Sarpi  looked  at  the  papacy  in  the 
same  light  as  his  contemporaries.  After  its  restoration,  it  became  far  more 
despotic  and  inflexible,  than  it  had  been  in  its  days  of  danger  and  depression. 
But  Sarpi  beheld  it  in  the  fulness  of  power  and  unbroken  self-confidence.  What 
he  witnessed  and  felt,  he  set  down  as  belonging  also  to  the  papacy  of  the  earlier 
times.  All  the  reports  and  documents  which  he  found,  whether  printed  or  in 
manuscript,  were  interpreted  by  him  in  conformity  with  this  impression,  which 

26* 


298  PALLAVICINI. 

was  natural  to  him,  and  which  had  its  origin  in  the  position  of  his  native  city, 
of  the  party  in  it  to  which  he  belong-ed,  and  to  his  own  personal  situation. 

We  have  another  historical  work  from  the  pen  of  Paolo  Sarpi,  on  the  subject 
of  the  quarrel  between  Venice  and  Rome  in  1606.  Historia  particolare  delle 
cose  passate  tra  '1  summo  pontefice  Paolo  V  e  la  Ser™^  Rep'  di  Venetia;  Lion, 
1624:  which  is  on  the  whole  written  in  a  similar  spirit.  It  is  a  masterpiece  of 
vivid  delineation — true  in  the  main,  but  yet  the  work  of  a  partisan.  Sarpi  tells 
us  little  or  nothing  of  the  contentions  existing  among  the  Venetians  themselves, 
which  broke  out  on  that  occasion,  forming  so  important  an  event  in  their  do- 
mestic history.  According  to  him  it  would  appear  as  if  only  one  opinion  pre- 
vailed in  Venice.  He  is  always  speaking  of  the  "  princeps,"  which  is  his 
name  for  the  Venetian  government.  This  fiction  of  his  does  not  tend  to  inspire 
confidence  in  the  accuracy  of  his  representation  of  the  internal  affairs  of  Venice. 
He  glides  lightly  over  those  things  which  were  little  to  the  honor  of  Venice; 
for  instance,  in  the  curious  case  of  the  delivering  up  of  the  prisoners,  mentioned 
in  our  text;  as  if  he  did  not  know  why  they  were  first  given  up  to  the  ambas- 
sador, and  then,  with  another  form  of  words,  to  the  cardinal.  Nor  does  he  men- 
tion that  the  Spaniards  were  for  the  exclusion  of  the  Jesuits.  He  had  vowed 
against  both  an  inextinguishable  hatred;  and  will  not  deign  to  notice  the  sepa- 
ration of  their  interests  on  this  occasion. 

The  same  is  very  nearly  the  case  with  regard  to  Sarpi's  history  of  the  council 
of  Trent.  The  authorities  are  brought  together  with  diligence,  are  well  handled, 
and  used  with  consummate  talent:  we  cannot  exactly  say  they  are  falsified,  or 
that  they  are  frequently  or  materially  altered;  but  the  whole  work  is  colored 
with  a  tinge  of  decided  enmity  to  the  papal  power. 

Sarpi  thus  opened  a  new  path  to  the  historian,  by  giving  to  compilfition  the 
utility  of  a  prevailing  tendency;  his  work  is  condemnatory  and  hostile;  and  is 
the  first  example  of  a  history  which  accompanies  the  whole  development  of  its 
subject  with  incessant  blame;  it  has  a  far  more  decided  character  than  the  his- 
tory of  Thuanus,  who  was  the  first  to  make  a  slight  and  occasional  use  of  a 
style  in  which  Sarpi  has  found  innumerable  followers. 

Istoria  del  concilio  di  Trento  scritia  dal  padre  Sforza  Fallavicino  della  compagnia 

di  Gesii,  1664. 

A  book  like  the  history  of  Sarpi,  so  rich  in  details  which  had  never  before 
come  to  light,  so  full  of  talent  and  sarcasm,  relating  to  so  important  an  event, 
and  one,  the  consequences  of  which  had  a  predominant  influence  over  the  age, 
must  necessarily  have  produced  a  very  great  impression.  The  first  edition  ap- 
peared in  1619.  A  Latin  translation  ran  through  four  editions  before  the  year 
1622;  there  were  besides  a  German  and  a  French  translation. 

The  court  of  Rome  was  the  more  anxious  to  have  it  confuted,  since  it  con- 
tained many  errors,  obvious  to  all  who  were  accurately  acquainted  with  the 
public  affairs  of  that  period. 

A  Jesuit  of  the  name  of  Terentio  Alciati,  Prefect  of  the  Studies  in  the  Col- 
legio  Romano,  immediately  employed  himself  in  collecting  materials  for  a  reply, 
which  might  also  serve  as  a  complete  history  of  the  subject:  his  book  bears  the 
title  of  "  Historiaj  concilii  Tridentini  a  veritatis  hostibus  evulgatas  elenchus;"* 
he  got  together  an  enormous  mass  of  materials;  but  he  died  in  1651,  before  he 
had  completed  his  work. 

Goswin  Nickel,  the  general  of  the  Jesuits,  selected  Sforza  Pallavicini,  an- 
other member  of  his  order,  one  who  had  already  shown  some  literary  talent,  to 
finish  it,  and  set  him  free  from  his  other  occupations;  the  general  had  appointed 
him  to  this  work,  "as  a  condottiere  appoints  one  of  his  soldiers,"  to  use  Palla- 
vicini's  own  expressions. 

Pallavicini  published  his  work  about  1656,  in  three  thick  quartos. 

*  This  is  the  title  it  bears  in  Mazzuchelii. 


PALLAVICINI.  299 

This  work  contains  an  enormous  mass  of  matter,  and  is  of  the  greatest  import- 
ance to  the  history  of  the  sixteenth  century,  since  it  commences  from  the  very 
origin  of  the  reformation.  The  archives  were  all  opened  to  him;  he  had  access 
to  all  the  available  materials  which  the  Roman  libraries  contained;  not  only  the 
acts  of  the  council,  but  the  correspondence  of  the  legates  with  Rome,  and  an 
immense  variety  of  other  matter,  were  placed  at  his  disposal;  he  is  far  from 
concealing  his  authorities,  and  rather  makes  a  parade  of  their  titles  on  the  mar- 
gin of  his  book:  their  number  is  prodigious. 

His  principal  object  was  to  refute  Sarpi.  He  places  at  the  end  of  each  volume 
a  catalogue  of  errors  of  which  he  had  convicted  him,  and  reckons  them  to 
amount  to  3G1.  But  numberless  others  remain,  he  says,  which  he  had  also 
refuted,  although  they  are  not  mentioned  in  these  catalogues. 

He  states  in  his  preface,  "that  he  would  not  enter  into  trifling  skirmishes; 
whoever  wished  to  attack  him,  might  do  so  with  regular  forces,  and  overthrow 
his  whole  book,  as  he  had  overthrown  Sarpi."  What  a  strange  work  would 
such  an  one  have  been!     We  are  not  tempted  to  accept  his  challenge. 

We  must  be  satisfied  with  giving,  by  a  few  examples,  an  idea  of  the  method 
of  Pallavicini. 

As  he  had  so  many  unpublished  sources  to  draw  from,  and  in  fact  compiled 
his  whole  book  from  these  documents,  the  most  important  thing  is  to  inquire  in 
what  mode  he  converted  them  to  his  use. 

This  will  be  easier,  wherever  the  authorities  he  used  have  been  since  printed. 
It  has  been  my  good  fortune  to  see  a  whole  series  of  documents  which  have 
never  been  printed,  and  which  are  quoted  by  him:  we  must  compare  the  origi- 
nals with  his  text. 

This  I  will  do  on  a  few  points,  as  follows: 

1.  We  must  first  acknowledge  that  the  extracts  which  Pallavicini  makes  from 
the  instructions  and  papers  at  his  disposal,  and  the  use  he  puts  them  to,  are 
often  quite  satisfactor}';  for  instance,  I  have  collated  his  extracts  with  an  in- 
struction which  the  Spanish  minister  received  from  his  court  in  1562,  the  an- 
swer which  the  pope  gave  him  in  March,  1503,  and  the  fresh  instructions  which 
the  nuncio  received  from  the  pope,  and  have  found  him  to  agree  in  all  particu- 
lars with  the  originals  he  quotes.  Pall,  xx,  10;  xxiv,  1.  He  has  used  an  un- 
doubted right,  in  making  some  transpositions  which  do  not  at  all  aflTect  the  truth. 
It  is  true  he  softens  some  strong  expressions;  for  example,  when  the  pope  says, 
that  he  had  re-opened  the  council,  relying  solely  on  the  support  of  the  king,  and 
in  the  belief  that  he  would  be  his  right  arm,  and  his  pioneer  and  guide  in  all  his 
thoughts  and  actions;  "  il  fondamento  che  facessimo  nella  promessa  di  S.  M*^  e 
de'  suoi  ministri  di  doverci  assistere  ci  face  entrare  arditamente  nell'  impresa, 
pensando  di  avere  S.  M*^  per  nostro  braccio  dritto  e  che  avesse  a  esserci  guida 
0  conduttiero  in  ogni  nostra  aziono  e  pensiero;"  he  only  makes  him  say  that  he 
would  not  have  opened  the  council,  had  he  not  cherished  the  hope  that  the  king 
would  be  his  right  hand  and  guide.  As  the  substance  is  the  same,  we  cannot 
make  this  a  ground  of  censure.  Sarpi  (viii,  Gl)  thinks  that  the  mission  of  Vis- 
conti  to  Spain,  and  of  another  minister  to  the  emperor,  was  only  a  blind,  and 
that  they  were  not  really  charged  to  propose  another  conference;  but  this  is  an 
excess  of  suspicion  in  Sarpi:  the  proposal  of  a  congress,  or  a  conference  as  it 
was  then  called,  is  one  of  the  points  which  was  most  insisted  upon  in  the  in- 
structions, and  Pallavicini  is  doubtless  right  in  his  assertion  to  that  effect. 

2.  But  Pallavicini  is  not  always  the  better  informed  of  the  two.  He  devotes 
a  whole  chapter  to  refute  the  assertion  of  Sarpi,  that  Paul  HI  had  proposed  at 
the  conference  of  Busseto,  to  Charles  V,  to  invest  his  nephew,  who  had  married 
a  natural  daughter  of  the  ernperor,  with  the  duchy  of  Milan.  He  refuses  to  be- 
lieve the  historians  by  whom  this  fact  is  stated.  "  How  would  the  pope  have 
dared  to  write  letters  to  the  emperor  in  the  tone  in  which  these  are  writteni" 
"  Con  qual  petto  avrebbe  ardito  di  scrivere  a  Carlo  lettere  cosi  risentite]"  The 
emperor  might  well  have  reproached  him  with  his  shameless  dissimulation 
(simulatione  sfacciata).     Pallavicini  is  so  vehement,  that  we  cannot  help  be- 


300  PALLAVICINI. 

lieving  that  he  writes  bona  fide.  Nevertheless  the  facts  as  related  by  Sarpi  are 
correct.  This  appears  most  clearly  from  the  despatches  of  the  Florentine  minis- 
ter; (Dispaccio  Guicciardini  26  Giugno  1543.) 

Still  more  minute  details  are  to  be  found  in  a  manuscript  life  of  Vasto.  We 
may  mention  a  Discorso  of  cardinal  Carpi  which  touches  upon  this  point.  Even 
in  the  year  1547  the  pope  had  not  given  up  the  project.  "  Le  cardinal  de  Bo- 
logne  au  roy  Henry  II,  Ribier  II,  9.  L'un — le  pape — demande  Milan,  qu'il 
jamais  n'aura;  I'autre — I'empereur— 400,000  sc,  qu'il  n'aura  sans  rendre  Milan." 
Notwithstanding  this,  pope  Paul  III  actually  wrote  the  letters  we  have  men- 
tioned. 

3.  But  the  question  still  remains,  whether  Pallavicini  generally  errs  bona  fide. 
It  certainly  does  not  appear  that  this  was  the  case  in  every  instance.  We  find 
occasionally  that  the  documents  are  not  so  orthodox  and  so  catholic  as  he  is 
himself.  Whilst  affairs  were  still  in  progress,  and  were  seen  on  all  sides,  and 
under  every  possibility  of  a  change  in  their  character  and  results,  it  was  im- 
possible to  take  the  same  precise  view  of  them,  as  after  the  final  decision  of  the 
whole  transaction.  The  orthodoxy  of  the  seventeenth  century  could  by  no 
means  approve  a  treaty  such  as  that  of  the  peace  of  Augsburg.  Pallavicini  la- 
ments the  "detrimenti  gravissimi"  which  were  brought  upon  the  Roman  see; 
he  compares  the  treaty  to  a  palliative  medicine,  which  only  produces  a  more 
dangerous  crisis.  Nevertheless  he  meets  with  the  report  of  a  nuncio  on  this 
subject,  who  foresaw  its  necessity.  This  nuncio  was  Delfino  bishop  of  Liesina. 
Pallavicini  quotes  the  report  which  that  bishop  made  to  cardinal  Caraffa,  and 
in  fact  uses  it.     But  how  does  he  do  this? 

He  converts  all  the  arguments  with  which  Delfino  proves  the  absolute  neces- 
sity of  this  treaty,  into  excuses  put  forward  by  Ferdinand  for  himself. 

The  nuncio  says,  that  at  that  time  there  was  neither  prince  nor  city  which 
had  not  had  some  dispute  with  their  neighbors;  and  he  names  them: — the  whole 
country  was  going  to  ruin; — Brandenburg,  Hesse,  and  Saxon-Naumburg,  de- 
clared, as  if  constituting  an  opposition  diet,  that  tbey  would  hold  together.  The 
king  had  besought  the  emperor  rather  to  make  peace  with  France,  and  to  direct 
his  attention  to  Germany;  but  this  he  refused  to  do:  in  the  midst  of  all  these 
disorders  the  estates  met;  the  king  then  confirmed  the  points  upon  which  both 
parties  had  agreed:  this  they  did  so  joyfully  ("si  allegramente"),  that  since 
Maximilian's  time  Germany  had  never  been  so  quiet. 

Pallavicini  touches  upon  all  these  matters  (lib.  xiii,  c.  13),  but  weakens 
their  effect  by  placing  these  observations  in  the  mouth  of  a  prince  who  is  only 
trying  to  exculpate  his  actions. 

"  Scusavasi  egli  di  cio  con  addurre  che  haveva  richiesto  d'ordini  specificati, 
I'imperatore  confortandolo  alia  pace  di  Francia....ed  havergli  ricordato  esser 
questa  Tunica  arme  per  franger  I'orgoglio  de'  protestanti  etc."  Let  us  place  in 
opposition  to  these  ambiguous  phrases,  the  words  of  Delfino:  "  II  ser'"°  re  ve- 
dendo  questi  andamenti  Qthe  religious  dissensions]]  scrisse  a  S.  M'^  Cesarea 
esortandola  alia  pace  col  christianissirao  accioche  ella  possa  attendere  alle  cose 
di  Germania  e  farsi  ubedire  etc." 

It  is  doubtless  a  wide,  and,  in  an  author  who  glories  so  much  in  his  authority, 
an  insufferable  departure  from  his  original,  to  place  the  narrative  of  a  nuncio  as 
a  self-exculpation  in  the  mouth  of  a  king;  but  the  worst  is,  that  it  obscures  the 
true  view  of  the  event. 

The  whole  of  the  documents  indeed  are  used,  translated  from  the  style  of  the 
sixteenth  into  that  of  the  seventeenth  century;  but  they  are  used  disingenuously. 

4.  We  have  other  observations  to  make  when  we  turn  to  the  connection  sub- 
sisting between  the  pope  and  Ferdinand  I.  It  is  well  known  that  the  emperor 
of  Germany  insisted  upon  a  reform  which  was  by  no  means  agreeable  to  the 
pope.  During  the  first  months  of  the  year  15G3,  Pius  twice  sent  his  nuncio, 
first  Commendone,  then  Morone,  to  Inspruck,  where  the  emperor  then  was,  to 
persuade  him  to  relinquish  this  opposition:  these  were  remarkable  missions  and 
productive  of  the  most  weighty  consequences  to  the  council.    It  is  very  interest- 


PALLAVICINI.  301 

ing  to  observe  in  what  manner  Pallavicini  (XX.  4.)  gives  the  reports  of  them. 
We  have  before  us  Commendone's  report,  19th  February,  )5G3,  which  Palla- 
vicini also  used. 

The  first  point  upon  which  we  must  remark  is,  that  he  immeasurably  weakens 
the  expressions  which  were  used  at  the  imperial  court,  and  the  objects  which 
were  there  contemplated.  He  makes  Commendone  say  of  the  alliance  then 
subsisting  between  the  emperor,  the  French,  and  the  cardinal  of  Lorraine;  "  ren- 
dersi  credibile  che  scambievolmente  si  confirmerebbono  nel  parer  e  si  promet- 
terebbono  ajuto  nell'  operare."  It  is  possible  that  they  would  come  to  some 
degree  of  unanimity  of  opinion,  and  would  assist  each  other  in  their  under- 
takings. Commendone  expresses  himself  very  differently;  the  imperial  court 
had  not  only  determined  to  endeavor  to  pursue  measures  of  reform  in  common 
with  the  French:  "pare  che  pensino  trovar  modo  e  forma  di  haver  piu  parte  et 
autorita  nel  presente  concilio  per  stabilire  in  esso  tutte  le  loro  petition!  giunta- 
mente  con  Frances!." 

Pallavicini  entirely  omits  many  other  things.  It  was  the  opinion  prevalent 
at  the  imperial  court,  that  much  more  might  have  been  done  with  the  protestants 
by  a  union  of  concessions  and  of  real  reforms:  "  La  somma  e  che  a  me  pare  di 
haver  veduto  non  pur  in  S.  M'*  ma  nelli  principali  ministri,  come  Trausen  e 
Seldio,  un  ardentissimo  desiderio  della  riforma  e  del  progresso  del  concilio  con 
una  gran  speranza  quod  remettendo  aliquid  de  jure  positivo  et  reformando  mores 
et  disciplinam  ecclesiasticam  non  solo  si  possono  conservare  li  cattolici  ma  gua- 
dagnare  e  ridurre  degli  heretici,  con  una  opinione  et  impressione  pur  troppo  forte 
che  qui  siano  molti  che  non  vogliano  riforma."  I  shall  not  endeavor  to  find  out 
who  the  protestants  were,  who  might  have  been  expected  to  return  to  the  catho- 
lic faith,  if  due  reforms  took  place,  but  the  conversation  was  much  too  offensive 
to  have  been  reported  by  him  to  a  courtly  prelate.  Mention  being  made  of  the 
difficulties  which  were  experienced  in  the  council,  Seld  answered  shortly; 
"Oportuisset  ab  initio  sequi  sana  consilia."  Pallavicini  also  mentions  the 
complaints  of  the  difficulties,  but  omits  the  answers. 

On  the  other  hand,  he  gives  a  decision  of  the  chancellor  in  favor  of  the  Jesuits, 
in  extenso. 

In  short,  he  dwells  upon  what  is  agreeable  to  him,  but  ignores  whatever  might 
be  unpalatable  to  himself  and  to  the  curia. 

5.  This  cannot  fail  to  have  a  disadvantageous  effect  upon  our  knowledge  of 
the  subject. 

For  example,  in  the  year  1547,  the  Spaniards  produced  some  articles  of  reform, 
known  under  the  title  of  Censures.  Shortly  afterwards  followed  the  transfer  of 
the  council  to  another  city,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Censures  were 
the  chief  cause  of  that  event.  It  was  certainly  a  most  important  fact  that  the 
immediate  supporters  of  the  emperor  Charles,  at  the  very  moment  when  he  was 
victorious,  made  such  extravagant  demands.  Sarpi  states  them  in  tiieir  full 
extent,  lib.  ii,  p.  262,  and  also  briefly  gives  the  answers  of  the  pope.  But  it  is 
not  convenient  to  Pallavicini  to  admit  that  orthodox  prelates  could  have  made 
such  outrageous  demands.  He  says  that  Sarpi  tells  many  things  concerning 
this  of  which  he  can  find  nothing;  the  only  thing  he  can  find  is,  an  answer  of 
the  pope  to  certain  proposals  for  reform,  made  by  numerous  monks,  and  which 
had  been  shown  to  him  by  the  president;  lib,  ix,  c.  9,  "  sopra  varie  riformazioni 
proposte  da  molti  de'  padri."  He  takes  good  care  not  to  insert  them.  They 
might  have  weakened  his  refutation  of  the  worldly  motives  which  Sarpi  alleges 
for  the  transfer  of  the  council. 

6.  Here  he  gives  admirable  proofs  of  his  talent  for  silence,  and  of  his  art  of 
letting  alone  what  is  not  agreeable  to  him. 

In  the  third  book,  for  example,  he  occasionally  quotes  a  Venetian  report  by 
Suriano,  and  states  that  the  author  asserts  that  he  possessed  a  peculiar  and  un- 
questionable knowledge  of  the  treaties  between  Francis  and  Clement — an  asser- 
tion which  he  does  not  attempt  to  combat,  (iii,  c.  12,  n.  1):  he  inserts  passages 
of  this  report  in  his  narrative;  for  example,  that  Clement  had  shed  tears  of  grief 


302  PALL  AVIC  INI. 

and  indignation  at  the  news  of  the  capture  of  his  nephew  hy  the  emperor; — in 
short,  it  is  evident  that  he  attaches  credit  to  it.  He  also  affirms  that  this  Vene- 
tian is  directly  at  variance  with  his  countryman  Sarpi,  who  says,  "  II  papa  ne- 
gotio  confederazione  col  re  di  Francia,  la  quale  si  concluse  e  stabili  anco  col 
matrimonio  di  Henrico  secondogenito  regio  e  di  Catharina."  Upon  this  Palla- 
vicini  exclaims,  "  The  pope  did  not  ally  himself  with  the  king,  as  P.  Soave  so 
boldly  maintains;"  and  appeals  to  Guicciardini  and  Soriano.  But  what  does 
Soriano  say]  He  traces  at  length,  how  and  where  the  preference  of  the  pope 
for  the  French  had  begun;  how  completely  political  it  was:  and  lastly,  he  speaks 
of  the  negotiations  at  Bologna.  He  certainly  denies  that  they  had  amounted  to 
a  positive  treaty;  but  what  he  really  meant  to  deny  was,  that  the  terms  were 
committed  to  writing.  "  Di  tutti  li  desiderii  (del  re)  s'accommodo  Clemente 
con  parole  tali  che  gli  fanno  credere,  S.  S'^  esser  disposta  in  tutto  alle  sue  voglie, 
senza  pero  far  provisione  alcuna  in  scrittura."  He  afterwards  relates  that  the 
king  had  pressed  the  pope  to  fulfil  the  promises  which  had  been  there  made: 
"  S.  M'*  chr""^  dimando  che  da  S.  S'^li  fussino  osservate  le  promesse;" — which, 
according  to  the  same  author,  was  one  cause  of  the  pope's  death.  Here  we  have 
the  extraordinary  case  in  which  falsehood  is,  in  a  certain  sense,  truer  than  truth 
itself.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Sarpi  is  incorrect  in  stating  that  a  treaty  had 
been  made,  since  what  was  so  called  never  came  to  anything;  and  Pallavicini  is 
perfectly  right  in  denying  the  existence  of  this  treaty;  yet  on  a  general  view  of 
the  facts,  Sarpi  is  much  nearer  to  the  truth.  The  pope  and  the  king  entered  into 
the  most  intimate  alliance,  only  it  was  conducted  by  word  of  mouth  and  not  in 
writing. 

7.  We  find  similar  facts  with  regard  to  the  use  he  makes  of  Visconti's  letters. 
Sarpi  sometimes  takes  more  from  them  than  they  contain;  e.  g.  he  says  vii,  657, 
concerning  the  decree  enforcing  residence,  that  the  cardinal  of  Lorraine  spoke 
very  diffusely  and  indistinctly,  and  that  people  could  not  make  out  whether  he 
was  friendly  to  such  a  decree  or  not.  Pallavicini  breaks  out  with  the  greatest 
violence  at  this,  "  Si  scorge  apertamente  il  contrario"  (xix,  c.  8,);  and  quotes 
Visconti  in  support  of  his  confutation.  Let  us  hear  Visconti  himself:  "  Per- 
che  s'allargo  molto  non  potero  seguire  se  non  pochi  prelati"  (Trento,  X  Dec. 
Mansi,  Misc.  Baluzii  HI,  p.  454).  It  is  therefore  true  that  people  could  not 
follow  him,  and  did  not  properly  understand  his  meaning.  Further,  Pallavicini 
is  angry  that  Sarpi  gives  it  to  be  understood  that  the  cardinal  did  not  appear  in 
one  of  the  congregations,  because  he  wished  to  leave  the  French  an  opportunity 
of  expressing  themselves  in  full  freedom;  and  that  he  used  the  news  of  the  death 
of  the  king  of  Navarre  as  a  pretext.  Pallavicini  vehemently  protests  that  this 
was  the  true  and  only  ground.  "  Ne  io  trovo  in  tanto  memorie  piene  di  sospetto, 
che  cio  capitasse  in  mento  a  persona."  (ib.)  What!  Nobody  conceived  a  sus- 
picion in  consequence  of  this  absence?  Visconti  says  in  a  published  letter  of 
Mansi,  "  Lorena  chiamo  questi  prelati  Francesi  e  gli  commise  che  havessero  da 
esprimere  liberamente  tutto  quelle  che  haveano  in  animo  senza  timor  alcuno. — 
E  sono  di  quelli  che  pensano  che  il  cardinal  se  ne  restasse  in  casa  per  questo 
effetto."  \isconti  certainly  says  nothing  of  the  cardinal  having  used  the  death 
of  the  king  of  Navarre  as  a  pretext;  it  must  have  been  found  in  other  letters, 
(since  we  see  that  Sarpi  had  other  sources  before  his  eyes);  but  it  is  certain  that 
these  letters  contain  a  literal  assertion  that  it  was  suspected  that  the  cardinal 
remained  at  home  designedl}\  What  then  shall  we  say,  since  Pallavicini  with- 
out doubt  saw  them] 

8.  But  Pallavicini's  sole  aim  is  throughout  to  confute  his  opponent,  without 
caring  much  to  bring  the  truth  to  light.  This  is  nowhere  more  apparent  than  in 
the  part  relating  to  the  conference  of  Ratisbon,  concerning  which  we  have  treated 
so  much  at  length  in  the  text.  Pallavicini  knew  of  the  instruction  in  question, 
as  we  may  conceive,  but  held  it  to  be  more  secret  than  it  really  was.  His  man- 
ner of  treating  it  affords  us  great  insight  into  his  character.  He  contradicts 
Sarpi  with  great  vehemence,  and  abuses  him  for  making  the  pope  assert  that  he 
would  satisfy  the  demands  of  the  protestants,  in  as  far  as  they  would  agree  with 


PALLAVICINl.  303 

him  on  those  points  of  the  catholic  religion  which  were  already  established; 
"  che  ove  i  Luterani  convenissero  ne'  punti  gia  stabiliti  della  chiesa  romana,  si 
offeriva  nel  resto  di  porger  ogni  sodisfattione  alia  Germania."  This  he  tliinks 
directly  at  variance  with  the  truth.  "  Questo  e  dirimpeito  contrario  al  prime 
capo  dell'  instruttione."  What!  Does  he  mean  that  the  contrary  was  the  I'actl 
The  pope's  instruction  says:  "  Videndum  est  an  in  prineipiis  nobiscum  conveni- 

ant, quibus  admissis  omnis  super  aliis  controverslis  concordia  tentaretur," 

and  the  other  words  which  we  have  quoted  before.  It  is  certainly  true,  that 
Sarpi  is  here  in  error,  for  he  restricts  the  powers  of  the  legate  more  than  the 
fact  warrants;  he  says  too  little  of  the  yielding  disposition  of  the  pope:  Palla- 
vicini,  without  discovering  this  most  obvious  mistake,  asserts  that  Sarpi  states 
too  much;  he  enters  into  a  distinction  between  articles  of  faith  and  others,  which 
does  not  exist  in  the  bull;  he  brings  together  a  number  of  things  which  are  per- 
fectly true,  but  are  not  the  whole  truth,  and  which  do  not  invalidate  the  words 
which  gtand  in  the  instruction.  In  unimportant  matters  he  is  accurate,  but  he 
completely  distorts  what  is  essential.  In  short,  Pallavicini  acts  like  an  advo- 
cate who  has  undertaken  to  defend  a  client  laboring  under  a  heavy  accusation, 
in  all  points  and  at  all  hazards.  He  endeavors  to  place  him  in  the  best  light, 
and  brings  forward  what  may  benefit  his  case,  and  not  only  leaves  out  what, 
according  to  his  view  of  the  matter,  miglit  be  injurious,  but  flatly  denies  it. 

It  would  be  impossible  to  follow  him  through  all  the  lengthy  discussions  in 
which  he  engages;  it  is  sufficient  for  us  to  have  shown,  in  some  measure,  his 
manner  of  treating  his  subject. 

Truly  we  gather  from  our  researches  not  the  most  agreeable  results  for  the 
history  of  the  council  of  Trent. 

It  has  been  said,  that  the  truth  is  to  be  obtained  from  the  collective  results  of 
these  two  works.  Perhaps,  as  regards  a  very  general  view,  this  may  be  the 
case;  it  is  certainly  not  so  as  to  particulars. 

They  both  wander  from  the  paths  of  truth,  which  certainly  lies  between  them: 
but  truth  cannot  be  seized  by  conjecture;  truth  is  too  positive  and  too  original, 
and  is  only  to  be  got  at  by  a  review  of  facts,  and  not  by  an  attempt  to  reconcile 
conflicting  statements. 

Thus  we  have  already  seen  that  Sarpi  asserts  that  a  treaty  had  been  concluded 
at  Bologna,  and  that  this  is  denied  by  Pallavicini:  now  no  conjecture  in  the 
world  could  bring  to  light  the  fact,  that  the  treaty  had  been  made  by  word 
of  mouth,  and  not  in  writing, — a  fact  which  affords  the  solution  of  this  contra- 
diction. 

They  both  of  them  falsify  the  instruction  given  to  Contarini;  their  contradic- 
tions can  never  be  reconciled;  and  the  truth  is  only  to  be  come  at  by  referring  to 
the  original  documents. 

Their  minds  were  of  a  completely  opposite  cast.  That  of  Sarpi  is  acute,  pene- 
trating, and  sarcastic:  his  arrangement  is  most  skilful,  liis  style  pure  and  unaf- 
fected; and  although  the  Crusca  will  not  admit  him  into  the  catalogue  of  the 
classics,  (probably  on  account  of  a  few  provincialisms  of  which  he  is  guilty,) 
his  work  is  very  refresliing  after  the  many  pompous  authors  through  whom  we 
have  to  wade;  his  style  suits  his  subject,  and  his  manner  of  relating  his  facts 
places  him  certainly  second  among  the  modern  historians  of  Italy;  I  should  put 
him  immediately  after  Macchiavelli. 

Pallavicini  is  certainly  not  without  talent,  and  frequently  draws  admirable 
parallels;  and  he  is  a  skilful  partisan.  But  his  intellect  was  somewhat  heav}' 
and  cumbrous;  his  was  a  talent  for  turning  phrases  and  inventing  subterfuges; 
his  style  was  too  wordy.  Sarpi  is  clear  and  transparent  to  the  very  bottom; 
Pallavicini  is  not  without  a  certain  easy  flow  of  words,  but  muddy,  flat,  and 
shallow. 

Both  of  them  are  complete  partisans,  and  are  deficient  in  that  spirit  of  an  his- 
torian, which  seizes  upon  circumstances  and  objects  in  their  full  truth,  and 
brings  them  distinctly  to  view.     Sarpi  certainly  had  the  power  to  do  so,  but  lus 


304  PALLAVICINI. 

only  aim  was  to  attack;  Pallavicini  had  infinitely  less  of  the  requisite  talent,  and 
his  object  was  to  defend  his  party  at  all  hazards. 

Even  with  the  aid  of  both  these  works,  we  cannot  thoroughly  master  the  sub- 
ject. It  is  a  remarkable  circumstance,  that  Sarpi  contains  much  matter,  which 
Pallavicini,  with  all  the  facilities  which  he  enjoyed,  could  never  discover.  I 
will  only  mention  a  memoir  of  the  nuncio  Chieregato  on  the  deliberations  at  the 
court  of  Adrian  VI,  which  is  most  important,  and  against  which  Pallavicini 
makes  unmeaning  exceptions.  Pallavicini  also  passes  over  much  from  incapa- 
city to  perceive  its  importance,  and  therefore  leaves  it  out  altogether.  On  the 
other  hand,  many  documents  escaped  Sarpi,  which  Pallavicini  possessed:  e.  g. 
Sarpi  only  saw  a  very  small  portion  of  the  correspondence  of  the  Roman 
court  with  the  legates.  His  errors  chiefly  arise  from  want  of  authentic  informa- 
tion. 

However,  both  of  them  are  occasionally  ignorant  of  important  documents.  A 
short  report  of  cardinal  Morone,  who  was  entrusted  with  the  decisive  mission  to 
Ferdinand  I,  is  most  important  for  the  whole  history  of  the  latter  portion  of  the 
council;  yet  neither  of  our  authors  has  made  any  use  of  it. 

It  is  not  to  be  imagined  that  Rainaldus  or  Le  Plat  completely  supply  the  defi- 
ciencies. Rainaldus  often  merely  makes  extracts  from  Pallavicini.  Le  Plat 
follows  him  or  Sarpi  frequently  word  for  word,  and  takes  out  of  the  Latin  trans- 
lations of  their  works  what  he  cannot  find  otherwise  authenticated.  He  has  also 
used  fewer  MSS.  than  we  could  have  expected.  There  is  much  which  is  new 
and  good  in  Mendham's  memoirs  of  the  council  of  Trent;  (for  instance,  we  find, 
p.  181,  an  extract  from  the  acts  of  Paleotto,  as  well  as  his  introduction  to  several 
distinct  sessions,  as  for  example,  the  20th  session;)  but  he  has  not  devoted  suf- 
ficient study  to  his  subject. 

Should  any  one  wish  to  undertake  a  new  history  of  the  council  of  Trent, 
(which  indeed  cannot  be  expected,  as  subjects  of  this  nature  have  now  lost  much 
of  their  interest,)  he  must  begin  afresh  from  the  very  commencement.  He  must 
collect  the  several  negotiations,  and  the  discussions  of  the  congregations, — very 
little  of  which  is  known  authentically:  he  must  also  obtain  the  despatches  of  the 
several  ministers  who  were  present  at  the  council.  Then  indeed  he  would  be 
able  to  master  his  subject,  and  to  understand  completely  the  two  rival  historians. 
This  is  a  labor  which  will  never  be  performed:  those  who  have  the  power,  will 
not  do  it;  and  those  who  have  the  will,  have  not  the  means. 


305 


SECTION  III. 

PERIOD    OF    THE    RESTORATION    OF    CATHOLICISM    DOWN    TO    THE 
REIGN    OF    SIXTUS    V. 

We  return  to  our  manuscripts,  the  information  in  which,  though  fragmentary, 
is  at  any  rate  authentic  and  unfalsified. 

22. 

Instructio  pro  causa  Jidei  et  concilii   data  eptscopo  Muh'nw,  Fault  HI,  ad  regem 
Romanorum  nuniio  destinato.    24.    Oct.  1536.    {MS.  Barb.  3007.   15  leaves.) 

This  document  clearly  shows  how  necessary  the  court  of  Rome  found  it,  to 
collect  its  strength,  and  take  heed  to  its  reputation.  The  following  rules  were, 
among  others,  given  to  the  nuncio.  He  was  neither  to  be  too  liberal,  nor  yet 
parsimonious;  neither  too  grave  nor  too  gay;  he  was  not  to  make  known  his 
spiritual  authority  by  posting  it  on  tiie  church  doors,  which  might  render  him 
ridiculous;  whoever  wanted  him  would  find  him  out  without  that:  he  was,  though 
only  under  peculiar  circumstances, entirely  to  remit  his  dues,  and  was  never 
to  show  rapacity  in  collecting  them;  he  was  to  contract  no  debts,  and  to  pay  all 
his  bills  at  inns.  "  Nee  hospitii  pensione  nimis  parce  vel  fortasse  etiam  nequa- 
quam  soluta  discedat,  id  quod  ab  aliquibusnuntiis  aliis  factum  plurimum  animos 
eorum  populorum  in  nos  irritavit. — In  vultu  et  colloquiis  omnem  timorem  aut 
causas  nostra;  diffidentiam  dissimulet. — Hilari  quidem  vultu  accipere  sefingant 
invitationes,  sed  in  respondendo  modum  non  excedant,  ne  id  forte  mali  iisaccidat 
quod  cuidam  nobili  Saxoni,  camerario  secreto  q.  Leonis  X,  (Miltitz),  qui  ob 
Lutheranam  causam  componendam  in  Saxoniam  missus,  id  tantum  fructus  re- 
portavit,  quod  saepe,  perturbatus  vino,  ea  effutire  de  pontifice  et  Romana  curia 
a  Saxonibus  inducebatur,  non  modo  quoe  facta  erant,  sed  quae  ipsi  e  malae  in  nos 
mentis  affectu  imaginabantur  et  optabant;  et  ea  omnia  scriptis  excipientes 
postea  in  conventu  Vormatiensi  nobis  publico  coram  tota  Germania  exprobra- 
bant." 

We  also  see  in  Pallavicini,  I,  18,  that  Miltitz  left  behind  him  a  very  bad 
reputation  at  the  Roman  court. 

This  instruction  is  remarkable,  as  it  names  several  less  known  defenders  of 
Catholicism  in  Germany,  such  as  Leonh.  Marstaller,  Nicol.  Appel,  Job.  Bur- 
chard,  the  preacher  of  his  order,  "qui  etsi  nihil  librorum  ediderit  contra  Luther- 
anos,  magno  tamen  vitae  periculo  ab  initio  usque  hujus  tumultus  pro  defensione 
ecclesiae  laboravit."  Among  those  who  were  better  known,  Ludwig  Berus, 
who  had  fled  from  Basle  to  Freiburg  in  the  Breisgau,  and  was  recommended  to 
the  nuncio,  was  the  most  celebrated,  "  tum  propter  sanam  et  excellentem  homi- 
nis  doctrinam  et  morum  probitatem,  tum  quia  sua  gravitate  et  autoritate  optime 
operam  navare  poterit  in  causa  fidei."  It  is  well  known  that  Ber  understood 
how  to  make  himself  respected  even  by  the  protestants. 
VOL.  II. — 27 


306  INSTR.  AL  CARD.  MONTEPULCIANO.       1539. 

23. 

Instruttione  viandata  da  Roma  per  r elettione  del  luogo  del  concilio.     (1537.)     /n- 
formationi  Politt.   T.  XII. 

It  was  unquestionably  now  the  intention  of  Paul  III  to  convoke  a  council. 
In  this  instruction  he  asserts  that  he  was  firmly  resolved  to  do  so  (tutto  risoluto); 
only  his  wish  was  to  hold  it  in  Italy.  He  leaned  to  Piacenza  or  Bologna,  cities 
belonging  to  the  church,  the  common  mother  of  all;  or  at  all  events,  to  some  city 
belonging  to  the  Venetians,  as  they  were  friends  to  all  parties.  His  reason 
was  that  the  protestants  had  no  real  wish  for  a  council;  as  was  evident  from  the 
conditions  which  they  sought  to  impose.  Here  we  trace  the  thought  which 
afterwards  acquired  so  great  an  historical  importance — that  the  council  was  only 
an  affair  of  the  catholics  among  themselves. 

Lastly,  he  informs  the  emperor  of  his  attempts  at  internal  reforms.  "  Sara 
con  effetto  e  non  con  parole." 

24. 

Instruttione  data  da  Paolo  III  al  c'  Mnntepulciano  destinaio  aW  imperatore  Carlo  V 
sopra  le  cose  della  religione  in  Germania.  1539.     {Bibl.  Corsini  No.  467.) 

Nevertheless  it  is  apparent  that  the  necessity  of  a  reconciliation  first  mani- 
fested itself  in  Germany.  Occasionally  both  parties  were  brought  into  collision 
with  the  pope.  At  the  convention  of  Frankfort,  the  imperial  ambassador  Johann 
"Wessel,  archbishop  of  Lund,  made  most  important  concessions  to  the  protes- 
tants:— a  truce  for  fifteen  months,  during  which  time  all  judicial  proceedings  of 
the  Kammergericht  were  to  be  suspended;  and  a  promise  of  a  conference  touch- 
ing religious  matters,  without  interference  on  the  part  of  the  pope.  This  was 
of  course  intensely  odious  to  Paul  III:  cardinal  Montepulciano,  afterwards  Mar- 
cellus  II,  was  tlierefore  sent  to  Germany,  in  order  to  throw  impediments  in  the 
way  of  so  uncatholic  a  proceeding. 

This  instruction  accuses  the  archbishop  of  Lund  of  corrupt  personal  motives 
for  his  proceedings;  and  of  being  influenced  by  presents,  promises,  and  ulterior 
views.  "La  communita  d'Augusta  gli  dono  2500  fiorini  d'oro,  poi  gli  fu  fatta 
promissione  di  4000  f.  singulis  annis  sopra  il  frutto  del  suo  arcivescovato  di 
Lunda  occupato  per  quel  re  Luterano  (of  Denmark)."  He  wished  to  be  on 
good  terms  with  the  Duke  of  Cleves  and  queen  Maria  of  Hungary:  for  that 
sister  of  the  emperor,  who  was  then  Governess  of  the  Netherlands,  was  especially 
suspected  of  a  considerable  leaning  towards  the  protestants.  "  Secretamente 
presta  favore  alia  parte  di  Luterani,  animandogli  ove  puo,  e  con  mandarli  hu- 
omini  a  posta  disfavoreggia  la  causa  de'  cattolici."  She  had  sent  a  minister  to 
Smalcalde,  and  had  expressly  warned  the  elector  of  Treves  not  to  enter  into 
the  catholic  league. 

Maria  and  the  archbishop  were  the  leading  representatives  of  the  anti-French 
and  anti-Roman  line  of  policy  of  the  imperial  court.  They  wished  to  see  Ger- 
many united  under  the  emperor.  The  archbishop  declared  that  it  depended 
only  on  certain  religious  concessions:  "che  se  S.  M'*^  volesse  tolerare  che  i 
Luterani  stassero  nei  loro  errori,  disponeva  a  modo  e  voler  suo  di  tutta  Ger- 
mania." 

The  pope  replied  that  there  existed  very  different  means  of  settling  affairs 
with  Germany.     Let  us  have  his  own  words. 

"  Annichilandosi  dunque  del  tutto  per  le  dette  cose  la  dieta  di  Francfordia,  et 
essendo  il  consiglio  di  S.  M*^Cesarea  et  altri  principi  christiani.  che  per  la  mala 
dispositionc  di  questi  tempi  non  si  possa  per  hora  celebrare  il  concilio  generale 
non  ostante  N.  S.  gia  tanto  tempo  lo  habbia  indetto  et  usato  ogni  opera  e  mezzo 
per  congregalio,  pare  a  S.  B"'^  che  sarebbe  bene  che  S.  M'^  pensasse  alia  cele- 
bratione  di  una  dieta  imperiale,  per  prohibire  quelli  inconvenienti  che  potriano 
nascere  massimamente  di  un  concilio  nationale,  il  quale  facilmenie  si  potria  fare 
per  cattolici  e  Luterani  per  la  quiete  di  Germania  quando   i  cattolici  havendo 


INSTR.  PRO  EPISC.  MUTINENSI.       1540.  307 

visto  infiniti  disordini  seoruiti  per  causa  di  alcnn  ministro  della  Cesarea  e  Regia 
M**  vedessero  anclie  le  Maesta.  loro  esser  tardi  alii  rimedj:  ne  detto  concilio  na- 
tionale  sarebbe  meno  dannoso  alia  Cesarea  e  Regia  Maesta,  per  le  occulte  cause, 
che  sanno  che  alia  sedia  apostolica  iion  potria  non  partorire  scisma  in  tutta  la 
christianita  cosi  nel  temporale  come  nello  spirituale.  Ma  S.  S*-^  e  di  parere  che 
si  celebri  tal  dieta  in  evento  che  S.  M*-^  si  possa  trovare  prescnte  in  Germania  o 
in  qualche  luogo  vicino  a  la  congregatione:  altrimenti  se  S.  M"-^  Cesarea  dis- 
tratta  da  altre  sue  occupationi  non  potesse  trovarsi  cosf  presto,  e  d'opinione  che 
la  dieta  non  s'indichi,  ne  che  S.  M'-^  si  riposi  nel  giudicio  altrui,  quantunque 
sufficienti  e  buoni  che  procurassero  e  soUecitassero  fare  delta  dieta  in  assenza  di 
S.  M**,  per  non  incorrere  in  quel  disordini  che  sono  seguiti  nelle  altre  diete  parti- 
colari  ove  non  si  e  trovato  S.  M*"  e  tra  questo  mezzo  con  fama  continuata  da 
ogni  banda  di  voler  venire  in  Germania  e  fare  la  dieta  e  con  honeste  vie  et  ese- 
cutioni  trattenere  quei  principi  che  la  sollecitano  e  I'addimandano:  mentre  che 
S.  M'*  venendo  da  buon  senno  la  indichi  poi  e  celebri,  et  interea  vedendo  S.  M** 
quanto  bene  et  utile  sia  per  porture  la  propagatione  della  lega  cattolica,  attenda 
per  hora  a  questa  cosa  principalmente,  e  scriva  al  suo  oratore  in  Germania  e 
parendoli  ancora  mandi  alcun'  altro  che  quanto  piii  si  pno  procurino  con  ogni 
diligenza  e  mezzo  d'accrescere  detta  lega  caltolica  acquistando  e  guadagnando 
ogn'  uno,  ancora  che  nel  principio  non  fossero  cosi  sinceri  nella  vera  religione, 
perche  a  poco  a  poco  si  potriano  poi  ridurre,  e  per  adesso  importa  piu  il  togliere 
a  loro  che  acquistare  a  noi:  alia  quale  cosa  gioveria  molto  quendo  S.  M**  man- 
dasse  in  Germania  quella  piu  quantita  di  denari  ch'ella  potesse,  perche  divul- 
gandosi  tal  fama  confirmarebbe  gli  altri,  che  piii  facilmente  entrassero  vedendo 
che  li  primi  nervi  della  guerra  non  mancariano.  E  per  maggiore  corroboratione 
di  detta  lega  cattolica  S.  S*^  si  risolvera  di  mandare  una  o  piii  persone  a  quei 
principi  cattolici  per  animarli,  similmente  con  promissioni  di  ajuto,  di  denari  et 
altri  efftitti,  quando  le  cose  s'incammineranno  di  sorte,  per  il  beneficio  della  re- 
ligione e  conservatione  della  dignita  della  sede  apostolica  e  della  Cesarea  M**, 
che  si  veda  da  buon  senno  la  spesa  dover  fare  frutto:  ne  in  questo  si  partira  dal 
ricordo  di  S.  M*^:  ne  sarebbe  ma  trale  questo  mezzo  sotto  titolo  delle  cose  Tur- 
chesche  mandare  qualche  numero  di  gente  Spagnuola  et  Italiana  in  quelle  bande 
con  trattenerli  nelle  terre  del  re  de'  Romani  suo  fratello,  accioche  bisognando 
I'ajuto  fosse  presto  in  ordine." 

Pallavicini  knew  of  this  instruction  as  well  as  of  the  former  (lib.  iv,  c.  xiv.) 
We  learn  from  him  that  the  information  concerning  Germany,  contained  in  the 
latter  of  the  two  instructions,  is  chiefly  taken  from  the  letters  of  Aleander,  who 
has  earned  for  himself  so  dubious  a  reputation  in  these  transactions. 

25. 

Jnsfrudiones  pro  rev^o  dom^o  episcopo  Mutinensi  apostoh'co  nuntio  tnterfuturo  con- 
ventui  Gr.rnianoruni  Spirae  13  Maji  \b^0  celebrando,   (^Barb.  3007.) 

The  religious  conferences  now  took  place,  and  we  shall  see  here  in  what  light 
they  were  regarded  at  Rome. 

"  Neque  mirum  videatur  alicui  si  neque  legatis  neque  nuntiis  plenaria  facultas 
et  auctoritas  decidendi  aut  concordandi  in  causa  fidei  detur,  quia  maxime  absur- 
dum  esset  et  ab  omiii  ratione  dissentaneum,  quin  imo  difficile  et  quam  maxime 
periculosum,  sacros  ritus  et  sanctiones  per  tot  annorum  censuras  ab  universali 
ecclesia  ita  receptas  ut  si  quid  in  his  innovandum  esset  id  nonnisi  universalis 
concilii  decretis  vel  saltern  summi  pontificis  ecclesiae  nioderatoris  mature  et  bene 
discussa  deliberatione  fieri  debeat,  paucorum  etiam  non  competentium  judicio  et 
lam  brevi  ac  praecipiti  tempore  et  in  loco  non  satis  idoneo  committi. — 

"  Debet  tamen  rev.  dom.  nuntius  domi  suae  seorsim  intelligere  a  catholicis 
doctoribus  ea  omnia  quae  inter  ipsoset  doctores  Lutheranos  tractabuntur,  ut  suuni 
consilium  prudentiamque  interponere  et  ad  bonum  finem  omnia  dirigere  possil, 
salva  semper  sauctissimi  Domini  Nostri  et  aposlolicae  sedis  auctoritate  el  digni- 
tate,  ut  saepe  repetitura  est,  quia  hincsalus  universalis  ecclesiae  pendet,  utinquit 


308  MATTHAEUS  DANDULUS  REL.       1551. 

D.  Hieronymus.  Debet  idem  particulariter  quadam  cum  dexteritate  et  prudentia 
catholicos  principes,  tam  ecclesiasticos  quam  saeculares,  in  fide  parentum  et  ma- 
jorum  suorum  confirmare  et  ne  quid  in  ea  temere  et  absque  apostolicae  sedis  auc- 
toritate,  ad  quam  hujusmodi  examen  spectat,  innovariautimmutari  patiantur,  eos 
commonefacere." 

26. 

Instrudio  data  rev^°  card>i  Coniareno  in  Germaniam  legato  28  Jan,  1541. 

This  has  been  already  printed,  and  often  mentioned.  The  Roman  court  was 
at  length  induced  to  make  some  concessions. 

Between  1541  and  1551,  a  very  considerable  number  of  important  letters,  no- 
tices, and  instructions  follow  in  our  collection  of  authorities;  these  embrace  all 
Europe,  and  frequently  throw  a  new  light  upon  public  affairs:  we  cannot,  how- 
ever, here  enter  upon  a  minute  examination  of  them,  as  the  book  which  these 
extracts  would  illustrate,  is  not  intended  to  give  a  complete  picture  of  that  pe- 
riod.    I  therefore,  without  much  scruple,  use  only  the  most  important. 

27. 
1551  die  20  Junii  in  senatu  Matthaeus  Dandulus  eques  ex  Roma  orator. 

This  is  the  title  of  the  report  which  Matt.  Dandolo,  the  brother-in-law  of 
Gaspar  Contarini — as  we  see  by  the  letters  of  cardinal  Pole  (ed  Quir.  ii,  p.  90) 
— made,  after  a  sojourn  of  twenty-six  months  at  Rome.  He  promises  to  be 
brief:  "alle  relationi  non  convengono  delle  cose  che  sono  state  scritte  se  non 
quelle  che  sono  necessarie  di  esser  osservate." 

He  first  treats  of  the  latter  days  of  Paul  III,  concerning  which  I  have  already 
extracted  the  most  important  facts;  he  then  mentions  the  conclave,  and  names 
all  the  cardinals.  Dandolo  asserts  that  he  had  come  to  Rome  with  certain  mem- 
bers of  the  college  belonging  to  the  university  of  Padua;  we  see  therefore  how 
well-informed  he  must  have  been.  He  then  gives  a  table  of  the  papal  finances: 
"  II  particolar  conto,  io  I'ho  avuto  da  essa  camera." 

"  I.  La  camera  apostolica  ha  d'entrata  I'anno:  per  la  thesaureria  della  Marca 
25000  sc,  per  la  salara  di  delta  provincia  10000,  per  la  thesaureria  della  citta 
d'Ancona  9000— d'Ascoli  2400— di  Fermo  1750— di  Camerino  17000— di  Ro- 
magna  et  salara  31331 — di  Patrimonio  24000 — di  Perugia  et  Umbria  35597 — di 
Campagna  1176,  per  Norsia  GOO,  per  la  salara  di  Roma  19075,  per  la  donna  di 
Roma  92000,  per  la  gabella  de  cavalli  in  Roma  1322,  per  le  lumiere  21250,  per 
i'ancoraggio  di  Civita  Vecchia  1000;  per  il  sussidio  triennale:  dalla  Marca 
66000,  da  Romagna,  44334,  da  Bologna  15000,  da  Perugia  et  Umbria  43101,  da 
Patrimonio  18018,  da  Campagna  21529;  da  censi  di  S.  Pietro  24000,  dalla  con- 
grecr««  de  frati  23135,  da  vigesima  de  Hebrei  9855,  da  maleficj  di  Roma  2000. 
Summa  -.--.--  559473. 

Da  dexime  del  stato  ecclesiastico  qnando  si  pongono  3000  sc,  da 
dexime  di  Milano  40000— del  regno  37000,  dalla  gabella  della  farina 
30000— della  gabella  de  contratli  8000.  =  220(])000. 

Ha  il  datario  per  li  ofiicii  che  vacano  compositioni  et  admissioni  (1) 

131000,  da  spoglie  di  Spagna  25000  =  147000 

Summa  delle  entrate  tutte     706(1)473 
senzale  5  partite  non  tratte  fuora,  che  stanno  a  beneplacito  di  N.  Signore. 

"  II.  La  camera  ha  di  spesa  I'anno:  a  diversi  governatori,  legati,  roche  46071 
scudi,  alii  officiali  di  Roma  145815,  a  diverse  gratie  58192,  in  Roma  al  governa- 
tore  Bargello,  guardie  camerali  et  altri  officii  66694,  al  capitano  generale  39600, 
alle  gallere  24000,  al  populo  Romano  per  il  capitolio  8950,  al  maestro  di  casa,  il 
vitto  della  casa  60000,  a  diversi  extraordinarii  in  Roma  35485,  al  si^nor  Baldui- 
no  cameriere  17000,  al  signor  Gioan  Battista  1750,  alia  cavalleria  quando  si 


CERVINI  VITA  DI  MARCELLO  II.  309 

teneva  I'anno  30000,  al  N.  S.  per  suo  spendere  et  per  provisioni  da  a  cardinali  e 
tutto  il  datariato  232000.     Sutnma  in  tutto  qnesto  exito  70(G])5557  sc."" 

He  ends  with  remarks  on  the  person  of  Julius  III. 

"  Papa  Giulio,  Ser"'*  Sig^r"',  gravissinio  e  sapientissimo  cons",  e  dal  Monte 
Sansovino,  picciol  \\iogo  in  Toscana,  come  gia  scrissi  alle  Ecc"  V^  II  primo 
che  diede  nome  e  qualche  riputatione  alia  casa  sua  fu  suo  avo,  dottore  e  raolto 
dotto  in  legge,  e  fu  al  servitio  del  duca  Guido  de  Urbino,  dal  quale  mandato  in 
Roma  per  negotii  del  suo  stato  li  acquisto  gratia  molta,  sicche  col  molto  studio 
che  in  delta  faculta  fece  il  suo  nepote,  acquisto  tanto  di  gratia  et  riputatione  che 
el  fu  il  cardinal  de  Monte:  de  chi  po  fu  nipote  questo.  Arrivato  in  corte  per  il 
primo  grado  camcrier  di  papa  Julio  secondo,  fu  poi  arcivescovo  di  Siponto,  et  in 
tal  grado  venne  qui  alle  Ecc^''  V°  a  dimandargli  Ravenna  et  Cervia  quandoche 
elle  le  hebbeno  doppo  il  sacco  di  Roma:  et  col  multo  suo  valore  nel  quale  el  si 
dimostro  et  nelle  lettere  di  legge  et  net  consigli  havuti  molti  et  per  I'auttorita 
molta  di  sua  zio  che  fu  il  cardinal  de  Monte,  doppo  morto  lui,  fu  fatto  cardinal 
questo.  Et  fatto  papa  si  prese  subito  il  nome  di  Julio,  che  fu  il  suo  patron,  con 
una  perfettion  (presunlion?)  di  volerlo  imitare. 

"Ha  Sua  S'-"  04  anni  a  21  di  Ottobre,  di  natura  collerica  molto,  ma  ancho 
molto  benigna,  sicche  per  gran  collera  che  I'abbi  la  gli  passa  inanzi  che  com- 
pisse  di  ragionarla,  sicche  a  me  pare  di  poter  affirmare  lui  non  portar  odio  ne 
ancho  forse  amore  ad  alcuno,  eccetto  peio  il  cardinal  di  Monte,  del  quale  diro 
poi.  A  Sua  Santita  non  volsero  mai  dar  il  veto  li  cardinali  ne  di  Marsa  {1)  ne 
di  Trento,  et  furono  li  subito  et  meglio  premiati  da  lei  che  alcun'  altro  di  quel 
che  la  favorirono.  II  piu  favorito  servitore  di  molti  anni  suo  era  lo  arcivescovo 
di  Siponto,  che  lei  essendo  cardinale  gli  diede  I'arcivescovato  e  da  lui  fu  sempre 
ben  servita,  sicche  si  credea  che  subito  la  lo  farebbe  cardinale,  ma  lui  si  e  rimasto 
in  minoribus  quasi  che  non  era  quandoche  lei  era  cardinale,  che  poi  fatto  papa 
o  poco  o  nulla  si  e  voluta  valer  di  lui,  sicche  el  poverino  se  ne  resta  quasi  come 
disperato. "  The  manuscript  is  unfortunately  too  defective  to  make  it  de- 
sirable for  us  to  copy  further;  especially  as  the  information  it  contains  frequently 
becomes  trivial. 

29. 

Vila  di  Marcello  II  scritta  di  propria  mano  del  signor  Alex.  Cervini  suo fratello, 

{Alb.  Nr.  157.) 

There  exists  a  very  useful  work  by  Pietro  Polidoro,  1744,  on  pope  Marcellus  II. 
The  very  first  of  the  documents  which  that  author  mentions  having  used,  is  the 
biography  of  Alex.  Cervini.  i3ut  unfortunately  this  MS.  was  most  materially 
injured  in  the  year  1598,  by  a  fire  which  occurred  in  the  house  belonging  to  the 
family  at  Montepulciano.  Only  a  fragment  remains.  I  insert  the  following 
extract,  which  refers  to  the  attempt  made  to  reform  the  calendar  in  the  time  of 
Leo  X,  and  which  is  not  quoted  by  Polidoro: — ■ 

"  Havendolo  adunque  il  padre  assuefatto  in  quest!  costumi  et  esercitatolo  nella 
grammatica,  rettorica,  aritmetica,  e  geometria,  accadde  die  anche  fu  esercitato 
nell'  astrologia  naturale  piii  ancora  che  non  havcrcbbe  fatto  ordinatamente,  e  la 
causa  fu  questa:  la  S'-^  di  N.  Sig''«  in  quel  tempo,  Leone  X,  per  publico  editto 
fece  intendere  che  chi  aveva  regola  o  modo  di  correggere  I'anno  trascorso  fino 
ad  all'  bora  per  undici  giorni,  lo  facesse  noto  a  S.  S**^:  onde  M''  Riccardo  gia 
detto  (the  father  of  the  pope),  siccome  assai  esercitato  in  questa  professione, 
volse  obbedire  al  pontefice,  e  pero  con  longa  e  diligente  osservatione  e  con  suoi 
stromenti  trovo  il  vero  corso  del  sole,  siccome  apparisce  nelli  suoi  opusculi  man- 
dati  al  papa  Leone,  con  il  quale  e  con  quella  gloriosissima  casa  de  Medici  teneva 
gran  servitii  e  specialmente  con  il  magnifico  Giujiano,  dal  quale  aveva  ricevuti 
favori  et  offerte  grandi.  Ma  perche  la  niorte  lo  prevenne,  quel  Signore  non  segui 
piu  oltre  il  disegno  ordinato  che  M'"  Riccardo  seguitasse,  servendo  la  persona 
Sua  Ecc^"  in  Francia  e  per  tutto  dove  essa  andasse,  come  erano  convenuti.  Ne 
la  santita  di  N.  Signore  potette  eseguire  la  publicatione  della  correttione  dell' 

27^ 


310  ANT.  CARACCIOLO  VITA  DI  PAOLO  IV. 

anno  per  varii  impedimenti  e  finalmente  per  la  morte  propria,  che  ne  segui  non 
molto  tempo  doppo." 

We  see  how  the  minds  of  the  Italians  in  the  time  of  Leo  X  were  employed 
upon  this  subject;  and  that  the  bishop  of  Fossombrone,  who  in  the  year  1513 
recommended  in  the  council  of  the  Lateran  the  work  of  reforming  the  calendar, 
was  not  the  only  one  who  thought  on  that  subject. 

29. 

Antonio  Carasciolo  Vita  di  Papa  Paolo  IV.     (2  vol.fol.) 

Antonio  Caracciolo,  a  theatin,  and  a  Neapolitan,  a  compiler  all  his  life,  could 
not  fail  to  devote  his  whole  energies  to  the  biography  of  the  most  celebrated 
Neapolitan  pope,  Paul  IV,  the  founder  of  his  order.  We  owe  him  our  best 
thanks  for  it.  He  has  collected  an  enormous  mass  of  information,  which,  but 
for  him,  would  have  perished.  His  book  forms  the  groundwork  of  the  elaborate 
work  written  by  Carlo  Bromato:  "  Storia  di  Paolo  IV  Pontefice  Massimo,  Rom. 
1748,"  which  contains  in  two  thick,  closely  printed  quartos,  a  remarkably  rich 
collection  of  materials  for  history. 

But,  as  was  inevitable  from  the  severity  of  the  censorship  existing  in  the  ter- 
ritories of  the  church  of  Rome,  Bromato  dared  on  no  account  insert  in  his  work 
all  the  information  which  the  original  documents  afforded. 

I  have  frequently  mentioned  a  detailed  report  of  J.  P.  Caraifa  to  Clement  VII 
on  the  condition  of  the  church,  drawn  up  in  the  year  1532.  Bromato  makes,  I, 
p.  205,  a  long  extract  from  it.  But  he  leaves  out  much  of  what  is  in  fact  the 
most  important;  for  example,  where  he  treats  of  the  spread  of  Lutheran  doctrines 
in  Venice. 

"  Si  supplica  S.  S'^  che  per  I'honore  di  dio  e  suo,  non  essendo,  questa  citta  la 
pivi  minima  ne  la  piu  vil  cosa  de  della  christianita  et  essendovi  nella  citta  e  nel 
dominio  di  molte  e  molte  migliara  d'anime  commesse  a  S.  S'%  sia  contenta  da 
persona  fedele  ascoltare  qualche  cosa  del  loro  bisogno,  il  quale,  ancorche  sia 
grande,  pure  se  ne  dira  per  hora  qualche  parte.  E  perche,  come  I'apostolo  dice, 
sine  fide  impossibile  est  placere  deo,  comminciarete  da  questa,  et  avisarete  S.  S** 
come  si  sente  degli  errori  e  dell'  heresie  nella  vita  e  nei  costumi  di  alcuni,  come 
e  in  non  fare  la  quaresima  e  non  confessarsi  etc.,  e  nella  dottrina  di  alcuni,  che 
publicamente  ne  parlano  e  tengono  e  communicano  ancora  con  gli  altri  de  'libri 
prohibiti  senza  rispetto.  Ma  sopra  tutto  direte  che  questa  peste,  tanto  dell'  here- 
sia  Luterana  quanto  d'ognialtro  errore  contra  fidem  et  bonos  mores,  da  due  sorti 
di  persone  potissimamente  si  va  disseminando  et  aumentando,  cioedagliapostati 
e  da  alcuni  frati  massime  conventuali,  e  S.  S*-^  deve  sapere  di  quella  maledetta 
nidata  di  quelli  frati  minori  conventuali,  la  quale  per  sua  bonta  fermando  alcuni 
suoi  servi  ha  incominciato  a  mettere  in  iscompiglio:  perche  essendo  loro  stati 

discepoli  d'un  frate  heretico  gia  morto,  han  voluto  far  onore  al  maestro E 

per  dire  quello  che  in  cio  mi  occorse,  pare  che  in  tanta  necessita  non  si  debba 
andare  appresso  la  stampa  usata:  ma  siccome  nell'  ingruente  furore  della  guerra 
si  fanno  ogni  di  nuove  provvisioni  opportune,  cosi  nella  maggior  guerra  spirituale 
non  si  deve  stare  a  dormire.  E  perche  S.  S'*  sa  che  I'officio  dell'  inquisitione  in 
questa  provincia  sta  nelle  mani  de'  sopradetti  frati  minori  conventuali,  li  quali  a 
caso  s'abbattono  a  fare  qualche  inquisitione  idonea,  come  e  stato  quel  maestro 
Martino  da  Treviso,  della  cui  diligenza  e  fede  so  che  il  sopradetto  di  buona 
memoria  vescovo  di  Pola  informo  S.  S's  et  essendo  hora  lui  mutato  da  quello  in 
altro  officio,  e  successo  nell'  inquisitione  non  so  chi,  per  quanto  intendo,  molto 
inetto:  e  pero  bisogneria  che  S.  S'*  provvedesse  parte  con  eccitar  gli  ordinarj,  che 
per  tutto  quasi  si  dorme,  e  parte  con  deputare  alcune  persone  d'autorila,  mandare 
in  questa  terra  qualche  legato,  se  possibile  fosse,  non  ambitioso  ne  cupido,  e  che 
attendesse  a  risarcire  I'honore  e  credito  della  sede  apostoiica  e  punire  o  almeno 
fugare  li  ribaldi  heretic!  da  mezzo  de'  poveri  christiani:  perche  dovunque  ander- 
anno,  porteranno  seco  il  testimonio  della  propria  nequitia  e  della  bonta  de'  fedeii 
cattolici,  che  non  li  vogliono  in  lor  compagnia.     E  perche  la  peste  dell'  heresia 


BERN.  NAVAGERO  REL.       1558.  311 

si  soule  introdurre  e  per  le  prediche  e  libri  hcreticali  e'per  la  lunga  habitatione 
nella  mala  e  dissoluta  vita,  della  quale  facilmente  si  viene  all'  heresia,  par  che 
S.  S'^  potria  fare  in  cin  una  santa,  honesta  et  utile  provvisione." 

This  work  of  Caracciolo's  contains  various  other  information  of  greater  or  less 
importance,  which  nevertheless  has  remained  unknown,  but  in  a  book  of  greater 
detail  than  the  present,  ought  not  to  be  overlooked.  The  Italian  Biography  is 
entirely  distinct  from  another  of  his  writings,  "Collectanea  historica  de  Paulo 
.  IV.,"  and  is  a  very  different  and  far  more  useful  book.  There  are,  however,  some 
things  in  the  Collectanea  which  recur  in  the  "  Vita;"  e.g.  the  description  of  the 
changes  meditated  by  Paul  IV,  after  the  dismissal  of  his  kinsmen. 

30 

Relatione  di  M.  Bernardo  Navagero  alia  Sma  Rep<^a  di  Venetia  tornando  di  Roma 
amhasciatore  appresso  del pontejice  Paolo  IV.  1558. 

This  is  one  of  the  Venetian  reports  which  became  universally  disseminated; 
even  Pallavicini  made  use  of  it,  and  was  attacked  on  that  account.  Rainaldus 
also  (Annales  eccles.  1557,  No.  10)  mentions  it,  as  well  as  other  later  authors. 

Undoubtedly  it  well  deserves  this  honor.  Bern.  Navagero  enjoyed  the  repu- 
tation of  learning  in  Venice.  We  see  from  Foscarini  (della  lett.  Ven.  p.  255), 
that  he  was  proposed  as  historiographer  to  the  republic.  During  his  earlier  em- 
bassies to  Charles  V,  Henry  VIII,  and  Soliman,  he  had  become  practised  both 
in  the  management  of  difficult  affairs,  and  in  the  observation  of  remarkable  charac- 
ters. 

He  came  to  Rome  immediately  after  the  election  of  Paul  IV. 

Navagero  arranges  the  business  of  an  ambassador  under  three  heads:  under- 
standing, which  requires  penetration;  negotiating,  which  requires  address;  and 
reporting,  which  requires  judgment  to  decide  on  what  it  is  useful  and  necessary 
to  say. 

He  begins  with  the  election  and  power  of  the  pope,  and  says  that  if  the  popes 
would  strive  to  imitate  the  example  of  Christ,  they  would  be  far  more  feared; 
he  then  describes  "le  conditioni,"  as  he  says,  "  di  papa  Paolo  IV,  e  di  chi  lo 
consiglia,"  i.  e.  above  all,  of  his  three  kinsmen.  I  have  made  use  of  his  descrip- 
tions, but  in  his  general  conclusions  I  cannot  entirely  concur.  He  thought  that 
the  only  object  even  of  Paul  IV  himself  was  the  aggrandizement  of  his  house. 
Had  he  written  somewhat  later,  after  the  expulsion  of  the  nepotes,  he  would  not 
have  expressed  such  an  opinion.  That  event  marked  the  grand  turn  in  the  papal 
policy,  from  worldly  to  spiritual  views.  From  individuals,  Navagero  proceeds 
to  the  description  of  a  war  between  Paul  IV  and  Philip  II,  equally  happy  as 
to  style  and  to  acuteness  of  observation.  This  is  followed  by  a  consideration 
of  the  foreign  relations  of  the  court  of  Rome,  and  the  probable  results  of  the  next 
election.  Navagero  mentions  this  subject  with  the  greatest  discretion:  "  piu," 
says  he,  "per  sodisfare  alle  SS.  VV.  EE.  che  a  me  in  quella  parte."  He 
guessed  very  nearly  right,  for  one  of  the  two  he  mentioned  as  most  probable, 
was  actually  chosen;  it  was,  however,  Medighis,  whilst  he  had  rather  expected 
the  election  of  Puteo. 

"  Now,  however,"  he  says,  "  I  am  again  here,  I  again  behold  the  countenance 
of  my  sovereign,  the  illustrious  republic,  in  whose  service  nothing  is  so  great 
that  I  would  not  attempt  it,  nothing  so  insignificant  that  I  would  not  undertake 
it."  This  expression  of  devotedness  renders  the  descriptions  still  more  ani- 
mated. 


312  MICHIEL  REL.       1560.      DISP.  DEGLI  AMB.       1560. 

31. 

Relatione  del  Cl^"  M.  Aluise  Mocenigo  CaV^^  ritornato  della  corte  di  Roma  1560. 

{Jrch.  Ven,") 

Mocenigo  remained  seventeen  months  longer  with  Paul  IV;  the  conclave 
lasted  for  four  months  and  eight  days;  he  then  conducted  the  embassy  at  the 
court  of  Pius  IV  for  seven  months. 

He  describes  first  the  ecclesiastical  and  secular  policy,  the  administration  of 
justice,  and  the  court  under  Paul  IV.  He  makes  a  remark  on  this,  which  I  did 
not  venture  to  avail  myself  of,  although  it  contains  much  that  is  important:  "  I 
cardinali,"  he  says,  "dividono  fra  loro  le  cittidelle  legationi  (nel  conclave):  poi 
continuano  in  questo  mode  a  beneplacito  delli  pontefici."  May  we  suppose  this 
to  be  the  origin  of  the  administration  of  the  government  by  the  clergy,  which 
was  gradually  introduced? 

He  does  not  forget  the  antiquities  in  which  Rome  was  richer  at  that  time  than 
at  any  other,  as  is  proved  by  the  description  of  B6issard  and  Gamucci.  "In 
cadaun  loco,  habitato  o  non  habitato  che  si  scava  in  Roma,  si  litrovaTio 
vestigie  e  fabriche  nobili  et  antiche,  et  in  molti  luoghi  si  cavano  di  bellissime 
statue.  Di  statue  marmoree,  poste  insieme,  si  potria  fare  un  grandissiaio 
esercito." 

He  then  proceeds  to  the  subject  of  the  disturbances  which  broke  out  at  the 
death  of  Paul  IV,  and  which,  even  after  they  appeared  to  have  been  quelled, 
were  renewed  in  a  thousand  fresh  disorders.  "  Cessato  c'ebbe  il  popolo,  con- 
sorsero  nella  citta  tutti  falliti  e  fuorusciti,  che  non  si  sentiva  altro  che  omicidii, 
si  ritrovavano  alcuni  che  non  8,  7  e  fin  6  scudi  si  pigliavano  il  carico  d'amazzar 
un'  uomo,  a  tantoche  ne  furono  in  pochi  giorni  commesse  molte  centenara,  alcuni 
per  nimicizia,  altri  per  lite,  molti  per  ereditar  la  sua  roba  et  altri  per  diverse 
cause,  di  modo  che  Roma  pareva,  come  si  suol  dire,  il  bosco  di  Baccaro." 

The  conclave  was  very  jovial — banquets  every  day;  Vargas  was  often  there 
whole  nights;  at  least  "alii  busi  del  conclave:" — the  person,  however,  who 
really  created  the  pope,  was  duke  Cosmo  of  Florence.  "  II  duca  di  Firenze  I'a 
fatto  papa:  lui  I'a  fatto  poner  nei  nominati  del  re  Filippo  e  poi  condiversi  mezzi 
raccommandar  anco  dalla  regina  di  Franza,  e  finalmente  guadagnatogli  con 
grand'  industria  e  diligenza  la  parte  Carafesca."  How  entirely  do  we  perceive 
the  nothingness  of  all  the  intrigues  described  in  the  histories  of  the  conclaves! 
The  writers  of  these  histories,  who  were  usually  themselves  members  of  the 
conclaves,  saw  only  the  mutual  relations  of  the  individuals  with  whom  they 
were  acquainted,  and  were  ignorant  of  all  foreign  influences. 

This  report  concludes  with  a  description  of  Pius  IV,  so  far  as  his  peculiari- 
ties had  then  shown  themselves. 

32. 

Relatione  del  Cl"^°  M.  Marchio  Michiel  K^  e  Proc.  ritornato  da  Pio  IV  sommo 
ponteJice,fatta  a  8  di  Zugno,  1560. 

Report  of  an  embassy  of  congratulation,  which  was  absent  from  Venice  only 
thirty-nine  days,  and  cost  13,000  ducats;  as  a  report,  very  poor.  Michiel  ex- 
horts to  subraissiveness  towards  Rome.  "Non  si  tagli  la  giurisdition  del  papa, 
e  li  sig"  avogadori  per  non  turbare  I'animo  di  S.  S'^  abbino  tutti  quelli  rispetti 
che  si  conviene,  i  quali  ho  visto  che  molto  volte  non  si  hanno." 

33. 

Dispacci  dcgli  amhascialori  Veneti  18  Maggio — 21  Sett.  1560.  Inform.  Polilt. 
Tom.  VIII,  272  leaves.  Ragguagli  deW  atitbasciatore  Venctu  in  Roma,  1561. 
Inform.  Politt.  Tom  XXXVII,  71  leaves. 

The  Ragguagli  also  are  despatches  of  January  and  February,  1561;  all  from 
Marc.  Anton  de  Mula,  who  filled  the  post  of  ambassador.     (S.  Andreae  Mau- 


PROCESSUS  CARD.  CARAPFjE.       1560.  313 

roceni  Hist.  Venet.  lib.  viii,  torn,  ii,  153.)  They  are  very  instructive  and  con- 
tain much  information  as  to  the  times  and  the  character  of  Pope  Pius; — the  final 
fate  of  the  Carafeschi  is  particularly  described,  and  it  appears  that  Philip  II 
then  wished  to  save  his  old  enemies.  At  the  court  of  Rome  it  was  even  im- 
puted to  him  as  a  crime.  Vartras  answered  that  Philip  II  had  pardoned  them: 
"quel  gran  re,  quel  santo,  quel  cattolico  non  facendo  com  voi  allri."  The  pojfe 
on  the  other  hand  uttered  the  most  violent  reproaches  against  them:  "  havere 

mosse  I'arme  de  Christiani,  de  Turchi  e  degl'  eretici,  e  che  le  lettere  che 

venivano  da  Francia  e  dagli  agenti  in  Italia,  tutte  erano  contrafatte,"  etc.  The 
pope  said  he  would  have  given  100,000  ducats  that  they  were  innocent,  but 
horrors  such  as  they  had  committed  could  not  be  endured  in  Christendom. 

I  will  not,  however,  give  any  more  extracts  from  these  letters;  it  is  sufficient 
to  have  indicated  their  contents. 

34. 

Extradus  processus  cardinalis  Caraffee,  Inff.  Tom.  II,  f.  465  to  516.  TVith  the 
addition:  Hxc  copia  processus  formati  contra  cardinalem  Caraffam  reducta  in 
aumniam  cum  imputationibus Jisci  eorumque  reprobationibus  perfecta  fuit  de  XX 
Nov.  1560. 

From  the  ninth  article  of  the  defence,  s.  v.  Hasresis,  we  find  that  Albert  of 
Brandenburg  sent  a  certain  colonel  Friedrich  to  Rome,  to  negotiate  a  treaty 
vpith  Paul  IV.  The  colonel  had  an  audience  of  the  pope  himself:  but  the  car- 
dinal of  Augsburg  (Otho  of  Truchsess)  raised  so  many  objections  to  him,  that 
he  was  at  last  dismissed  from  Rome.  To  this  is  added:  "El  successo  de  la 
muerte  de  los  Garrafas  con  la  declaracion  y  el  modo  que  raurieron  y  el  di  y  hora, 
1561.     Inform.  II." 

35. 

Relatione  di  Girolamo  Soranzo  del  1563.     Roma.  (^Arch,  Fen.) 

The  date  of  1561,  vrhich  is  on  ihe  copy  in  the  archives,  is  certainly  incorrect. 
According  to  the  authentic  report  of  the  embassies,  Gir.  Soranzo  was,  it  is  true, 
chosen,  22  September,  1560,  because  Mula  iiad  accepted  a  place  from  Pius  IV, 
and  had  thus  fallen  into  disgrace  with  the  republic;  but  he  was  forgiven,  and  it 
was  only  after  Mula  had  been  named  cardinal,  in  the  year  1562,  that  he  was 
superseded  by  Soranzo.  He  therefore  frequently  alludes  to  the  council,  which 
was  no  longer  sitting  in  1561. 

Girolamo  Soranzo  observes,  that  the  reports  were  both  useful  and  entertaining 
to  the  senate  ("  e  volontieri  udite  e  maturamente  considerate");  he  composed 
his  own  with  satisfaction  and  diligence;  it  is  quite  worth  while  to  read  his  de- 
scription of  Pius  IV. 

"  Delle  qualita  dell'  animo  di  Sua  Beatitudine  diro  sinceramente  alcune  par- 
liculari  proprieta,  che  nel  tempo  della  mi  a  legatione  ho  potuto  osservare  in  lei  et 
intender  da  persone  che  ne  hanno  parlato  senza  passione.  II  papa,  conio  ho 
dctto  di  sopra,  ha  studiato  in  leggi;  con  la  cognitione  della  quali  e  con  la  pratica 
di  tanti  anni  nelli  governi  principali,  che  ha  havuto,  ha  fatto  un  giudicio  mira- 
bile  nelle  cause  cosi  di  giustitia  come  di  gratia  che  si  propongono  in  segnatura, 
in  modo  che  non  s'apre  la  bocca  che  sa  quello  si  puo  concedere  e  quello  si  deve 
negare,  la  quale  parte  e  non  pur  utile  ma  necessaria  in  un  pontefice  per  le  molte 
et  importanti  materie  che  occorre  trattar  di  tempo  in  tempo.  Possiede  molto 
bene  la  lingua  latina  e  s'  ha  sempre  dilettato  di  conoscer  le  sue  bellezze,  in 
modo  che,  per  quanto  mi  ha  detto  1'  illustrissimo  Navagiero,  che  na  ha  cosi  bel 
giudicio,  nei  concistorj,  dove  e  1'  uso  di  parlar  latino,  dice  quello  che  vuole  e 
facilmente  e  propriamente.  Non  ha  studiato  in  theologia,  onde  avviene  che  non 
vuole  mai  propria  autorita  pigliar  in  se  alcuna  delle  cause  commesse  all'  ufficio 
dell'  inquisitione;  ma  usa  di  dire  che  non  essendo  theologo  si  contenta  rimet- 
tersi  in  tutte  le  cose  a  chi  si  ha  il  carico:  e  se  bene  si  conosce  non  esser  di  sua 


314  GIROLAMO  SORANZO. 

satisfatione  il  modo  che  teng-ono  gl'  inquisitori  di  procedere  per  1'  ordinario  con 
tanlo  rigore  contra  gl'  inquisiti,  e  che  si  lascia  intendere  che  piu  gli  piaceria 
che  usassero  termini  da  cortese  gentilhuorno  che  da  frate  severe,  nondiineno 
non  ardisce  o  non  vuole  mai  opponersi  ai  giudicii  loro  nei  quali  interviene  poche 
volte,  facendosi  per  il  piu  congregationi  senza  la  presenza  sua.  Nelle  materie 
e  deliberationi  di  stato  non  vuole  consiglio  d'  alcuno,  in  tanto  che  si  dice  non 
esser  stato  pontefice  piu  travagliato  e  manco  consigliato  di  S.  S'%  non  senza 
meraviglia  di  tutta  la  corte  che  almeno  nelle  cose  di  maggior  importantia  ella 
non  voglia  avere  il  parere  di  qualche  cardinale,  che  pur  ve  ne  sono  molli  di  buon 
consiglio:  e  so  che  un  giorno  Vargas  lo  persuase  a  farlo,  con  dirle  che  se  bene 
S.  S**  era  prudentissima,  che  pero  unus  vir  erat  nulhis  vir,  ma  ella  se  lo  levo 
d'  inanzi  con  male  parole:  et  in  effetto  si  vede  che,  o  sia  che  ella  stima  esser 
atta  di  poter  resolver  da  se  tutte  le  materie  che  occorrono,  o  che  pur  conosca 
esser  pochi  o  forse  niuno  cardinale  che  non  sia  interessato  con  qualche  principe, 
onde  il  giudicio  non  puo  esser  libero  e  sincere,  si  vode,  dico,  che  non  si  vuole 
servire  d'altri  che  dal  card'  Borromeo  e  dal  sig''^  Tolomeo,  i  quali  essendo  gio- 
vani  di  niuna  o  poca  sperienza  et  esseguenti  ad  ogni  minimo  cenno  di  S.  S'% 
si  possono  chiamar  piutosto  semplici  esecutori  che  consiglieri.  Da  questo 
mancamento  di  consiglio  ne  nasce  che  la  Beaf^  Sua,  di  natura  molto  presta 
per  tutte  le  sue  altioni,  si  risolve  anco  molto  presto  in  tutte  la  materie,  per  ira- 
portanti  che  le  sieno,  e  presto  si  rimuove  da  quello  che  ha  deliberato:  perche 
quando  sono  publicate  le  sue  deliberationi  e  che  li  venga  poi  dato  qualche 
advertimento  in  contrario,  non  solo  le  altera,  ma  fa  spesso  tutto  1'  opposito  al 
suo  primo  disegno,  il  che  a  raio  tempo  e  avvenuto  non  una  ma  niolte  volte. 
Con  i  principi  tiene  modo  immediate  contrario  al  suo  precessore:  perche  quello 
usavadi  dire  il  grado  del  pontefice  esser  per  metter  sotto  i  piedi  gl'  imperatori 
et  i  re,  e  questo  dice  che  senza  1'  autorita  de'  principi  non  si  puo  conservare 
quella  del  pontefice:  e  percio  procedecon  gran  rispetto  verso  di  cadauno  principe 
e  fa  loro  volentieri  delle  gratie,  e  quando  le  niega,  lo  fa  con  gran  destrezza  e 
modestia.  Procede  medesimamenle  con  gran  dolcezza  e  facilita  nel  trovar  i  ne- 
gotii  indifferenteme.nte  con  tutti:  ma  se  alcuna  voltasegli  domanda  cosachenon 
sente,  se  mostra  vehemente  molto  e  terribile,  ne  patisce  che  segli  contradica:  ne 
quasi  mai  e  necessaria  con  S.  S**  la  destrezza,  perche  quando  si  e  addolcita, 
difficilmente  niega  alcuna  gratia:  e  vero  che  nell'  essecutione  poi  si  trova  per  il 
piu  maggior  difficulta  che  nella  promessa.  Porta  gran  rispetto  verso  i  rev°" 
card'',  e  fa  loro  volentieri  delle  gratie,  ne  deroga  mai  ai  soi  indulte  nelle  colla- 
tioni  de'  beneficii,  quello  che  non  faceva  il  suo  precessore.  E'  vero  che  da  quelli 
di  maggior  autorita  par  che  sia  desiderate  cho  da  lei  fusse  dato  loro  maggior 
parte  delle  cose  che  occorrono  a  tempo  di  tanti  travagli  di  quelle  che  usa  di  fare 
la  S.  S**:  onde  si  dogliono  di  vedere  deliberationi  di  tanta  importantia  passar 
con  cosi  poco  consiglio,  e  chiamano  felicissima  in  questa  parte  la  Serenita  Vos- 
tra.  AlU  ambascialori  usa  S.  Beat"=  quelle  maggior  dimostrationi  d'  amore  et 
honore  che  si  possi  desiderare,  ne  lascia  adietro  alcuna  cosa  per  tener  li  ben 
satisfatti  e  contenti:  tratta  dolcemente  i  negotii  con  loro,  e  se  alcuna  volta  s'  al- 
tera per  causa  di  qualche  dimanda  ch'  ella  non  senta  o  altra  occasione,  chi  sa 
usare  la  destrezza,  1'  acquieta  subito,  e  fa  in  modo  che  se  non  ottiene  in  tutto 
quanto  desidera,  ha  almeno  in  risposta  parole  molto  cortesi;  dove  quando  segli 
vuol  opponere,  si  puo  esser  certo  di  non  averne  1'  uno  ne  1'  altro:  e  pero  Vargas 
non  e  mai  stato  in  gratia  di  S.  S*-"",  perche  non  ha  proceduto  con  quella  modestia 
eh'  era  desiderata  da  lei.  Finito  che  ha  di  trattar  li  negotii  con  li  ambasciatori, 
fa  loro  parte  cortesemente,  parla  delli  avvisi  che  ha  di  qualche  importantia,  e 
poi  entra  volentieri  a  discorrere  de  lo  presente  stato  del  mondo:  e  con  me  1'  ha 
fatto  in  particulare  molto  spesso,  come  si  puo  ricordar  V.  S'*  che  alcune  volte 
ho  empito  i  fogli  dei  suoi  ragionamenti.  Con  i  suoi  famigliari  procede  in  modo 
che  non  si  puo  conoscere  che  alcuno  ha  autorita  con  lei,  perche  li  tratta  tutti 
egualmente,  non  li  dando  liberta  di  far  cosa  alcuna  che  non  sia  conveniente,  ne 
permettendo  che  se  la  piglino  da  loro  medesimi,  ma  li  tiene  tutti  in  cosi  bassa  e 
povera  fortuna  che  dalla  corte  saria  desiderate  di  veder  verso  quelli  piii  intimi 


RELATIONE.       1563.  315 

camerien  et  altri  servitori  antichi  dimostratione  di  mag^gior  stima  et  amore.  Fa 
gran  professione  d'  esser  giudice  giusto,  e  volentieri  ragiona  di  questo  suo  de- 
siderio  che  sia  fatto  giustitia,  e  particolarmente  con  gli  ambasciatori  de'  principi, 
con  li  quali  entra  poi  alle  volte  con  tal  occasione  a  giustificarsi  della  morte  di 
Caraffa  e  delle  sententie  di  Napoli  e  Monte  come  fatte  giustamente,  essendoli 
forse  venuto  alle  oreccliie  esser  stato  giudicato  della  corte  tutta  ch'  esse  sententie 
e  particularmente  quella  di  Caraffa  siano  state  fatte  con  severita  pur  troppo 
grande  et  extraordinaria.  E' naturalmente  il  papa  inclinato  alia  vita  privata  e 
libera,  perche  si  vede  che  difficilmente  si  puo  accomodare  a  procedere  con  quella 
maesta  che  usava  il  precessore,  ma  in  tutte  le  sue  attioni  mostra  i)iutosto  dol- 
cezza  che  gravita,  lasciandosi  vedere  da  tutti  a  tutte  1'  hore  et  andando  a  cavallo 
et  a  piedi  per  tutta  la  cilta  con  pochissima  compagnia.  Ha  una  inclinatione 
grandissima  al  fabbricare,  et  in  questo  spende  volentieri  e  largamente,  sentendo 
gran  piacere  quando  si  lauda  le  opere  che  va  facendo:  e  par  che  habbi  fine  las- 
ciar  anco  per  questa  via  memoria  di  se,  non  vi  essendo  hormai  luogo  in  Roma 
che  non  habbi  il  nome  suo,  et  usa  di  dire  il  fabbricare  esser  particularmente  in- 
clinatione di  casa  de  Medici,  ne  osserva  S.  Reat"^  quello  che  e  stato  fatto  dalli 
altri  suoi  precessori,  che  hanno  per  il  piu  incominciato  edificii  grandi  e  magni- 
fici  lasciandoli  poi  imperfetti,  ma  ella  ha  piutosto  a  piacere  di  far  acconciar  quelli 
che  minacciano  rovina  e  finir  gl'  ir  cominciati,  con  fame  anco  de'  nuovi,  facendo 
fabbricar  in  molti  luoghi  dello  stato  ecclesiastico:  perche  fortifica  Civita  vecchia, 
acconcia  il  porto  d'  Ancona,  vuol  ridur  in  fortezza  Bologna:  in  Roma  poi,  oltra 
la  fortificatione  del  borgo  e  la  fabbrica  di  Belvedere  e  del  palazzo,  in  molte  parti 
della  citta  fa  acconciar  strade,  fabbricar  chiese  e  rinovar  le  porte  con  spesa  cosi 
grande  che  al  tempo  mio  per  molti  mesi  nelle  fabbriche  di  Roma  solamente  pas- 
sava  12  m.  scudi  il  mese  e  forse  piii  di  quello  che  si  conviene  a  principe,  in  tanto 
che  viene  afFermato  da  piu  antichi  cortigiani  non  esser  mai  le  cose  passate  con 
tanta  misura  e  cosi  strettamente  come  fanno  al  presente.  E  perche  credo  non 
habbia  ad  esser  discaro  1'  intendere  qualche  particulare  che  tiene  S.  Beat°<=  nel 
vivere,  pero  satisfaro  anche  a  questa  parte.  Usa  il  pontefice  per  ordinario  le- 
varsi,  quando  e  sano,  tanto  di  buon'  hora  cosi  1'  inverno  come  1'  estate  ch'  e 
sempre  quasi  inanzi  giorno  in  piedi,  e  subito  vestito  esce  a  far  escrcitio,  nel 
quale  spende  gran  tempo:  poi  ritornato,  entrano  nella  sua  camera  il  rev™  Bor- 
romeo  e  raons'"  Tolomeo,  con  i  quali  tratta,  come  ho  detto,  S.  S'*  tutte  le  cose 
importanti  cosi  pubbliche  come  private,  e  li  tiene  per  1'  ordinario  seco  doi  o  tre 
hore:  e  quando  li  ha  licentiati,  sono  introdutti  a  lei  quel  ambasciatori  che  stanno 
aspettando  1'  audientia:  e  finite  che  ha  di  ragionar  con  loro,  ode  S.  S'^  la  messa, 
e  quando  1'  hora  non  e  tarda,  esce  fuori  a  dare  audientia  ai  cardinali  et  ad  altri; 
e  poi  si  niette  a  tavola,  la  qual,  per  dir  il  vero,  non  e  molto  splendida,  com'  era 
quella  del  precessore,  perche  Je  vivande  sono  ordinario  e  non  in  gran  quanlita  et 
il  servitio  e  de'  soliti  soi  camerieri.  Si  nutrisce  di  cibi  grossi  e  di  pasta  alia 
Lombarda  bene  piu  di  quello  che  mangia,  et  il  vino  e  greco  di  somma  molto 
potente,  nel  quale  non  si  vuole  acqua.  Nou  ha  piacere  die  al  suo  mangiare 
si  trovino,  secondo  1'  uso  del  precessore,  vescovi  et  altri  prelati  di  rispetto, 
ma  piutosto  ha  caro  udir  qualche  ragionamento  di  persone  piacevoli  e  che  hab- 
bino  qualche  umore.  Ammette  alia  sua  tavola  molte  volte  di  cardinali  e  degli 
ambasciatori,  et  a  me  in  particulare  ha  fatto  di  questi  favori  con  dimostrationi 
molto  amorevoli.  Dapoi  che  ha  finite  di  mangiare,  si  ritira  nella  sua  camera,  e 
spogliato  in  camicia  entra  in  letto,  dove  vi  sta  per  V  ordinario  tre  o  quattro  hore: 
e  svegliato  si  ritorna  a  vestire,  e  dice  1'  uflicio  et  alcune  volte  da  audientia  a 
qualche  cardinale  et  ambasciatore,  e  poi  se  ne  ritorna  al  suo  esercitio  in  Belve- 
dere, il  quale  non  interraette  mai  1'  estate  fin  1'  hora  di  cena  e  1'  inverno  fin  che 
si  vede  lume." 

Soranzo  also  gives  sevoral  other  passages  of  importance  as  regards  the  his- 
tory of  this  time.  For  instance,  he  fully  explains  the  otherwise  scarcely  intel- 
ligible secession  of  the  king  of  Navarre  to  Catholicism.  Assurances  had  been 
given  to  this  prince  at  Rome,  that  if  Philip  II  did  not  yield  Sardinia  to  him  as 
an  indemnification  for  the  lost  part  of  Navarre,  the  pope  would  at  all  events 


316  INST.  A  VISCONTI.       COMMENDONE  REL.       1563. 

bestow  Avignon  upon  him.     Divines,  says  the  ambassador,  vpere  not  employed 
to  bring  about  the  change  in  his  opinions;  negotiation  was  sufficient. 

36. 

InstruUione  del  re  cattolico  al  C^  M^  cfJllcantara  suo  amhascialore  di  quello  ha  da 
trattar  in  Roma.  Madr.  30  Nov.  1562.   {MS.  Rom.) 

Together  with  the  answers  of  the  pope.  All  the  necessary  extracts  are  given 
by  Pallavicini  xx,  10,  except  the  following  passage,  which  he  seems  to  have 
misunderstood.  "Circa  I'articolo  della  communione  sub  utraque  specie  non 
restaremo  di  dire  con  la  sicurta  che  sapemo  di  potcre  usare  con  la  M*^  Sua,  che 
ci  parono  cose  molto  contrarie  il  dimandar  tanta  liberta  e  licenza  nel  concilio  et 
il  volera  in  un  medesimo  tempo  che  noi  impediamo  detto  concilio  e  che  prohibi- 
amo  all'  imperatore,  al  re  di  Francia,  al  duca  di  Baviera  at  ad  altri  principi  che 
non  possano  far  proponere  et  questo  et  molti  altri  articoli  che  ricercano  attento, 
che  essi  sono  delibcrati  et  risoluti  di  farli  proponere  da  suoi  ambasciatori  e  pre- 
lati,  etiara  che  fosse  contro  la  volantd  dei  legati.  Sopra  il  che  S.  M*^  dovra  fare 
quella  consideratione  che  le  parera  conveniente.  Quanto  a  quello  che  spetta  a 
noi,  havemo  differita  la  cosa  fin  que,  e  cercaremo  di  differirla  piii  che  potremo, 
non  ostante  le  grandi  istanze  che  circa  cio  ne  sono  state  fatte:  e  tuttavia  se  ne 
fanno  dalli  sudetti  principi,  protestandoci  che  se  non  se  gli  concede,  perderanno 
tutti  li  loro  sudditi,  quali  dicono  peccar  solo  in  questo  articulo  e  nel  resto  esser 
buoni  cattolici,  e  di  piil  dicono  che  non  essendogli  concesso,  li  piglieranno  da 
se,  e  si  congiungeranno  con  li  settarii  vicini  e  protestanti;  da  quali  quando  ricor- 
rono  per  questo  uso  del  calice,  sono  astretti  ad  abjurare  la  nostra  religione: 
sicche  S.  M'''  puo  considerare  in  quanta  molestia  travaglio  siamo.  Piacesse  a 
dio  che  S.  M'^  cattolica  fosse  vicina  e  potessimo  parlare  insieme  en  anche  abboc- 
carsi -con  I'imperatore — havendo  per  ogni  modo  S.  M**  Cesarea  da  incontrarsi  da 
noi— che  forse  potriamo  acconciare  le  cose  del  mondo,  o  nessuno  le  acconciera 
mai  se  non  dio  solo,  quando  parera  a  Sua  Divina  Maesta." 

37. 

Instruttionc  data  al  s''  Carlo  Visconti  mandato  da  papa  Pio  IV,  al  re  cattolico  per 
le  cose  del  concilio  di  Trento.    Signed,  Carolus  Barromxus  ultimo  Oct.  1563. 

In  the  collection  of  the  nuncio's  letters  coming  down  to  September,  1563,  but 
not  including  that  month;  remarkable,  as  explaining  the  motives  for  closing  the 
council.  Pallivicini  xxiv,  1,  1,  has  incorporated  in  his  book  the  greater  part  of 
this  instruction,  although  in  an  order  different  to  that  in  which  it  was  written. 
Perliaps  the  most  remarkable  thing  was  the  design  of  bringing  the  affairs  of 
England  before  the  council;  regard  for  Philip  II  alone  prevented  its  execution. 
"Non  abbiamo  voluto  parlare  sin  ora  ne  lasciar  parlare  in  concilio  della  regina 
d'lnffbilterra  (Mary  Stuart),  con  tutto  che  lo  meriti,  ne  meno  di  quest'  altra 
(Elizabeth),  e  cio  per  rispelto  di  S.  M"*  Cattolica.  .  .  .  Ma  ancora  a  questa  bisog- 
nerebbe  un  di  pigliare  qualche  verso,  e  la  M*^  S.  dovrebbe  almeno  fare  opera  che 
li  vescovi  et  altri  cattolici  non  fossero  molestati."  It  is  easy  to  see  that  it  was 
imposed  upon  Philip  II  as  a  duty,  to  take  the  English  catliolics  under  his  pro- 
tection. 

38. 

Relatione  in  scriptis  fatta  dul  Commendone  ai  s^i  legati  del  concilio  sopra  le  cose 
ritratte  deW  imperatore;  19  Feb.  1563. 

"  La  somma  e  che  a  me  pare  di  aver  veduto  non  pur  in  S.  M'^  ma  nelli  prin- 
cipali  ministri,  come  Trausen  e  Seldio,  un  ardentissimo  desiderio  della  riforma 
e  del  progresso  del  concilio  con  una  gran  speranza  quod  rimettendo  aliquid  de 
jure  positive  et  reformando  mores  et  disciplinam  ecclesiasticam  non  solo  si 
possono  conservare  li  cattolici  ma  guadagnare  e  ridurre  degli  heretici,  con  una 


MICHIEL  SURIANO,  REL.       1571.  317 

opinione  o  impressione  pur  troppo  forte  che  qui  siano  molti  che  non  vogliano 
riforma."  The  activity  of  the  Jesuits  in  particular  had  made  an  impression. 
"  Seldio  disse,  che  li  Gesuiti  hanno  hormai  mostrato  in  Germania  quello  che  si 
puo  sperare  con  effetto,  perche  solamente  con  la  buona  vita  e  con  le  prediche  e 
con  le  scuole  loro  hanno  ritenuto  e  vi  sostengono  tuttavia  la  religione  cattolica." 

39. 

Helatione  sommaria   del  cardinal  Morone  snpra  la  legatione  sua  1564  Januario. 
{Bibl.  Allien  VII.  F.  3.) 

This  ought  properly  to  be  given  word  for  word.  Unfortunately,  I  was  so 
circumstanced  as  not  to  be  able  to  make  a  copy.  The  extract  which  I  have  in- 
serted in  the  third  book,  must  therefore  suffice. 

40. 

Jlntonio  Canossa.-  On  the  attempt  to  assassinate  Pius  IV.     Compare  I.  p.  359. 

41. 

Relatione  di  Roma  al  tempo  di  Pio  IV.  e  V.  di  Paolo  Tiepolo  ambasciatore  Veneto; 
found  first  in  manuscript  at  Gotka,  afterwards  in  many  other  collections.     1568. 

In  almost  all  the  copies  this  report  is  spoken  of  as  belonging  to  the  year  1567; 
as,  however,  Paolo  Tiepolo  expressly  says  that  he  resided  at  the  court  of  Pius 
V  thirty-three  months,  and  as  the  latter  was  elected  in  January  1566,  its  true 
date  is  clearly  September  1568.  To  this  year  also  refer  the  despatches  of  this 
ambassador — the  first  which  were  preserved  in  the  Venetian  archives. 

Tiepolo  describes  Rome,  the  states  of  the  church  and  their  administration,  as 
well  as  the  ecclesiastical  power,  which,  as  he  says,  punishes  with  interdicts 
and  rewards  with  indulgences.  He  then  compares  Pius  IV  and  V,  their 
piety,  justice,  generosity,  and  generally  their  respective  characters  and  dispo- 
sitions. The  former  pope  had  shown  great  mildness  to  Venice,  the  latter  great 
severity.  Pius  V  made  constant  complaints  of  the  invasion  of  ecclesiastical 
rights  by  the  Venetian  government;  such  as  the  taxing  of  monasteries,  and  the 
summoning  of  priests  before  the  civil  tribunals;  and  of  the  conduct  of  the 
Avogadori.  Notwithstanding  these  disagreements,  the  comparison  instituted  by 
Tiepolo  ends  entirely  in  favor  of  the  sterner  pontiff.  It  is  evident  that  the  per- 
sonal qualities  of  Pius  V  had  produced  the  same  impression  on  this  ambassa- 
dor, as  on  the  catholic  world  at  large. 

This  report  is,  as  we  have  noticed,  frequently  to  be  met  with.  It  has  even  occa- 
sionally appeared  in  print;  in  what  manner,  however,  should  be  observed.  In 
the  Tesoro  Politico,  i,  19,  there  is  a  Relatione  di  Roma,  in  which  everything 
said  by  Tiepolo  of  Pius  V  is  applied  to  Sixtus  V.  Traits  of  character,  even 
particular  actions,  decrees,  &c.,  are  transferred  from  the  one  pope  to  the  other. 
This  account,  thus  entirely  falsified,  has  since  appeared  in  the  Respublica 
Romana,  published  by  Elzevir,  in  which,  at  p.  494,  we  find  it  word  for  word, 
under  the  title,  "  De  statu  urbis  Romae  et  pontificis  relatio  tempore  Sixti  V, 
papae,  anno  1585. 

42. 

Relatione  di  Roma  del  Cl"^o  S''  Michiel  Suriano  K  ritornato  ambasciatore  da  N.  S. 

papa  Pio  V.  1571. 

Michael  Suriano,  in  whom,  according  to  Paruta,  (Guerra  di  Cipro,  i.  p.  28,) 
the  study  of  literature  cast  a  still  more  brilliant  lustre  over  talents  for  business, 
was  the  immediate  successor  of  P.  Tiepolo. 

He  describes  Pius  V  in  the  following  manner: 

"Si  vede  che  nel  papato  S.  Santita  non  ha  atteso  mai  a  delitie  ne  a  piaceri, 
come  altri  suoi  antecessor!,  che  non  ha  alterato  la  vita  ne  i  costumi,  che  non  ha 
VOL.  II. — 28 


318  MICHIEL  SURIANO,  REL.       1571. 

lasciato  1'  essercitio  dell'  inquisitlone  che  haveva  essendo  privato,  et  lasciava 
pill  presto  ogn'  altra  cosa  che  queJia,  riputando  tiitte  1'  altredi  manco  sliina  et  di 
manco  iinportantia:  onde  benche  per  il   papato  fosse  mutata  la  dig'iiila  et  la  for- 
tuna,  non  t'u  pero  mutata   ne  la  volonta  ne  la  natura.     Era  S.  S'*  di  presenza 
grave,  con  poca  came  magra,  et  di  persona  piu  che  mediocre  ma  forte  et  riidusta: 
havea  gi'  occhi  piccoli  ma  la  vista  acutissima,  il  naso  aquilino,  che  denota  ani- 
mo  generoso  et  atto  a  regnare,  il  colore  vivo  et  la  canitie  veneranda,  caminava 
gagliardissimamente,  non  temea  1'  aere,  mangiava  poco  e  bevea  pochissimo, 
andava,  a  dormire  per  tempo:  pativa  alcune  volte  d'  orina,  et  vi  rimediava  con 
usar  spesso  la  cassia  et  a  certi  tempi  il  latte  d'  asina  et  con  viver  sempre  con 
regola  et  con  misura.     Era  S.  S**  di  complession  colerica  et  subita,  et  s'  accen- 
deva  in  un  tratto  in  viso  quando  sentiva  cosa  che  le  dispiacesse:  era  pero  facile 
nell'  audientie,  ascoltava  tiitti,  parlava  poco  et  tardo  et  stentava  spesso  a  trovar 
le  parole  proprie  et  significanti  al  suo  modo.    Fu  di  vita  esemplare  et  di  costumi 
irreprensibili  con  un  zelo  rigoroso  di  religione,  che  haveria  voluto  che  ogn'  un 
1'  havesse,  et  per  questo  corregea  gl'  ecclesiastici  con  riserve  et  con  boUe  et  i 
laici  con  decreti  et  avvertimenti.  Facea  professione  aperta  di  sincerita  et  di  bonta, 
di  non  ingannare,  di  non  publicar  mai  le  cose  che  gli  eran  dette  in  secretezza  et 
d'  esser  osservantissimo  della  parola,  tutte  cose  contrarie  al  suo  predecessore: 
odiava  i  tristi  et  non  poteva  tollerarli,  amava  i  buoni  o  quel  che  era  persuasa 
che  fosser  buoni:  ma  come  un  tristo  non  potea  sperar  mai  di  guadagnar  la  sua 
gratia,  perche  ella  non  credea  che  potesse  diventar  buono,  cosi  non  era  senza 
pericolo   un  buono    di   perderla  quando   cadea  in   qualche   tristezza.     Amava 
sopra  tutte  le  cose  la  veriia,  et  se  alcuno  era  scoperto  da  S.  S'^  una  sol  volta  in 
bugia,  perdeva  la  sua  gratia  per  sempre,  et  fu  visto  1'  essempio  nel  sig''  Paolo 
Ghisilieri  suo  tiipote,  il  quale  scaccio  da  se  per  averlo  trovato  m  bugia,  come  S. 
S'''  medesima  mi  disse,  et  per  officii  che  fusser  fatti  non  vojse  mai  piii  riceverlo 
in  gratia.     Era  d'  ingegno  non  molto  acuto,  di  natura  difficile  et  sospettosa,  e 
da  quella  impression  che  prendea  una  volta  non  giovava  a  rimoverlo  niuna  per- 
suasione  di  ragione  di  rispetti  civili.     Non  avea  isperienza  di  cose  di  state  per 
non  averle  mai  pratlicate  se  non  ultimamente:  onde  nei  travagli  che  portan  seco 
i  maneggi  di  quesla  corte  et  nelle  dificolta  che  sempre  accompagnan  la  novita 
dei  negotij,  un  che  fosse  grato  a  S.  Santita  et  in  chi  ella  havesse  fede  era 
facilmente  atto  a  guidarla  a  suo  modo,  ma  altri  in  chi  non  havea  fede  non  potea 
essere  atto,  et  le  ragioni  regolate   per  prudeiiza  humana  non  bastavano  a  per- 
snaderla,  et   se  alcun  pensava  di   vincere   con   aultorita  o  con  spaventi,   ella 
Tompeva  in  un  subito  et  metteva  in  disordine  ogni  cosa  o  per  lo   manco  gli  dava 
nel  viso  con  dir  che  non  temeva  il  martirio  et  che  come  dio  1'  ha  messo  in  quel 
luogo  cosi  poteva  anco  conservarlo  contra  ogni  auttorita  et  podesta  humana. 
Queste  conditioni  et  qualita  di  S.  Santitu,  se  ben  son  verissime,  pero  son  difficili 
da  credere  a  chi  non  ha  auto  la  sua  pratica  et  molto  piu  a  chi  ha  auto  pratica  d' 
altri  papi;  perche  pare  impossibile  che   un  huomo  nato  et  nutrito  in  bassa  for- 
tuna   si   tenesse   tanto   sincere:  che   resistesse  cosi   arditamente   a  i    maggior 
prencipi  et  piu  potenti:  che  fosse  tanto  difficile  nei  favori  et  nelle  gratie  et  nelle 
dispense  et  in  quell'  altre  cose  che  gl'  altri  pontefici  concedean  sempre  facil- 
mente: che  pensasse  piu  all'  inquisitione  che  ad  altro,  et  chi  secondava  S.  San- 
tita in  quella,  polesse  con  lei  ogni  cosa:  che  nelle  cose  di  stato  non  credesse  alia 
forza  delle  ragioni  ne  all'  auttorita  de  i  prencipi  esperti,  ma  solamente  alle  per- 
suasioni  di  quel  in  chi  havea  fede:  che  non  si  sia  mai  mostrato  interessato  ne  in 
ambitione  ne  in  avaritia,  ne  per  se  ne  per  niun  de  suoi:  che  credesse  poco  aicar- 
denali  et  gl'  avesse  tutti  per  interessati  et  o  quasi  tutti,  et  chi  si  valea  di  loro 
con  S.  Santita,  se  nol  facea  con  gran  temperamento  et  con  gran  giudicio,  si  ren- 
dea  sospetto  et  perdea  il  credito  insieme  con  loro.     Et  chi  non  sa  queste  cose  et 
si  ricorda  delle  debolezze,  della  fjcilita,  de  i  rispetti,  delle  passioni  etdegl' atfetti 
de  gl'  altri  papi,  accusava  et  strapazzava  gl'  ambasciatori,  credendo  non  che  non 
potesser  ma  che  non  volessero  o  non  sapessero  ottener  quelle  cose  che  s'  ottene- 
vano  facilmente  in  altri  tempi." 

We  can  readily  believe  the  ambassador,  that  with  a  pope  of  this  character  he 


RELATIONE  DI  ROMA.   1574.  319 

had  a  heavy  task.  For  instance,  when  Pius  learned  that  they  refused  to  puhlish 
the  bull,  In  coenS.  Domini,  in  Venice,  he  fell  into  a  state  of  the  most  violent  irri- 
tation; "  si  perturbo  estremamente,  et  acceso  in  collera  disse  molte  cose  gravi  e 
fastidiose."  This  rendered  the  management  of  business  doubly  difficult.  Suri- 
ano  lost,  in  fact,  the  favor  of  his  republic.  He  was  recalled,  and  this  report  is 
written  in  great  part  with  the  view  of  justifying  his  conduct,  in  which  we  can- 
not accompany  him. 

43. 

Informalione  di  Fiu  V  Inform,  politt.  Bihl.  Jlmhros.  F.  D.  181. 

Anonymous  certainly,  but  founded  on  accurate  acquaintance  with  the  subject, 
and  aflfording  confirmation  of  other  accounts.  It  contains  a  remarkable  iact,  viz: 
that  in  spite  of  all  the  severity  of  this  pious  pope,  factions  reigned  iu  his  family. 
The  older  servants  were  ranged  against  the  younger,  who  looked  on  M"^^  Cirillo, 
the  grand  chamberlain,  who  was  the  most  accessible,  as  their  head.  "  Con  le 
carezze  e  col  mostrar  di  conoscere  il  suo  valore  facilmente  s'  acquistarebbe:  ha 
1'  animo  elevatissimo,  grande  intelligenza  cou  Gambara  e  Coreggio,  e  si  stringe 
con  Morone." 

44. 

Relatione  delta  corte  di  Roma  nel  tempo  di   Gre<rnrio  XIlI,  {Bibl.  Cors.  No.  714.) 
Dated  20  Feb.  1574. 

Anonymous,  but  nevertheless  very  instructive,  and  bearing  the  stamp  of 
truth. 

The  author  thinks  it  difficult  to  judge  of  courts  and  princes.  "  Diro  come  si 
giudica  nella  corte  e  come  la  intendo."  He  gives  the  following  description  of 
Gregory  XIII. 

"  Assonto  che  e  stato  al  pontificato  in  eta  di  71  anni,  ha  parso  e'  habbi  voluto 
mutare  natura:  et  il  rigore  che  era  solito  biasimare  in  altri,  massimamente  nel 
particulare  del  vivere  con  qualche  lincenza  con  donne,  n'  e  stato  piil  rigoroso 
dell'  antecpssore  e  fattone  maggiori  esecutioni:  e  parimente  nella  materia  del 
giuoco  si  e  mostrato  rigorosissimo,  perche  havendocerti  illustrissimi  principiatoa 
trattenersi  nel  principio  del  pontificato  eon  giuocare  qualche  scudo,  li  riprese 
acremente,  ancorche  alcuni  Hubitarouo  che  sotto  il  pretesto  del  giuoco  si  fai'.essero 
nuove  pratiche  di  pontificato  per  un  poco  di  male  e'  hebbe  S.  S*^  in  quel  prin- 
cipio: e  da  questo  comincio  a  calare  quella  riputatione  o  oppinione  che  si  voleva 
far  credere  dall'  illustrissimo  de'  Medici,  d'  haver  lui  fatto  il  papa  e  doverlo 
governare,  la  qual  cosafece  chiaro  il  mondo  quanto  S.  S'''  abhorrisceche  alcuno 
si  voglia  arrogare  di  governarlo  o  c'  habbi  bisogno  d'  essere  governato,  perche 
noil  vuole  essere  in  questa  oppinione  di  lasciarsi  governare  a  persona.  Perche 
in  effetio  nolle  cose  della  giustitia  n'  e  capacissimo  e  la  intende  e  non  bisogna 
pensare  di  darli  parole.  Ne'  maneggi  di  stati  S.  S**  ne  potria  saper  piu,  perche 
non  vi  ha  fatto  molto  studio,  e  sta  so])ra  di  se  alle  volte  irresoluto,  ma  considerate 
che  v'  habbi  sopra,  n'  e  benissime  capace  e  nell'  udire  le  oppinioni  discerne 
benissime  il  meglio.  E'  patientissirno  e  laboriosissimo  e  non  sta  mai  in  otio  e 
piglia  ancora  poco  ricreatione.  Da  continiiamente  audientia  e  vede  scritture. 
Dorrne  poco,  si  leva  per  tempo,  e  fa  volontieii  esercitio,  e  li  place  1'  aria,  quale 
non  teme.  per  cattiva  che  sia.  Mangia  sobriamente  e  beve  pochissiino,  ed  e  sano 
senza  sorte  alcuna  di  schinelle.  E'  grato  in  dimostrationi  esteriori  a  chi  gli  ha 
fatto  piacere.  Non  e  prodigo  ne  quasi  si  puo  dire  liberate,  secondo  I'oppinione 
del  volgo,  il  quale  non  considera  o  discerne  la  differentia  che  sia  da  uu  principe 
che  si  astenghi  dall'  estorsioni  e  rapacita  a  quello  che  conserva  quello  che  ha 
con  tenaoita:  questo  non  brama  la  roba  d'  altri  e  grli  insidia  per  haverla.  None 
crudelle  ne  sanguinolento,  ma  teniendo  di  conlinuo  delle  guerre  si  del  Turco 
come  degli  herelici,  li  [)iace  d'  haver  somma  di  denari  nell'  erario  e  conservarli 
senza  dispensarli   fuori  di  proposito,  e  n'  ha  intorno  a  un   millione  e  mezzo  d' 


320  PAOLO  TIEPOLO  REL.       1576. 

oro:  e  pero  maffnifico  e  gli  piacciono  le  grandezze,  o  sopra  tutto  e  desideroso  di 
gloria,  il  qnal  desiderio  ii  fa  forse  trascorrerc  in  quelle  che  non  place  alia  corte: 
perche  quest!  reverend!  padri  Chiettini,  che  1'  hanno  conosciuto,  se  li  sono  fatti 
a  cavaliere  sopra,  con  dimostrarli  che  il  credito  et  autorita  che  haveva  Pio  V, 
non  era  se  non  per  riputatione  della  bonta,  e  con  questo  il  tengono  quasiche  in 
filo  et  il  necessitano  a  far  cose  contra  la  sua  natura  e  la  sua  volonta,  perche  S. 
S''  e  sempre  stato  di  natura  piacevole  e  dolce,  e  lo  restringono  a  una  vita  non 
consueta:  et  e  oppinione  che  per  far  qiiesto  si  siano  valsi  di  far  venire  lettere  da 
loro  padri  medesimi  di  Spagna  e  d'  altri  luoghi,  dove  sempre  fanno  tnentione 
quanto  sia  commendata  la  vita  santa  del  papa  passato,  quale  ha  acquistata  tanta 
gloria  con  la  riputatione  della  bonta  e  delle  riforme,  e  con  questo  modo  perse- 
verano  loro  in  dominare  ethavere  autorita  con  S.  Beat"*:  e  dicesiche  sono  ajutati 
ancora  dal  vescovo  di  Padova,  nuntio  in  Spagna,  creatura  di  Pio  V  e  di  loro. 
Brama  tanto  la  gloria  che  si  ritiene,  e  sforza  la  natura  di  fare  di  quelle  dimostra- 
tioni  ancora  verso  la  persona  del  figliuolo  quali  sariano  riputate  ragionevoli  et 
honeste  da  ogn'  uno  per  li  scrupoli  che  li  propongono  costoro:  et  in  tanta  felicita 
che  ha  havuto  S.  S'^  di  essere  asceso  a  questa  dignita  da  basso  stato,  e  contra- 
pesato  da  questo  oggetto  e  dall'  havere  parent!  quali  non  li  sodisfanno  e  che  a 
S.  S'^  non  pare  che  siano  atti  o  capaci  de'  negolii  iraportanti  e  da  commetterli  le 
facende  di  stato." 

In  the  same  manner  he  paints  the  different  cardinals.  He  remarks  of  Gran- 
vella,  that  he  did  not  maintain  his  credit;  that  he  pursued  his  own  inclinations, 
and  was  considered  avaricious;  and  that  in  the  affairs  of  the  Ligue  he  had  nearly 
caused  a  rupture  between  the  king  and  the  pope.  On  the  other  hand  Com- 
mendone  is  greatly  extolled.  "  Ha  la  virtu,  la  bonta,  1'  esperienza  con  infinito 
giudicio." 

45. 

Seconda  relatione   deW  ambasciatore  di  Roma,  clar'^o  M.  Paolo   Ticpolo  Kr.-  3 

Maggio,  1576. 

The  above-mentioned  anonymous  report  speaks  favorably  of  Tiepolo,  re- 
garding him  as  possessed  of  a  good  head  and  excellent  heart.  "  E'  modesto 
e  contra  il  costume  de'  Veneziani;  e  corteggiano  e  liberale,  e  riesce  eccellente- 
mente  e  sodisfa  molto,  e  monstra  prudenza  grande  in  questi  travagli  e  frangenti 
a  sapersi  regere." 

For  instance  when  the  Venetians  fell  off  from  the  alliance  against  the  Turks, 
he  had  a  difficult  task  to  perform.  It  was  thought  that  the  pope  would  propose 
in  the  consistory  to  utter  sentence  of  excommunication  against  the  Venetians, 
and  certain  cardinals  prepared  to  oppose  such  a  design.  "  Levato  Cornaro  (a 
Venetian)  nessuno  fo  che  in  quel  primi  giorni  mi  vedesse  o  mi  mandasse  a  veder, 
non  che  mi  consigliasse,  consolasse  e  sollevasse."  Tiepolo  relates,  as  the  real 
ground  of  the  separate  peace,  that  the  Spaniards,  after  promising  to  be  under 
arms  in  April  1573,  declared  in  that  month,  that  their  preparations  could  not  be 
ended  before  June.  The  resolution  at  last  taken  at  Venice,  to  create  his  son  a 
Venetian  nobi/e,  tended  greatly  to  appease  the  pope.  The  expressions  of  Tiepolo 
concerning  this  son  of  the  pope,  Giacomo  Buoncompagno,  are  remarkable. 

"II  s"^  Giacomo  e  figliuolo  del  papa:  e  giovane  anchor  esso  di  circa  29  anni,di 
belle  lettere,  gratiose  maniere,  di  grande  et  liberal  animo  et  d'un  ingegno  attis- 
simo  a  tutte  le  cose  dove  egli  I'applicasse.  Non  bisogna  negar  che'l  primo  et 
si  puo  dir  solo  affetto  del  papa  non  sia  verso  di  lui,  come  e  anco  ragionevole  che 
sia,  perciocche  nel  principio  del  pontificato,  quando  egli  operava  piu  secondo  il 
suo  senso,  lo  creo  prima  castellano  et  dapoi  governator  di  s.  chiesa  con  asseg- 
narli  per  questo  conto  provision!  di  cerca  X  m.  ducat!  all'  anno  et  con  pagarli  un 
locotenente,  colonnelli  et  capitani,  accioche  egli  tanto  piu  honoratamente  potesse 
comparer:  ma  dapoi,  come  cho  si  fosse  pentito  di  esser  passato  tanto  oltre  verso 
un  suo  figliuolo  naturale,  mosso  per  avvertimenti,  come  si  affermava,  di  persone 
spiritual!,  che  li  metlevano  questa  cosa  a  conscienlia  et  a  punto  d'honore,  in- 


PAOLO  TIEPOLO  REL.        1576.  321 

comincio  a  ritirarsi  con  neg-arli  i  favori  et  le  gratie  che  li  erano  da  lui  domaiulate 
et  con  far  in  tutte  le,  cose  nianco  stima  di  lui  di  quelle  che  prima  avea  falio:  anzi 
come  die  dopo  averlo  paiesato  volesse  nasconderlo  al  mondo,  separandolo  da  lui 
Jo  fece  partir  da  Roma  et  andar  in  Ancona,  dove  sotto  specie  di  fortificar  quella 
citta  per  un  tempo  lo  ititertenne,  senza  mai  provederlo  d'una  entrata  stabile  et 
sicura  colla  quale  egli  dopo  la  morte  sua  avesse  possuto  con  qualche  dignita 
vivere  et  sostenersi:  onde  il  povero  signore  dolendosi  della  sua  fortuna  che  lo 
havesse  voluto  innalzer  per  doverlo  poi  abbandonare  si  messe  piu  volte  in  tanta 
desperatione  ciie  fuggendo  la  pratica  et  conversatione  di  ciascimo  si  retirava  a 
viver  in  casa  solitario,  continuando  in  questo  per  molti  giorni,  con  far  venir 
anchora  all'  orecchie  dell'  padre  come  egli  era  assalito  da  fieri  et  pericolosi  acci- 
denti,  per  vedere  se  con  questo  havesso  possuto  muover  la  sua  tenerezza  verso 
di  lui.  In  fine  troppo  puo  I'amor  naturale  paterno  per  spingere  o  dissimulare  il 
quale  indarno  I'uomo  s'adopera.  Viuto  finalmente  et  commosso  il  papa  dapoi 
passato  I'anno  santo  volse  Tanimo  a  provederli  et  a  darli  satisfattione,  et  prima 
si  resolse  da  maritarlo." 

Tiepolo  also  gives  some  remarkable  accounts  of  the  administration  of  Gre- 
gory XIII,  and  especially  of  the  cardinal  di  Como. 

"  Partisce  il  governo  delle  cose  in  questo  modo,  che  di  quelle  che  apparten- 
gono  al  stato  ecclesiaslico,  ne  da  la  cura  alii  d"'  cardinali  sui  nepoti,  et  di  quelle 
che  hanno  relatione  alii  altri  principi,  al  cardinal  di  Como.  Ma  dove  in  quelle 
del  stato  ecclesiaslico,  che  sono  senza  comparation  di  manco  importanza,  perche 
non  comprendono  arme  o  fortezze,  al  governatore  generale  reservate,  ne  danari, 
de'  quali  la  camera  apostolica  et  il  tesorier  generate  nc  tien  cura  particolare,  ma 
solamente  cose  ordinarie  pertinenti  al  governo  delle  citta  et  delle  provincie,  non 
si  contentando  deJli  d"'  nepoti  ha  aggiunta  loro  una  congregatione  di  quattro 
prineipali  prelati,  tra'  quali  vi  e  monsignor  di  Nioastro,  stato  nuntio  presso  la 
Serenita  V''%  colli  quaU  tutte  le  cose  si  consigliano  per  doverle  poi  referir  a  lui; 
in  quelle  di  stato  per  negotii  colli  altri  principi,  che  tanto  rilevano  et  importano 
non  solo  per  la  buona  inteiligentia  con  lor  ma  ancora  per  beneficio  et  quiete  di 
tutta  la  Christianita,  si  rimeUe  in  tutto  nel  solo  cardinal  di  Como,  col  quale  si 
redrecciano  li  ambasciatori  dei  principi  che  sono  a  Roma  et  li  nuntii  apostolici 
et  altri  ministri  del  papa  che  sono  alle  corti,  perche  a  lui  solo  scrivono  et  da  lui 
aspettano  li  ordini  di  quelio  che  hanno  da  fare.  Egli  e  quello  che  solo  consiglia 
il  papa,  et  che,  come  universalmente  si  tiene,  fa  tutte  le  resolutioni  piu  import- 
anti,  et  che  da  li  ordini  et  li  fa  eseguire.  Sogliono  ben  alcuni  cardinali  di  rnag- 
gior  pratica  et  autorita  et  qualcun'  altro  ancora  da  se  stesso  raccordare  al  papa 
quello  che  giudica  a  proposito,  et  suole  ancora  alle  volte  il  papa  domandar  sopra 
alcnne  cose  I'opinione  di  qualcuno  et  di  tutto  il  collegio  di  cardinali  ancora,  mas- 
simamente  quando  li  torna  bene  che  si  sappia  che  la  determination  sia  fatta  di 
conseglio  di  molti,  come  principalmente  quando  si  vuol  dare  qualche  negativa, 
et  sopra  certe  particolari  occorrentie  ancora  suole  deputar  una  congregatione  di 
cardinali,  come  gia  fo  fatto  nelle  cose  della  lega  et  al  presente  si  fa  in  quelle  di 
Germania,  del  concilio,  et  di  altre:  ma  nel  restretto  alle  conclusioni  et  nelle  cose 
piii  importanti  il  cardinal  di  Como  e  quello  che  fa  et  vale.  Ha  usato  il  cardinal, 
seben  cognosce  saver  et  intender  a  sofficientia,  alle  volte  in  alcune  cose  andarsi 
a  consigiiare  col  cardinal  Morone  et  cardinal  Commendon,  per  non  si  fidar  tanto 
del  suo  giudicioche  non  tolesse  ancor  il  parer  d'huomini  piii  intelligenti  et  savii: 
ma  in  fatto  da  lui  poi  il  tutto  dipende.  Mette  grandissima  diligentia  et  accura- 
tezza  nelle  cose,  et  s'industria  di  levar  la  fatica  et  i  pensieri  al  papa  et  di  darli 
consigli  che  lo  liberino  da  travagli  presenti  et  dalla  spesa,  poiche  nessuna  cosa 
pare  esser  piii  dal  papa  desiderata  che'l  sparagno  et  la  quiete.  Si  stima  univer- 
salmente ch'  esso  abbia  grande  inclinatione  al  re  cattolico,  non  tanto  per  esser 
suo  vassallo  et  per  haver  la  maggior  parte  delli  sni  beneficii  nei  sui  paesi,  quanto 
per  molti  comodi  et  utilita  che  in  cose  di  motto  momento  estraordinariamente 
riceve  da  lui,  per  recognition  de'  quali  all'  incontro  con  destri  modi,  come  ben 
sa  usar  senza  molto  scoprirsi,  se  ne  dimostri  nelle  occasioni  grato.  Verso  la 
Serenita  Vostra  posso  affermar  ch'  egli  sottosopra  si  sia  portato  assai  bene,  mas- 

28* 


322  COMMENT.  DE  REBUS  GREGORII  XIII. 

simamente  se  si  ha  respetto  che  ne  i  ministri  d'altri  principi  non  si  quo  ritrovar 
tutto  quelle  che  si  vorria,  et  che  ben  spesso  bisogna  contentarsi  di  manco  che  di 
mediocre  buona  volonta." 

Although  this  report  is  far  from  having  obtained  the  same  circulation  as  the 
former,  it  is  in  fact  no  less  important  and  instructive  as  regards  the  times  of 
Gregory  XIII,  than  the  first  as  regards  those  of  Pius  IV  and  Pius  V. 

4G. 
Commeniartorum  de  rebus  Gregorii  XIII  lib.  I  et  II.  {Bibl.  Jib.) 

Unfortunately  a  fragment.  The  writer.  Cardinal  di  Vercelli,  promises,  when, 
after  certain  prefatory  remarks,  he  begins  to  speak  of  the  papacy  of  Gregory,  to 
treat  of  three  things;  the  war  against  the  Turks,  the  war  carried  on  by  the  pro- 
testants  against  the  kings  of  France  and  Spain,  and  the  disputes  concerning  the 
ecclesiastical  jurisdiction. 

We  know  the  relation  in  which  the  affairs  of  the  East  stood  to  those  of  reli- 
gion. Our  author  explains  by  no  means  ill  the  perplexity  and  confusion  of  the 
year  1572.  The  report  had  become  current  that  Charles  IX  was  abetting  the 
outbreaks  of  the  protestants  in  the  Netherlands.  "  Quod  cum  Gregorius  moleste 
ferret,  dat  ad  Gallorum  regem  lilteras  quibus  ab  eo  vehementer  petit  ne  sues  in 
hoc  se  admiscere  helium  patiatur:  alioquin  se  existimaturum  omnia  base  illius 
voluntate  nutuque  fieri.  Rex  de  suis  continendis  magnae  sibi  curae  fore  poUice- 
tur,  id  quod  quantum  in  se  est  prajstat:  verura  ejusmodi  litteris,  qua;  paulo  mina- 
cius  scriptae  videbantur,  nonnihil  tactus,  nonnullis  etiam  conjecturis  eo  adductus 
ut  se  irritari  propeque  ad  bellum  provocari  putaret,  ne  imparatum  adorirentur, 
urbes  quas  in  finibus  regni  habebat  diligenter  communit,  duces  sues  admonet 
operam  dent  nequid  detrimenti  capiat,  simulque  Emanuelem  Allobrogumducem, 
utriusque  regis  propinquum  et  amicum,  de  his  rebus  omnibus  certiorem  facit. 
Emanuel,  qui  pro  singulari  prudentia  sua,  quam  horum  regum  dissensio  suis 
totique  reipublica3  christianse  calamitosa  futura  esset,  probe  intelligebat,  ad  pon- 
tificem  hffic  omnia  perscribit,  eumque  obsecrat  et  obtestatur  nascenti  malo  oc- 
currat,  ne  longius  serpat  atque  inveteratum  robustius  fiat.  Pontifex,  quam 
gereret  personam  minimum  oblitus,  cum  regem  Gallorum  adolescentem  et  gloria 
cupiditate  incensum  non  difficillime  a  catholicae  fidei  hostibus,  quorum  tunc  in 
aula  maxima  erat  auctoritas,  ad  hujusmodi  bellum  impelli  posse  animadverteret, 
reginam  tamen  ejus  matrem  longe  ab  eo  abhorrere  dignitalisque  et  utilitalis  suae 
rationem  habituram  putaret,  mittit  eo  Antonium  Mariam  Saiviatum,  reginae 
affinem  eique  pergratum,  qui  earn  in  officio  contineat,  ipsiusque  opera  facilius 
regi,  ne  reip.  christianse  accessionem  imperii  et  gloriam  quae  ex  orientali  expe- 
ditione  merito  expectanda  esset  invideat  funestumque  in  illius  visceribus  moveat 
bellum,  persuadeat." 

Thus  far  the  pope  was,  without  doubt,  indirectly  privy  to  the  massacre  of  St. 
Bartholomew.  It  was  his  interest  to  use  every  effort  to  hinder  the  war  from 
breaking  out  between  Spain  and  France.  It  is  much  to  be  wished  that  we  pos- 
sessed the  portion  of  this  work  which  treats  of  their  religious  differences. 

I  have  quoted  the  above  passage,  because  the  very  first  lines  show  that  it  be- 
longs to  the  sources  of  which  Maffei  has  made  use  in  his  Annali  di  Gregorio 
XIII,  Pontefice  Massimo.  Compare  I,  p.  27,  in  Maffei:  "  Scrisse  a  Carlo  ri- 
sentitamente,  che  se  egli  comportava  che  i  sudditi  e  ministri  s'intromettessero  in 
questa  guerra  per  distornarla,  egli  tutto  riconoscerebbe  da  lui  e  dalla  mala  sua 
intenzione.  E  per  1'  istesso  fine  opero  che  li  signori  Veneziani  gli  mandassero 
un'  ambasciadore  con  diligenza.  Rispose  Carlo  modestamente,  ch'  egli  farebbe 
ogni  possibile  perche  i  suoi  ne  a  lui  dovessero  dar  disgusto  ne  agli  Spagnuoli 
sospetto  di  quello  ch'  egli  non  aveva  in  pensiero.  Ma  non  resto  pero  di  dolersi 
con  Emanuele  duca  di  Savoja  della  risentita  maniera  con  che  gli  aveva  scritto  il 
pontefice:  parendogli  che  si  fosse  lasciato  spingere  dagli  Spagnuoli  che  avessero 
voglia  essi  di  romperla:  et  ad  un  tempo  coniincio  a  presidiare  le  citta  delle  fron- 
tiere." 


DISCORSO  BELLA  CORTE  DI  ROMA.  323 

It  appears  to  me  that  parts  of  Maflei's  book  are  little  more  than  amplified  ex- 
tracts from  our  manuscript.  By  this  I  do  not  in  the  least  mean  to  detract  from  the 
merits  of  a  work,  to  which  I  am  indebted  for  much  information,  and  which, 
though  certainly  not  impartial,  is  moderate,  full  of  matter,  and  on  the  whole 
worthy  of  reliance. 

47. 

Relatione  di  mons^^  rev^o  Gio.  P.  Ghisilieri  a  papa  Gregorio  XIII,  iornando  egli 
dal presidcntaio  della  Bomagna.     S.  l.»p.  389. 


Discorso  over  ritralio  della  carte  di  Roma  di  mons'''^  ill'"-"  Cummendone  all  ill^o 
s*"  Hier.  Savor gnano.      {Bibl,  Vindoh.  Codd.  Rangon.  No.  18.  ful.  278-395.) 

To  all  appearance  this  work  belongs  to  the  times  of  Gregory;  I  will  not 
answer  for  Commendone's  name;  but  whoever  may  have  been  the  author,  he 
was  a  man  of  talent,  and  thoroughly  initiated  in  the  more  secret  relations  of 
Roman  life. 

He  thus  describes  the  court: — "  Questa  republica  e  un  principato  di  somma 
autorita  in  una  aristocratia  universa  di  tutti  i  christian!  collocato  in  Roma.  II 
suo  principle  e  la  religione,  Conciosia,"  he  continues,  "che  la  religione  sia  il 
fine  e  che  questa  si  mantenga  con  la  virtii  e  con  la  dottrina,  e  impossibile  che 
alterandosi  le  condition!  degl!  uomin!  non  s!  rlvolga  insierae  sotta  sopra  tutta  la 
republica. 

He  afterwards  treats  principally  of  this  conflict  between  spiritual  and  secular 
interests.  Above  all  things  he  enforces  great  caution:  "  Molto  riguardo  di  tutti 
i  movimenti  e  gesti  della  persona:  casa,  servitori,  cavalcature  convenienti,  ami- 
citie  e  honorate  e  virtuose,  non  aff'ermando  cosa  che  non  si  sappia  di  certo." 
The  court  demands  "bonta,  grandezza  dell'  animo,  prudentia,  eloquentia,  theo- 
logia."  Still  all  is  uncertain.  "  Deve  si  pensar  che  questo  sia  un  viaggio  di 
mare,  nel  quale  benche  la  prudentia  possa  molto  e  ci  renda  favorevole  la  mag- 
gior  parte  de'  venti,  nondimeno  non  gli  si  possa  prescriver  tempo  determinate  o 
certezzo  alcuna  d'arrivar.  Alcuni  di  mezza  estate  in  gagliarda  e  ben  fornita 
nave  affondono  o  tardano  assai,  altri  d'invernoin  debole  e  disarmato  legno  vanno 
presto." 


324 


SECTION  IV. 

SIXTUS  V. 

I.    CRITICISM    OP    LETI    AND    TEMPESTI,  THE   BIOGRAPHERS    OP    THIS 

POPE. 

Vita  di  Sisfo  V pontefice  Romano  scritta  dal  signor  Geltio  Rogeri  aW  instanza  di 
Gregorio  Lett.  Losanna,  1669.  2  vols.;  afterwards  published  under  less  singu- 
lar titles,  in  3  vols. 

The  reputation  of  an  individual,  or  the  mode  of  viewing'  an  event,  are  far 
more  frequently  decided  by  slight  and  popular  productions,  which  are  univer- 
sally disseminated,  than  by  more  important  historical  works,  which  often  appear 
too  late  after  the  events  to  which  they  refer.  The  public  do  not  inquire  whether 
the  accounts  laid  before  them  are  founded  in  truth;  they  are  content,  when  the 
recollections  let  fall  in  all  the  abundance  and  variety  of  conversation,  only  ex- 
pressed with  somewhat  more  conciseness,  and  therefore  with  greater  piquancy, 
are  laid  before  them  in  print. 

The  biography  of  Sixtus  V  by  Leti  is  a  work  of  this  kind.  Perhaps  it  is  the 
most  effective  production  of  that  voluminous  writer;  it  has  decided  the  light  in 
which  the  memory  of  pope  Sixtus  has  since  been  regarded  by  the  world. 

The  first  attempt  to  study  such  works  is  extremely  embarrassing.  A  certain 
degree  of  truth  cannot  be  denied  to  them,  nor  are  they  to  be  wholly  disregarded; 
yet  the  first  glance  shows  that  they  are  not  to  be  relied  on  to  any  extent,  and  no 
general  rule  can  be  given  as  to  where  the  line  should  be  drawn. 

The  only  means  of  arriving  at  any  certain  inference  is  to  discover  the  author's 
sources,  and  to  study  the  manner  in  which  he  has  used  them. 

After  continued  research,  we  come  upon  the  materials  used  by  Leti;  it  is  ab- 
solutely necessary  to  compare  them  with  his  representations. 

1.  In  the  whole  history  of  Sixtus  V  nothing  is  more  famous  than  the  manner 
in  which  he  is  said  to  have  attained  the  papacy,  and  his  behaviour  in  the  con- 
clave held  at  his  election.  Who  has  not  heard  how  the  cardinal,  bent  down, 
and  dragging  his  limbs  along  with  a  crutch,  when  chosen  pope,  suddenly  drew 
himself  up  erect,  threw  away  his  crutch,  and  threatened  those  with  the  exercise 
of  his  power,  from  whom  he  had  won  it  by  deceit?  This  story  of  Leti's  has 
gained  credence  throughout  Europe.     We  ask,  whence  he  derived  it. 

Documents  exist  relating  to  the  motives  of  every  papal  election,  or  rather  to 
the  preceding  intrigues.  There  is  a  so-called  "conclave"  on  the  subject  of  the 
election  of  Sixtus  V,  written,  like  the  greater  number,  at  the  time,  and  with  ac- 
curate knowledge  of  the  personal  relations.  "  Conclave  nel  quale  fu  creato  il 
c'  Montalto  che  fu  Sisto  V." 

On  the  first  comparison,  it  is  plain  that  Leti  had  this  document  principally 
in  view.  We  may  observe  that  he  does  little  more  than  make  a  paraphrase 
of  it. 

"  Concl.  MS.: — II  lunedi  mattina  per  tempo  si  ridussero  nella  capella  Paulina, 
dove  il  cardinal  Farnese  come  decano  celebro  messa,  e  di  mano  sua  communico 
li  cardinali:  dipoi  si  venne  secondo  il  solito  alio  scrutinio,  nel  quale  il  cardinal 


LETI.  325 

Albani  hebbe  13  voti,  che  fu  il  mafrgior  numero  che  alcun  cardinale  havesse. 
Ritornati  i  cardinali  alle  celle,  si  attesse  alle  pratiche,  et  Altemps  comincio  a 
traltare  alia  gagliarda  la  pratica  di  Sirleto,  ajutato  da  Medici  e  delle  creature  di 
Pio  IV,  per  la  confidenza  che  liavevano  di  poter  di  qualsivopflia  di  loro  disponere: 
ma  subito  fu  trovata  1'  esclusione,  scoprendosi  contra  di  lui  Este,  Farnese  e 
Sforza." 

Leti: — "  Lunedi  mattina  di  buon'  hora  si  adunarono  tutti  nella  capello  Poa- 
lina,  ed  il  cardinal  Farnese  in  qualita  di  decano  celebro  la  messa,  e  communico 
tutti  i  cardinali:  e  poi  si  diede  principio  alio  scrutinio,  nel  quale  il  cardinal  Al- 
bano  hebbe  13  voti,  che  fu  il  numero  mag-giore.  Doppo  questo  li  cardinali  se 
ne  ritornarono  alle  lor  celle  per  pransare,  e  doppo  il  pranso  si  attese  alle  pratiche 
di  molti;  ma  particorlamente  Altemps  comincio  a  trattare  alia  gagliarda  le  pra- 
tiche di  Guglielmo  Sirleto  Calabrese,  ajutato  dal  cardinal  Medici  e  dalle  crea- 
ture di  Pio  IV,  per  la  confidenza  che  haveva  ogni  uno  di  loro  di  poterne  disporre; 
ma  in  breve  se  gli  fece  innanzi  1'  esclusione,  scoprendosi  contro  di  lui  Este,  Far- 
nese e  Sforza." 

Both  leading  points  and  accessories  are  treated  in  the  same  manner:  e.  g. 
"  MS.: — Farnese  incapricciato  et  acceso  di  incredibile  voglia  di  essere  papa, 
comincia  a  detestare  publicamente  la  pratica  et  il  soggetto'  dicendo:  lo  non  so 
come  costoro  lo  intendono  di  volere  far  Sirleto  papa.  Leti: — II  primo  che  se 
gli  oppose  fu  Farnese,  incapricciato  ancor  lui  ed  acceso  d'incredibile  voglia 
d'  esser  papa:  onde  parendo  a  lui  d'  esserne  pid  meritevole,  come  in  fatti  era, 
comincio  publicamente  a  detestare  la  pratica  ed  il  soggetto,  dicendo  per  tutti 
gli  angoli  del  conclave:  lo  non  so  come  costoro  1'  intendono  di  voler  far  papa 
Sirleto." 

The  reflections  in  like  manner:  e.g.  The  MS.  relates  what  offence  the  dis- 
guise of  Sixtus  gave  to  cardinal  Alessandrino:  "  Ma  dio,  che  haveva  eletto  Mon- 
talto  papa,  non  permesse  che  si  avertisse  a  quello  che  principalmente  avertire  si 
dovea,  ne  lascio  che  Farnese  ne  suoi  si  svegliassero  a  impedire  la  pratica,  cre- 
dendo  che  non  fosse  per  venire  ad  effetto  dell'  adoratione;  ma  solo  per  honorare 
Montalto  ndlo  scrutinio."  Although  so  pious  a  reflection  is  not  customary  with 
Leti,  yet  he  found  it  very  convenient  to  copy  and  insert  it  in  his  book.  With  a 
few  slight  alterations  he  has  transcribed  it  literally. 

Is  not  this  rather  for  than  against  the  often  attacked  fidelity  of  Leti"? 

Let  us  come  however  to  the  one  thing  which  excites  our  doubts;  the  behaviour 
of  the  cardinal.  It  is  remarkable  that  on  this  point  Leti  does  not  coincide  with 
his  original. 

Leti  says,  "  Montalto  se  ne  stava  in  sua  camera  e  non  gia  nel  conclave,  fingen- 
dossi  tutto  lasso  et  abandonato  d'ogni  ajuto  humano.  Non  usciva  che  raramente, 
et  se  pure  andava  in  qualche  parte,  come  a  celebrare  messa,  o  nello  scrutinio  della 
capella,  se  ne  andava  con  certe  maniere  spensierate." 

The  original  on  the  other  hand  says,  "  Sebene  non  mostrava  una  scoperta  am- 
bitione,  non  pretermetteva  di  far  poi  tutti  quelli  officii  che  il  tempo  et  il  luogo 
richiedovano,  humiliandosi  a  cardinali,  visitandoli  et  offerendosi,  ricevendo  all' 
incontro  i  favori  e  1'  offerte  degli  altri." 

The  original  says:  Before  the  holding  of  the  nonclave,  his  behavior  had  been 
of  this  kind  towards  cardinal  Farnese,  and  then  also  towards  the  cardinals  Medici 
and  Este:  it  tells  further,  how,  the  evening  before  his  election,  he  had  visited 
cardinal  Madruzzi,  and  in  the  morning  cardinal  Altemps,  and  received  from  them 
assurances  that  he  would  be  chosen.  In  short,  in  the  original,  Montalto  appears 
active,  full  of  life  and  health:  the  fact  that  he  was  still  in  the  prime  of  his  years 
and  vigor,  is  there  considered  as  a  motive  to  his  election.  The  whole  narrative 
of  his  dissembled  weakness  and  retired  habits,  which  has  become  so  famous,  is 
an  addition  by  Leti;  whence  however  did  he  derive  if?  Did  he  merely  follow 
common  report,  a  self-invented  tale,  or  any  other  author]  We  shall  return  to 
this  point. 

2.  The  impression,  which  the  financial  arrangements  of  Sixtus  produced, 
forms  another  prominent  point  in  his  general  reputation,  also  founded  in  part  oa 


326  LETT. 

Leti's  narrative.  In  ihe  second  part  of  the  book  (p.  289)  there  is  a  summary 
of  the  |)n|)e's  income  and  expenses,  whicli  has  found  a  certain  decree  of  belief 
even  with  the  most  rational  and  instructed  people.  "  Rendite  ordinarie  c'havea 
la  sede  a|)ostolica  nel  tempo  che  Sisto  entrava  nel  pontificate."  We  ought  at 
least  to  be  able  to  place  reliance  on  his  figures. 

Nevertheless  we  directly  perceive  that  in  this  instance  affairs  do  not  stand  as 
Leii  alleijes.  When  Sixlus  V  began  his  reign  in  April  1585,  the  contracts  were 
still  valid,  which,  in  August  1576,  Gregory  XIII  had  entered  into  for  nine  years 
witii  the  farmers  of  the  revenues.  Of  the  revenues  we  possess  an  authentic  ac- 
count, under  the  title  of  "  Entrata  della  reverenda  camera  apostolica  sotto  il  pon- 
tificato  di  N.  iSig'''^  Gregorio  XIII  fatto  nell'  anno  157(5;"  where  we  find  noted 
down,  with  great  exactness,  first,  the  rent  paid  by  each  farmer;  secondly,  that 
portion  of  it  which  was  alienated;  and  lastly,  the  residue.  With  this  account 
Leti's  statements  agree  exceedingly  ill.  According  to  him,  the  revenue  of  the 
Roman  custom-house  amounted  to  182,450  scudi,  whilst  in  fact  it  yielded  but 
133.000;  no  one  of  the  sums  he  mentions  is  correct.  Whence,  however,  did  he 
obtain  the  materials  of  his  account]  Some  authority  he  must  have  had.  We 
possess  another  account  of  the  year  1592,  two  years  after  the  death  of  Sixtus  V. 
Leti's  agrees  with  this  in  the  enumeration  of  almost  all  the  public  offices,  and 
their  order.  In  both,  for  instance,  we  find,  in  the  sarne  order,  "  Doganadi  Civita 
vecchia  1977  sc,  di  Narni  400,  di  Rieli  100,  gabella  del  studio  di  Roma  20,560, 
gabt-lla  dftl  quadrino  a  lihra  di  carne  di  Roma  20,335,"  &c.  But  what  an  entire 
confusion!  All  the  changes  in  these  offices  effected  by  Sixlus  V  were  already 
commenced,  and  ought  to  have  been  detailed.  The  complication  does  not  end 
here.  Probably  Leti  met  with  a  worthless  manuscript, — if  indeed  he  did  not 
introduce  certain  alterations  of  his  own;  at  any  rate  he  deviates  in  the  strangest 
manner  from  the  authentic  account.  The  "Salara  di  Roma"  brought  in  27,654 
sc;  he  gives  17,654;  "  tesoreria  e  salara  di  Romagna"  brought  in  71,395  sc; 
he  gives  "  tesoreria  e  salario  di  Romagna  1 1,395."  In  short,  of  no  single  year 
is  his  account  correct;  it  is  throughout  false  and  useless. 

3.  We  already  see  that  he  compiled  without  any  exercise  of  judgment  or 
criticism,  and  transcribed  hastily:  how,  moreover,  would  he  have  found  it  pos- 
sible, in  the  wandering  life  he  incessantly  led,  to  compose  so  many  works  entirely 
by  his  own  labor"?     Tne  question,  therefore  is,  whence  he  derived  his  materials. 

A  manuscript  in  the  Corsini  Library  at  Rome,  "  Detti  e  fatti  di  papa  vSisto 
v.,"  gives  us  ample  details  concerning  the  life  of  Sixtus. 

Tlie  first  glance  shows  that  this  is  substantially  Leti's  work.  Let  us  compare 
the  first  passage  we  open  upon. 

E.  G.  the  Corsini  MS.  says;  "  II  genitore  di  Sisto  V  si  chiamava  Francesco 
Peretti,  nato  nel  castello  di  Farnese,  di  dove  fu  costretto  non  so  per  qual  acei- 
dente  partire,  onde  s'  incamino  per  trovare  la  sua  fortuna  altrove:  et  essendo 
povero  e  miserabile,  non  aveva  da  poter  vivere,  essendo  solito  sostentarsi  di 
quelloalla  giornato  guadagnava  grandemente  faticando,  econ  la  propria  industria 
viveva.     Partitosi  dunque  da  Farnese,  se  ne  audo  a  trovare  un  suo  zio." 

Leti  has  in  the  first  edition,  "  II  padre  di  Sisto  si  chiamava  Francesco  Peretti, 
nato  nel  castello  di  Farnese,  di  dove  fu  constretto  non  so  per  qual'  accidente  oc- 
corsoli  di  partirsi,  cio  che  fece  volentieri  per  cercarfortuna  altrove,  mentre  per  la 
poverta  della  sua  casa  non  haveva  di  che  vivere  se  non  di  quello  cho  lavorava 
con  le  proprie  mani  alia  giornata.  Partito  di  Farnese  la  raalina,  giunse  la  sera 
nelle  grolte  per  consigliarsi  con  un  suo  zio." 

It  is  plain  this  is  the  same  account,  with  a  slight  difference  in  the  language 
and  expression. 

At  limes  we  find  small  interpolations  by  Leti;  but  the  manuscript  and  the 
printed  w  irk  coincide  entirely  in  the  next  sentence. 

And  if  we  inquire  into  the  origin  of  the  additions  with  which  Leti  has  dressed 
op  the  account  of  the  concl.ive,  we  find  that  they  too  are  taken  from  this  MS. 
The  above  quoted  paragraph  of  Leti's  runs  in  the  MS.  in  the  following  manner: 
"  Montalto  se  ne  stava  tulto  lasso  con  la  corona  in  mano  et  in  una  piccolissima 


LETI.  327 

cella  abandonato  da  ogn'  iino,  e  se  pure  andava  in  qualclie  parte,  come  acelehrar 
messa,  o  nello  scriitinio  della  capella,  se  ne  andava,"  &c.  It  is  plain  that  Leti 
made  but  few  alterations. 

One  more  passaije  I  will  quote,  on  account  of  the  importance  of  the  subject. 
The  MS.  says,  "  Prima  di  coininciarsi  il  Montalto,  che  stava  appresso  al  card' 
di  San  Sislo  per  non  perderlo  delia  vista  o  perohe  non  fosse  subornato  da  allri 
porporati,  gli  disss  alle  orecchie  queste  parole:  Faccia  instanza  V.  S'"'*  ill'"''  che 
lo  scrutinio  segua  senza  pregindicio  dell'  adoratione:  e  quesiofu  il  primo  atto  d' 
ambitione  che  mostro  esteriormente  Montalto.  Non  manco  il  card'di  San  Sisto 
di  far  cio:  perche  con  il  Oonelli  unitamenle  principio  ad  alzare  la  voce  due  o  tre 
volte  cosi:  Senza  pregiudicio  della  seguita  adorntione.  Queste  voci  atterrirono 
i  cardinali:  perche  fu  supposto  da  tutti  loro  che  dovesse  esser  eletto  per  adora- 
tione. II  card'  Montalto  gia  cominciava  a  levar  quelle  nebbie  di  fintioni  che 
avevano  tenuto  nascosto  per  lo  spatio  di  anni  14  1'  ambitione  grande  che  li  reg- 
nava  in  seno:  onde  impatiente  di  vedersi  nel  trono  papale,  quando  udi  leggere  la 
meta  e  piu  delli  voti  in  suo  favore,  tosto  allungo  il  colloe  si  alzo  in  piedi,  senza 
attendere  il  fine  del  scrutinio,  e  uscito  in  mezzo  di  quella  capella  gilto  verso  la 
porta  di  quella  il  bastoncello  die  portava  per  appoggiarsi,  ergendosi  tutto  driito 
in  tal  modo  che  pareva  due  palmi  piu  longo  del  solito.  E  quello  che  fu  piu. 
maraviglioso,"  &c. 

Compare  with  this  the  corresponding  passage  in  Leti,  I,  p.  412,  (edition  of 
1669):  "  Prima  di  cominciarsi  Montalto  si  calo  nell'  orecchia  di  San  Sisto,  e  gli 
disse:  Fate  instanza  che  lo  scrutinio  si  faccia  senza  pregiudicio  dell'  adoratione: 
che  fu  appunto  il  primo  atto  d'  ambitione  che  mostro  esteriormente  Montalto. 
Ne  San  Sisto  manco  di  farlo,  perche  insieme  con  Alessandrino  comincio  a  gridare 
due  o  tre  volte:  Senza  pregiudicio  dell'  adoratione.  Gia  cominciava  Montalto  a 
levar  quelle  nebbie  di  fintioni  che  havevano  tenuto  nascosto  per  piii  di  quindeci 
anni  1'  ambitione  grande  che  li  regnava  nel  cuore:  onde  impatiente  di  vedersi  nel 
trono  ponteficale,  non  si  tosto  intese  legger  piii  della  meta  de'  voti  in  suo  favore 
che  assicuratosi  del  ponteficato  si  levo  in  piede  e  senza  aspettare  il  fino  dello 
scrutinio  getto  nel  mezo  di  quella  sala  un  certo  bastoncino  che  portava  per  ap- 
poggiarsi, ergendosi  tutto  dritto  in  tal  modo  che  pareva  quasi  un  piede  piii  longo 
di  quel  ch'  era  prima:  ma  quello  che  fu  piii  maraviglioso,"  &c.:  we  find  that, 
excepting  a  few  words,  the  description  is  the  same. 

Leti  on  one  occasion  gives  his  authority  for  his  narrative.  "  lo  ho  parlato  con 
un  Marchiano,  ch'  e  morto  venti"  (in  later  editions  "trenta")  "anni  sono,  et 
assai  caduco,  il  quale  non  aveva  altro  piacere  che  di  parlare  di  Sisto  V,  e  ne 
raccontava  tutte  le  particolarita."  In  the  first  place,  it  is  improbable  that  Leti, 
who  came  to  Rome  in  1644,  when  fourteen  years  old,  should  have  had  any 
intercourse  with  people  intimately  acquainted  with  Sixtus  V,  and  should  have 
drawn  many  materials  for  his  book  from  their  conversation;  but  this  is  also  a 
passage  taken  from  the  MS.:  "  Et  un  giorno  parlando  con  un  certo  uomo  dalla 
Marcha,  che  e  morto,  che  non  aveva  altro  piacere  che  di  parlare  di  Sisto  V." 
The  twenty  or  thirty  years  were  added  by  Leti  for  the  sake  of  a  greater  show  of 
probability. 

In  this  instance  also  Leti  appears  to  nie  to  have  met  with  a  bad  copy.  The 
MS.  has  in  the  very  beginning,  The  boy  was  often  obliged  to  watch  the  cattle 
during  the  night  in  the  open  fields;  "  in  campagna  aperta:"  Leti  has  instead,  "  in 
compagnia  d'un'  altro,"  which  looks  exactly  like  an  ill-corrected  mistake  of  the 
transcriber.  The  M.  A.  Selleri  in  Leti,  must  have  meant,  according  to  the  MS., 
M.  A.  Siliaci. 

In  one  word,  Leti's  Vita  di  Sisto  V  is  by  no  means  an  original  work.  It  is 
a  copy  of  an  Italian  MS.  which  fell  into  his  hands,  with  some  few  additions, 
and  thrown  into  a  somewhat  different  form. 

The  whole  question  therefore  is,  what  credit  this  MS.  deserves.  It  is  a  col- 
lection, made  after  a  lapse  of  a  tolerable  number  of  years,  of  anecdotes  of  a  most 
apocryphal  nature.  This  story  about  the  conclave  especially  deserves  no  credit. 
Sixtus  V  was  not  the  first  pope  of  whom  it  was  told;  the  same  thing  had  already 


326  LETI. 

Leti's  narrative.  In  ihe  second  part  of  the  book  (p.  289)  there  is  a  summary 
of  the  po[)e's  income  and  expenses,  which  has  found  a  certain  deoree  of  belief 
even  with  the  most  rational  and  instructed  people.  "  Rendite  ordiiiarie  c'havea 
la  sede  a|)ostolica  nel  tempo  che  Sisto  entrava  nel  pontificate."  We  ought  at 
least  to  be  able  to  place  reliance  on  his  fiprures. 

Nevertheless  we  directly  perceive  that  in  this  instance  affairs  do  not  stand  as 
Leti  alleores.  When  Sixlus  V  be^an  his  reiorn  in  April  1585,  the  contracts  were 
still  valid,  which,  in  August  1576,  Gregory  XIII  had  entered  into  for  nine  years 
with  the  farmers  of  the  r(;venues.  Of  the  revenues  we  possess  an  authentic  ac- 
count, under  the  title  of  "  Entrata  della  reverenda  camera  apostolica  sotto  il  pon- 
tificato  di  N.  Sig'''^  Gregorio  XIII  faito  nell'  anno  1576;"  where  we  find  noted 
down,  with  great  exactness,  first,  the  rent  paid  by  each  farmer;  secondly,  that 
portion  of  it  which  was  alienated;  and  lastly,  the  residue.  With  this  account 
Leti's  statements  agree  exceedingly  ill.  According  to  him,  the  revenue  of  the 
Roman  custom-house  amounted  to  182,450  scudi,  whilst  in  fact  it  yielded  but 
133.000;  no  one  of  the  sums  he  mentions  is  correct.  Whence,  however,  did  he 
obtain  the  materials  of  his  account!  Some  authority  he  must  have  had.  We 
possess  another  account  of  the  year  1592,  two  years  after  the  death  of  Sixtns  V. 
Leti's  atrrees  with  this  in  the  enumeration  of  almost  all  the  public  offices,  and 
their  order.  In  both,  for  instance,  we  find,  in  the  same  order,  "  Doganadi  Civita 
vecchia  1977  sc,  di  Narni  400,  di  Rieti  100,  gabella  del  studio  di  Roma  20,560, 
gabf-lla  d(d  quadrino  a  libra  di  carne  di  Roma  20,335,"  &c.  But  what  an  entire 
confusion!  All  the  changes  in  these  offices  effected  by  Sixlus  V  were  already 
commenced,  and  ought  to  have  been  detailed.  The  complication  does  not  end 
here.  Probably  Leti  met  with  a  worthless  manuscript, — if  indeed  he  did  not 
introduce  certain  alterations  of  his  own;  at  any  rate  he  deviates  in  the  strangest 
manner  from  the  authentic  account.  The  "Salara  di  Roma"  brought  in  27,654 
sc;  he  orives  17,654:  "  tesoreria  e  salara  di  Romagna"  brought  in  71,395  sc; 
he  ijives  "  tesoreria  e  salario  di  Romagna  11,395."  In  short,  of  no  single  year 
is  his  account  correct;  it  is  throughout  false  and  useless. 

3.  We  already  see  that  he  compiled  without  any  exercise  of  judgment  oi 
criticism,  and  transcribed  hastily:  how,  moreover,  would  he  have  found  it  pos- 
sible, in  the  wandering  life  he  incessantly  led,  to  compose  so  many  works  entirely 
by  his  own  labor?     Ttie  question,  therefore  is,  whence  he  derived  his  materials. 

A  manuscript  in  the  Corsiui  Library  at  Rome,  "  Detti  e  fatli  di  papa  Sisto 
v.,"  gives  us  ample  details  concerning  the  life  of  Sixtus. 

The  first  glance  shows  that  this  is  substantially  Leti's  work.  Let  us  compare 
the  first  passage  we  open  upon. 

E.  G.  the  Corsini  MS.  says;  "  II  genitore  di  Sisto  V  si  chiamava  Francesco 
Peretti,  nato  nel  castello  di  Farnese,  di  dove  fu  costretto  non  so  per  qual  acci- 
dente  partire,  onde  s'  incamino  per  trovare  la  sua  fortuna  altrove:  et  essendo 
povero  e  miserabile,  non  aveva  da  poter  vivere,  essendo  solito  sostentarsi  di 
quelloalla  giornato  guadagnava  grandemente  faticando,  econ  la  propria  industria 
viveva.     Partitosi  duuque  da  Farnese,  se  ne  audo  a  trovare  nn  suo  zio." 

Leti  has  in  the  first  edition,  "  II  padre  di  Sisto  si  chiamava  Francesco  Peretti, 
nato  nel  castello  di  Farnese,  di  dove  fu  constretto  non  so  per  qual'  accidente  oc- 
corsoli  di  parlirsi,  cio  che  fece  volentieri  per  cercar  fortuna  altrove,  mentre  per  la 
poverta  della  sua  casa  non  haveva  di  che  vivere  se  non  di  quello  cho  lavorava 
con  le  proprie  mani  alia  giornata.  Partito  di  Farnese  la  matina,  giunse  la  sera 
nelle  grotte  per  consiglidrsi  con  un  suo  zio." 

It  is  plain  this  is  the  same  accoi.nt,  with  a  slight  difference  in  the  language 
and  expression. 

At  limes  we  find  small  interpolations  by  Leti;  but  the  manuscript  and  the 
printed  wirk  coincide  entirely  in  the  next  sentence. 

And  if  we  inquire  into  the  origin  of  the  additions  with  which  Leti  has  dressed 
np  the  account  of  the  conchive,  we  find  that  they  too  are  taken  from  this  MS. 
The  above  quoted  paragraph  of  Leti's  runs  in  the  MS.  in  the  following  manner: 
''  Montalto  se  ne  stava  tutto  lasso  con  la  corona  in  mano  et  in  una  piccolissima 


LET!.  327 

cella  abandonato  da  o(^n'  nno,  e  se  pure  andava  in  qualche  parte,  come  acelebrar 
messa,  o  nello  scnitinio  della  capella,  se  ne  andava,"  &c.  It  is  plain  that  Leti 
made  but  few  alterations. 

One  more  passaije  I  will  quote,  on  account  of  the  importance  of  the  subject. 
The  MS.  says,  "Prima  di  cominciarsi  il  Montalto,  che  stava  appresso  al  card' 
di  San  Sjsto  per  non  perderlo  della  vista  o  perohe  non  fosse  subornato  da  altri 
porporati,  orli  disse  alle  orecchie  queste  parole:  Faccia  insianza  V.  8"»  ill™  che 
lo  scrutinio  segua  senza  pregiiidicio  dell'  adoratione:  e  quesio  fu  il  primo  atto  d' 
ambitioiie  che  mostro  esteriormente  Montalto.  Non  maiico  il  card'di  San  Sisto 
di  far  cio:  perche  con  il  Bonelli  unitamente  prinoipio  ad  aizare  la  voce  due  o  tre 
volte  cosi:  Senza  pregiudicio  della  seiEfuita  ador  itione.  Queste  voci  atterrirono 
i  cardinali:  perche  fu  supposto  da  tulti  loro  che  dovesse  esser  eletto  per  adora- 
tione. II  card'  Montalto  gia  cominciava  a  levar  quelle  nebbie  di  fintioni  che 
avevano  tenuto  nascosto  per  lo  spatio  di  anni  14  V  ambitione  grande  che  li  reg- 
nava  in  seno:  onde  impatiente  di  vedersi  nel  trono  papale,  quando  udi  leggere  la 
meta  e  piu  delli  voti  in  suo  favore,  tosto  allungo  il  colloe  si  alzo  in  piedi,  senza 
attendere  il  fine  del  scrutinio,  e  uscito  in  mezzo  di  quella  cajjclla  gilto  verso  la 
porta  di  quella  il  bastoncello  che  porlava  per  appoggiarsi,  ergendosi  tutlo  driito 
in  tal  raodo  che  pareva  due  palmi  piu  longo  del  solito.  E  quello  che  fu  piu 
maraviglioso,"  &c. 

Compare  with  this  the  corresponding  passage  in  Leti,  I,  p.  412,  (edition  of 
1669):  "  Prima  di  cominciarsi  Montalto  si  calo  nell'  orecchia  di  San  Sisto,  e  gli 
disse:  Fate  instanza  che  lo  scrutinio  si  faccia  senza  pregiudicio  dell'  adoratione: 
che  fu  appunto  il  primo  atto  d'  ambitione  che  mostro  esteriormente  Montalto. 
Ne  San  Sisto  manco  di  farlo,  perche  insieme  con  Alessandrino  comincio  a  gridare 
due  o  tre  volte:  Senza  pregiudicio  dell'  adoratione.  Gia  cominciava  Montalto  a 
levar  quelle  nebbie  di  fintioni  che  havevano  tenuto  nascosto  per  piii  di  quindeci 
anni  1'  ambitione  grande  che  li  regnava  nel  cuore:  onde  impatiente  di  vedersi  nel 
trono  ponteficale,  non  si  tosto  intese  legger  piu  della  meta  de'  voti  in  suo  favore 
che  assicuratosi  del  ponleficato  si  levo  in  piede  e  senza  aspettare  il  fino  dello 
scrutinio  getto  nel  mezo  di  quella  sala  un  certo  bastoncino  che  portava  per  ap- 
poggiarsi, ergendosi  tutto  dritlo  in  tal  modo  che  pareva  quasi  un  piede  piii  longo 
di  quel  ch'  era  prima:  ma  quello  che  fu  piii  maraviglioso,"  &c.:  we  find  that, 
excepting  a  few  words,  the  description  is  the  same. 

Leti  on  one  occasion  gives  his  authority  for  his  narrative.  "Jo  ho  parlato  con 
un  Marchiano,  ch'  e  morto  venti"  (in  later  editions  "trenta")  "anni  sono,  et 
assai  caduco,  il  quale  non  aveva  altro  piacere  che  di  parlare  di  Sisto  V,  e  ne 
raccontava  tutte  le  particolarita."  In  the  first  place,  it  is  improbable  that  Leti, 
who  came  to  Rome  in  1644,  when  fourteen  years  old,  should  have  had  any 
intercourse  with  people  intimately  acquainted  with  Sixtus  V,  and  should  have 
drawn  many  materials  for  his  book  from  their  conversation;  but  this  is  also  a 
passage  taken  from  the  MS.:  "  Et  un  giorno  parlando  con  un  certo  uomo  dalla 
Marcha,  che  e  morto,  che  non  aveva  altro  piacere  che  di  parlare  di  Sisto  V." 
The  twenty  or  thirty  years  were  added  by  Leti  for  the  sake  of  a  greater  show  of 
probability. 

In  this  instance  also  Leti  appears  to  me  to  have  met  with  a  bad  cop3\  The 
MS.  has  in  the  very  beginning.  The  boy  was  often  obliged  to  watch  the  cattle 
during  the  night  in  the  open  fields;  "  in  campagna  aperta:"  Leti  has  instead,  "  in 
compagnia  d'un'  altro,"  which  looks  exactly  like  an  ill-corrected  mistake  of  the 
transcriber.  The  M.  A.  Selleri  in  Leti,  must  have  meant,  according  to  the  MS., 
M.  A.  Siliaci. 

In  one  word,  Leti's  Vita  di  Sisto  V  is  by  no  means  an  original  work.  It  is 
a  copy  of  an  Italian  MS.  which  fell  into  his  hands,  with  some  few  additions, 
and  thrown  into  a  somewhat  different  form. 

The  whole  question  therefore  is,  what  credit  this  MS.  deserves.  It  is  a  col- 
lection, made  after  a  lapse  of  a  tolerable  number  of  years,  of  anecdotes  of  a  most 
apocryphal  nature.  This  story  about  the  conclave  especially  deserves  no  credit. 
Sixtus  V  was  not  the  first  pope  of  whom  it  was  told;  the  same  thing  had  already 


328  TEMPESTI. 

been  said  of  Paul  III.  In  the  preface  to  the  Acta  Concilii  Tridentini,  1546,  from 
which  there  is  an  extract  in  Strobel's  Neue  Beitrjige,  V,  233,  it  is  related  of 
Paul  HI,  "  Mortuo  Clemente  valde  callide  primum  simulabat. .  . .  vix  prae  senio 
posse  suis  pedibus  consistere:  arridebat  omnibus,  laedebat  neminem,  suamque 
prorsus  voluntatera  ad  nutum  reliquorum  accommodabat: — ubi  se  jam  pontificem 
declaratum  sensit,  qui  antea  tarditatem,  morbum,  senium  et  quasi  formidolosum 
leporem  simulabat,  extemplo  tunc  est  factus  agilis,  validus,  imperiosus,  suam- 
que iiiauditam  ferociam  ....  ccepit  ostendere."  This  is  evidently  the  foundation 
of  the  story  told  in  our  MS.  and  repeated  by  Leti. 

Leti  has  not  only  omitted  to  examine  his  MS.  and  to  correct  the  errors  in  it, 
but  to  the  best  of  his  ability  has  rendered  it  still  more  mendacious. 

Nevertheless  he  met  with  the  greatest  approbation;  his  book  went  through 
edition  after  edition,  and  was  repeatedly  translated. 

It  is  striking  how  history,  when  resting  on  the  memory  of  men,  always 
touches  on  the  bounds  of  mythology.  The  delineations  of  character  become 
more  sharp  and  vigorous;  they  approach  in  some  respects  to  an  ideal  which  the 
imagination  can  lay  hold  of;  events  are  painted  in  a  more  marked  and  distinct 
manner;  accessory  circumstances  and  causes  are  forgotten  or  neglected.  By  such 
a  process  alone  do  the  demands  of  the  fancy  appear  capable  of  being  satisfied. 

At  a  later  period  comes  the  scholar,  who  wonders  how  such  false  notions 
could  ever  have  been  embraced,  does  his  best  to  uproot  errors,  and  at  last  finds 
out  that  this  task  is  not  so  easy.  The  reason  may  be  convinced,  but  the  imagi- 
nation is  not  to  be  subdued. 

Storia  della  vita  e  geste  di  papa  Sislo  V  sommo  pontefice,  scritta  dal  P'"«  Mt"  Casi- 
miro  Tempesti.     Roma,  1755. 

We  have  made  mention  of  the  moderate,  cheerful,  and  well-meaning  pope 
Lambertini,  Benedict  XIV:  his  pontificate  is  likewise  distinguished  by  having 
produced  almost  all  the  useful  and  valuable  works  upon  the  domestic  history  of 
the  papacy.  During  his  reign  were  printed  the  Annals  of  Maffei;  Bromato 
made  his  collection  of  papers  and  documents  relating  to  Paul  IV;  the  biographies 
of  Marcellus  II  and  Benedict  XIII  were  composed  at  this  period;  Casimiro 
Tempesti  also,  a  Franciscan  like  Sixtus  V,  undertook  to  refute  Gregorio  Leti. 

No  kind  of  restraint  was  imposed  upon  him  in  the  execution  of  this  work. 
He  searched  through  the  Roman  libraries,  and  found  the  most  excellent  mate- 
rials; biographies,  correspondences,  memoranda  of  various  kinds,  which  he  wove 
into  his  book.  Perhaps  the  most  important  of  these  documents  was  the  corres- 
pondence of  the  nuncio  to  France,  Morosini,  which  fills  up  a  great  portion  of 
his  work.  He  generally  introduced  the  originals  into  his  text,  with  slight  alte- 
rations. 

There  are  but  two  remarks  to  be  made. 

On  some  occasions  he  places  himself  in  a  singular  relation  to  the  authors 
from  whom  he  quotes.  He  trusts  them,  copies  them,  but  he  is  persuaded  that 
the  pope  must  liave  quarrelled  with,  and  ofi'ended  them;  as  soon  as  they  begin 
to  find  fault,  he  deserts  them,  and  labors  to  give  another  explanation  of  those 
actions  of  his  hero  which  they  call  in  question. 

Sometimes  however  he  deviates  from  his  authorities,  either  because  he  does 
not  find  them  sufficiently  zealous  partisans  of  the  church,  or  because  he  does  not 
clearly  comprehend  the  matter  in  hand.  We  have  an  example  in  his  account  of 
the  Miihlhausen  aff"air  in  1587.  The  MS.  designated  by  Tempesti  as  "  Anony- 
mo  Capitolino,"  directly  copied  by  him  in  many  passages,  relates  the  aff'airvery 
clearly;  let  us  see  what  use  he  makes  of  it.  The  contest  which  broke  out  at 
Miihlhausen,  according  to  Laufer,  Helv.  Geschichte  XI  10,  "  on  account  of  a 
little  wood  which  was  valued  at  barely  twelve  crowns,"  is  very  suitably  noticed 
by  the  "Anonymo"  with  the  words  "in  non  so  che  causa."  Tempesti  turns 
this  into  "in  urgente  lor  emergenza."  The  inhabitants  of  Miihlhausen  impri- 
soned some  of  tlie  members  of  their  senate,  "  carcerarono  parecchi  del  suo 


MEMORIE  AUTOGRAFE  DI  PAPA  SISTO  V.  329 

senato;"  Tempesti  merely  says  "  carcerati  alcuni,"  without  remarking  that  they 
belonged  to  the  senate.  It  was  feared  that  the  inhabitants  of  Miihlhansen  would 
throw  themselves  on  the  protection  of  the  catholic  districts,  and  separate  from 
those  which  were  protestant:  "che  volesse  miitar  religione  e  protcttori,  passando 
all'  erotica  fede  con  raccomandarsi  alii  cantoni  cattolici,  siccome  allora  era  rac- 
comandata  alii  eretici;"  this  refers  to  the  fact,  that  Miihlhansen,  on  first  joining 
the  Swiss  confederation,  was  not  acknowledged  by  Uri,  Schwyz,  Lucern,  and 
Unterwalden;  as,  at  a  subsequent  period,  when  these  cantons  sided  with  the  re- 
formed church,  they  refused  to  grant  it  their  protection.  (Glutz  Blotzheim 
Continuation  of  Muller's  Schweizergeschichte,  p.  373.)  Tempesti  has  no  sus- 
picion of  this  peculiar  relation  of  the  parties.  He  says  very  concisely;  "Ilipu- 
tarono  che  i  Milausini  volessero  dichiararsi  cattolici."  Thus  he  continues,  even 
where  the  writer  shows,  by  using  inverted  commas,  that  he  quotes  the  words 
of  others.  The  Anonymo  Capitolino  says,  that  pope  Sixtus  was  on  the  point  of 
despatching  100,000  sc.  into  Switzerland,  for  the  furtherance  of  this  secession, 
when  he  learnt  that  all  their  disputes  were  settled.  Tempesti  nevertheless  as- 
serts that  the  pope  did  send  the  money:  for  he  is  bent  upon  having  his  hero  ap- 
pear magnificent  and  liberal,  although  liberality  certainly  was  not  his  most 
shining  quality. 

I  will  not  accumulate  examples.  I  have  found  his  mode  of  proceeding  the 
same,  wherever  I  have  compared  him  with  his  originals.  He  is  industrious, 
exact,  furnished  with  sufficient  knowledge,  but  narrow  in  his  views,  dry  and 
monotonous,  and  without  actual  insight  into  things;  his  collections  are  not  of  a 
nature  to  enable  us  to  dispense  with  the  originals.  His  work  was  not  fitted  to 
counteract  the  impression  made  by  Leti's  book. 

n.  Manuscripts. 

Let  us  now  return  to  our  MSS.;  we  must  always  refer  to  them  for  any  precise 
information. 

We  next  meet  with  a  MS.  by  pope  Sixtus  himself;  remarks  written  down  in 
his  own  hand,  whilst  still  in  the  cloister. 

49. 
Memorie  autograft  di  papa  Sisto  V Bibl.  Chigi  'No.  HI,  70.     158  leaves. 

Found  in  a  loft  by  a  certain  Salvetti,  and  presented  to  Alexander  VII.  No 
doubt  whatever  can  be  entertained  of  its  authenticity. 

"  Questo  libro  sara  per  memoria  di  mie  poche  facenducce,  scritto  di  mia  pro- 
pria mano,  dove  cio  die  sara  scritto  a  laude  di  dio  sara  la  ignuda  verita,  e  cosi 
priego  creda  ogn'  uno  che  legge." 

In  the  first  place  it  contains  accounts,  one  leaf  of  which  is  certainly  missing, 
if  not  several. 

"  E  qui  sara  scritti,"  he  continues,  "  tutti  crediti,  debiti  et  ogn'  altra  mia  at- 
tione  di  momento.     E  cosi  sara  la  verita  come  qui  si  trovera  scritto." 

I  will  add  another  example  to  those  I  have  already  noticed  in  the  text. 

"  Andrea  del  Apiro,  frate  di  San  Francesco  conventuale,  venne  a  Venetia,  e 
nel  partirse  per  pagar  robe  comprate  per  suo  fratello,  qual  mi  disse  far  botega  in 
Apiro,  me  domando  in  prestito  denari,  e  li  prestai,  presente  fra  Girolamo  da 
Lunano  e  fra  Cornelia  da  Bologna,  fiorini  30,  e  mi  promise  renderli  a  Montalto 
in  mano  di  fra  Salvatore  per  tutto  il  mese  presente  d'Augusto,  come  appar  in  un 
scritto  da  sua  propria  mano  il  di  9  Agosto  1557,  quale  e  nella  mia  casetta." — 
(MS.  30.) 

Here  we  see  the  small  dealings  of  a  convent;  how  one  lends  money  to  the 
other,  how  the  borrower  supports  the  little  trade  of  his  brother,  and  how  others 
become  witnesses.     Fra  Salvatore  also  makes  his  appearance. 

Then  follows  a  catalogue  of  books.  "Inventarium  omnium  librorum  tarn 
seorsum  quam  simul  legatorum  quos  ego  Fr.  Felix  Ferettus  de  Monte  alto  emi 
VOL.  II. — 29 


330  MEMORIE  AUTOGRAFE  DI  PAPA  SISTO  V. 

et  de  licentia  superiorum  possideo.  Qui  seorsum  fuerit  legatus,  faciat  numerum 
qui  non  cum  aliis  minime."  I  am  now  sorry  that  I  made  no  notes  of  this  cata- 
lo(Tue;  it  appeared  to  me  to  be  very  insignificant. 

"At  p.  144  we  find, 

"  Memoria  degli  anni  che  andai  a  studio,  di  officii,  prediche  e  commissioni 
avute." 

I  will  give  this  complete,  although  Tempesti  has  several  extracts;  it  is  im- 
portant as  the  only  diary  of  a  pope  we  possess. 

"  Col  nome  di  dio  154011  df  1  settembre  di  mercoldi  intrai  a  studio  inFerrara, 
e  vi  finii  il  triennio  solto  il  rd°  m™  Bart"  dalla  Pergola.  Nel  43  fatto  il  capitolo 
in  Ancona  andai  a  studio  in  Bologna  sotto  il  r*"  maestro  Giovanni  da  Correggio: 
intrai  in  Bologna  il  di  S.  Jacobo  maggior  di  Luglio,  e  vi  stetti  fino  al  settembre 
del  44,  quando  il  costacciaro  mi  mando  baccellier  di  convento  in  Riniini  col 
rev""  regente  m''  Antonio  da  citta  di  Penna,  e  vi  finii  il  tempo  sino  al  capitolo  di 
Venezia^del  46.  Fatto  il  capitolo  andai  baccellier  di  convento  in  Siena  con  m™ 
Alexandre  da  Montefalco,  e  qui  finii  il  triennio  fino  al  capitolo  d'Assisi  del  49. 
Ma  il  costacciaro  mi  die'  la  licentia  del  magisterio  nel  48  a  22  Luglio,  e  quattro 
di  dopo  me  addottorai  a  Fermo.  Nel  capitolo  generale  di  Assisi  fui  fatto  regente 
di  Siena  1549  e  vi  finii  il  triennio,  fu  generale  mons"  Gia  .Tacobo  da  Montefalco. 
A  Napoli:  nel  capitolo  generale  di  Geneva  fui  fatto  regente  di  Napoli  1553  dal 
rev"'"  generale  m"'  Giulio  da  Piacenza  e  vi  finii  il  triennio.  A  Venezia:  nel  capi- 
tolo generale  di  Brescia  1556  fui  fatto  regente  di  Venczia,  e  vi  finii  il  triennio, 
e  1'  anno  primo  della  mia  regeria  fui  eletto  inquisitor  in  tutto  1'  ill""'  dominio 
1557  di  17  di  Gennaro.  Nel  capitolo  generale  di  Assisi  1559  eletto  generale 
m"  Giovan  Antonio  da  Cervia,  fui  confirmato  regente  et  inquisitore  in  Venezia 
come  di  sopra.  Per  la  morte  di  papa  Paolo  IV  1'  anno  detto  d'  Agosto  partii  da 
Venezia  per  visitare  li  miei  a  Montalto,  Inquisitore  apostolico:  mosso  da  gran 
tumulli;  il  22  di  Febbraro  1560  tornai  in  ufficio  col  brieve  di  Pio  IV  papa,  et  vi 
stetti  tutto  '1  Giugno,  e  me  chiamo  a  Roma:  il  di  18  Luglio  1560  fui  fatto  teo- 
logo  assistente  alia  inquisitione  di  Roma  e  giurai  1'  officio  in  mano  del  card' 
Alessandrino. 

"(Prediche.)  L' anno  1540  predicai,  ne  havevo  anchor  cantato  messa,  in 
Montepagano,  terra  di  Abruzzo.  L'  anno  1541  predicai  a  Voghiera,  villa  Ferra- 
rese,  menlre  ero  studente  in  Ferrara.  L' anno  1542  predicai  in  Grignano,  villa 
del  Polesine  di  Rovigo,  e  studiavo  in  Ferrara.  L'  anno  1543  predicai  alia  fratta 
di  Badenara,  (viveva  il  Diedo  e'l  Manfrone)  e  studiavo  in  Ferrara.  L'  anno 
1544  predicai  alia  Canda,  villa  della  Badia  e  studiavo  in  Bologna.  L'  anno  1545 
predicai  le  feste  in  Rimini  in  convento  nostro,  percheil  m""  di  studio  di  Bologna 
ne  preoccupo  la  predica  di  Monte  Scutulo,  et  ero  bacc°  di  convento  di  Rimini. 
L'anno  1546  predicai  a  Macerata  di  Montefellro  et  ero  bacc"  di  convento  di 
Rimini.  L'  anno  1547  predicai  a  S.  Geminiano  in  Toscana  et  ero  bacc"  di  con- 
vento a  Siena.  L'anno  1548  predicai  a  S.  Miniato  al  Tedesco  in  Toscana,  et 
ero  bacc°  di  Siena.  L'anno  1549  ])redicai  in  Ascoli  della  Marca,  partito  da 
Siena  per  1'  ingresso  de  Spagnoli  introdutti  da  Don  Diego  Mendozza.  L'  anno 
1550  predicai  a  Fano  et  ero  regente  a  Siena.  L'  anno  1551  predicai  nel  dome 
di  Camerino  condotto  dal  r"""  vescovo  et  ero  regente  a  Siena.  L'  anno  1552  pre- 
dicai a  Roma  in  S.  Apostoli,  e  Ire  ill'™  cardinali  me  intraltcnnero  in  Roma,  e 
lessi  tutto  r  anno  tre  di  della  settimana  la  pistola  a  Romani  di  S,  Paolo. — 
L'anno  1553  predicai  a  Genova,  e  vi  se  fece  il  capitolo  generale,  et  andai  re- 
gente a  Napoli.  L'anno  1554  predicai  a  Napoli  in  S.  Lorenzo,  e  vi  ero  regente, 
o  lessi  tutto  1'  anno  in  chiesa  1'  evangelio  di  S.  Giovanni.  L'  anno  1555  predicai 
nel  duonio  di  Perugia  ad  istanza  dell'  ill"'"  cardinale  della  Corgna.  L'anno 
1556  fu  chianrato  a  Roma  al  concilio  generale,  che  gia  principio  la  santita  di 
papa  Paulo  IV,  pero  non  predicai.  L'anno  1557  fu  eletto  inquisitor  di  Venezia 
e  del  dominio,  e  bisognandome  tre  di  della  settimana  seder  al  tribunale  non  pre- 
dicai ordin.iriamente,  ma  3  (?)  di  della  settimana  a  S.  Caterina  in  Venezia. — 
L'anno  1558  predicai  a  S.  Apostoli  di  Venezia  e  4  giorni  della  settimana  a  S, 
Caterina,  ancorche  exequisse  I'  cfticio  della  s'-''  inquis"^     L'  anno  1559  non  pre- 


VITA  SIXTI  V.  IPS.  MAN.  EMEND.  331 

(licai  salvo  tre  di  della  scttiinana  a  S.  Caterina  per  le  molte  occupationi  del  s. 
officio.  L'  anno  15G0  tornando  col  brieve  di  S.  SantiUi  a  Venezia  inquisitore 
tardi  predicai  solo  a  S.  Caterina  come  di  sopra. 

"  (Commissioni.)  L'  anno  1518  ebbi  da  rev™  m'''  Bartolommeo  da  Macerata, 
minisiro  della  Marca,  una  commissione  a  Fermo  per  liberar  di  pri^ione  del  S'' 
vicelegato  fra  Leonardo  della  Ripa:  lo  liberai  e  lo  condussi  in  Macerata.  L' 
anno  1549  ebbi  dal  sud"  R.  P'^  coinniissioni  in  tutta  la  custodia  di  Ascoli  da 
Febbraro  lino  a  pasqiia.  L'  anno  istcsso  dalT  istesso  ebbi  una  commissione  nel 
convento  di  Fabriano  e  vi  rimisi  Crate  FiVanorelista  dell'  istesso  luotro.  L'  anno 
1550  ebbi  dall'  istesso  padre  commissione  in  Senejraglia:  rimisi  fra  Nicolo  in 
casa  e  veddi  i  suoi  conti.  L'  anno  1551  ebbi  commissione  dal  r"'"  p™  gfenerale 
m'"'*  Gia  Jacobo  da  Montefalco  a  visitar  tutta  la  parte  de  Montefellro,  Cagli  et 
Urbino.  L'anno  1552  ebbi  dall'  ill™^  cardinale  protettor  commissione  sopra  una 
lite  esistente  tra  il  guardiano  fra  Tommaso  da  Piacenza  et  nn  fra  Francesco  da 
Osimo,  cbe  aveva  fatto  la  cocchina  in  Santo  Apostolo.  L'  istesso  anno  ebbi 
commission  dal  rev""  padre  generale  m"^^  Giulio  da  Piacenza  nel  convento  di 
Fermo,  e  privai  di  guardianato  m'''^  Domenico  da  Montesanto,  e  viddi  i  conti  del 
procuratore  fra  Ludovico  Pontano,  e  bandii  della  provincia  fra  Ciccone  da  Monte 
dell'  Olmo  per  aver  dalodelle  ferite  a  fra  Tommaso  dell'  istesso  luogo.  L'anno 
1555  ebbi  dal  sudetto  r"'"  generale  commissione  di  andar  in  Calabria  a  far  il 
ministro,  perche  avea  inteso  quello  esser  morto,  ma  cbiarito  quello  esser  vivo 
non  andai,  L'  anno  1557  ebbfcommissione  sopra  il  Gattolino  di  Capodistria, 
sopra  il  Garzoneo  da  Veglia  et  altre  assai  commissioni  di  fra  Giulio  di  Capo- 
distria. L'  anno  1559  fui  fatto  coinmissario  nella  provincia  di  S.  Antonio,  tenni 
il  capitolo  a  Bassano,  e  fu  cletto  ministro  m''°  Cornelio  Veneso.  L'  anno  1560 
fui  fatto  inquisitore  apostolico  in  tutto  il  dominio  Veneto,  e  dell'  istesso 
anno  fui  fatto  teologo  assistente  alia  inquisitione  di  Roma  il  di  IG  Luirlio 
1560. 

"Nel  capitolo  generale  di  Brescia  1556  fui  eletto  promotor  a  magisterii  con 
1' Andria  e  con  m'''  Giovanni  da  Bergamo,  et  otto  baccalaurei  da  noi  promossi 
furon  dottorati  dal  rev'""  generale  m™  Giulio  da  Piacenza,  cioe  Antonio  da  Mon- 
talcino,  Ottavianoda  Ravenna,  Bonaventurada  Gabiano,  Marc  Antonio  da  Lugo, 
Ottaviano  da  Napoli,  Antonio  Panzetta  da  Padova,  Ottaviano  da  Padova, 
Martiale  Calabrese.  Otto  altri  promossi  ma  non  adottoratti  da  s.  p.  r""':  Fran- 
cesco da  Sonnino,  Antonio  da  Urbino,  Nicolo  da  Montefalco,  Jacobo  Appugliese, 
Antonio  Bolletta  da  Firenze,  Constantino  da  Crema,  il  Piedmontese  et  il  Sico- 
lino.  lo  pero  con  1'  autorita  di  un  cavalier  di  S.  Pietro  da  Brescia  addottorai 
Antonio  da  Urbino,  il  Piedmontese  e  Constantino  da  Crema.  Di  Maggio  1558 
con  i'  autorita  del  cavalier  Centani  adottorai  in  Venezia  fra  Paolo  da  S.  Leo, 
frate  Andrea  d'  Arimino,  Giammatteo  da  Sassocorbaro  e  fra  Tironiuo  da  Lunano, 
tutti  miei  discepoli." 

50. 

De  vita  Siocti  V  ipsius  manu  emendata.     Bibl.  Altieri.     57  leaves. 

Only  a  copy  indeed,  but  the  mistakes  of  the  original  writer,  and  the  correc- 
tions by  the  pope,  are  faithfully  transcribed.  The  emendations  are  written  above 
the  words  which  are  run  through  with  the  pen. 

It  begins  with  the  poverty  of  the  parents  of  this  pope,  who  maintained  life 
"  alieni  parvique  agri  cultura;"  he  praises  the  Signora  Camilla  above  all  the 
family,  who  certainly  at  the  time  he  wrote  made  very  moderate  claims  to  notice: 
"  quaj  ita  se  intra  modestiae  atque  humilitatis  suae  fines  continuit  semper  ut  ex 
summa  et  celsissima  fortuna  fratris,  prater  innocentiae  atque  frugalitatis  famara 
et  in  relictis  sibi  a  familia  nepotibus  pie  ac  liberaliter  educandis  diligentife  lau- 
dem,  nihil  rnagnopere  cepisse  dici  possit."  Hedescribes  the  education  of  Sixtus, 
his  growing  up,  and  the  first  period  of  his  government.  He  is  remarkable  for 
extolling  the  Christian  tendency  prevailing  in  the  architecture  of  Rome. 

This  little  work  must  have  been  composed  about  1587.     The  author  had  the 


334  SIXTHS  V  FONT.  MAX. 

also,  Montalto  was  received,  only  in  consequence  of  the  express  recommenda- 
tion of  cardinal  Carpi,  who  sent  him  his  meals.  He  gave  him  his  support  in 
every  post,  and,  on  his  deathbed,  recommended  him  to  cardinal  Ghislieri. 

IX.  "  Iter  in  Hispaniam."  He  accompanied  Buoncompagno,  afterwards 
Greo"ory  XHI.  Even  at  that  time  there  was  a  bad  understanding  between  them. 
Montalto  was  obliged  at  times  to  travel  in  the  baggage  wagon.  "  Accidit  non- 
nunqnam  ut  quasi  per  injuriam  aut  necessitatem  jumento  destilutus  vchiculis 
quibns  impedimenta  comportabantur  deferri  necesse  fuerit."  Many  other  neglects 
followed  upon  this. 

X.  "  Post  honorifice  delatum  episcopatum  per  iniquorum  hominum  calum- 
nias  cardinalatus  Montalto  maturatur."  The  nephew  of  Pius  V  was  also 
against  him,  "  alium  veterem  contubernalem  evehendi  cupidus."  Amongst  other 
things  the  pope  was  told  that  four  carefully  closed  chests  had  been  taken  into 
Montalto's  own  room,  where  he  lived  in  the  greatest  luxury  and  magnificence. 
Pius  one  day  went  unexpectedly  to  the  cloister.  He  found  bare  walls,  and 
asked  at  last  what  was  in  the  chests,  which  were  still  there;  "  Books,  holy 
father,"  said  Montalto,  "  which  1  am  going  to  take  with  me  to  St.  Agatha," — 
his  bishopric — and  thereupon  opened  one.  Pius  was  highly  pleased,  and  shortly 
afterwards  named  him  cardinal. 

XI.  "  Montalti  dum  cardinalis  fuit  vita  et  mores."  Gregory  withdrew  his 
pension,  v^-hich  many  interpreted  as  a  sign  of  Montalto's  future  pontificate. 
"Levis  enim  aulicorum  quorundam  superstitio  diu  credidit,  pontificum  animis 
occultam  quandam  in  futuros  successores  obtrectationem  insidere." 

XII.  "  Francisci  Peretti  ceedes  incredibili  animi  sequitate  tolerata." 

XIII.  "  Pontifex  M.  magna  patrum  consensione  declaratur." 
Hereupon  follows  the  second  part. 

"  Hactenus  Sixti  vitam  per  tempera  digessimus:  jam  hinc  per  species  rerum 
et  capita,  ut  justa  hominis  sestimatio  cuique  in  promptu  sit,  exequar." 

We  find  but  three  chapters  of  this  part.  "  Gratia  in  benemeritos; — pietas  ia 
Franciscanorum  ordinem; — publica  securitas." 

This  last,  on  account  of  the  description  of  the  times  of  Gregory,  is  the  most 
important,  and,  since  I  did  not  take  a  copy  of  the  whole,  I  will  at  least  give  an 
extract: — 

"  Initio  quidem  nonnisi  qui  ob  caedes  et  latrocinia  proscripti  erant,  ut  vim 
magistratuum  effugerent,  genus  hoc  vitae  instituerant,  ut  aqua  et  igne  prohibiti 
latebris  silvarum  conditi  aviisque  montium  ferarum  ritu  vagantes  miseram  anxi- 
amque  vitam  furtis  propemodura  necessariis  sustentarent.  Verum  ubi  rapinse 
dulcedo  et  impunitse  nequitise  spes  alios  atque  alios  exlremae  improbitatis  homi- 
nes eodem  expulit,  coepit  quasi  legitimum  aliquod  vel  mercimonii  vel  artificii 
genus  latrocinium  frequentari.  Itaque  certis  sub  ducibus,  quos  facinoraetssevitia 
nobilitassent,  societates  proscriptorum  et  sicariorum  eid  vim,  csedes,  latrocinia 
coibant.  Eorum  duces  ex  audacia  vel  scelere  singulos  aestimabant:  facinoro- 
sissimi  et  sffivissima  ausi  maxime  extollebantur  ac  decurionum  centurionumque 
nominibus  militari  prope  more  donabantur.     Hi  agros  et  itinera  non  jam  vago 

maleficio  sed  justo  pene  imperio  infesta  habebant Denique  operam  ad  cae- 

dem  inimcorum,  stupra  virginum  et  alia  a  quibns  mens  refugit,  factiosis  homini- 
bus  et  scelere  alieno  ad  suam  exsaturandam  libidinem  egentibus  presente  pretio 
locare:  eoque  res  jam  devenerat  ut  nemo  se  impune  peccare  posse  crederet  nisi 
cui  proscriptorum  aliquis  et  exulum  periculum  praestaret.  lis  fiebat  rebus  ut 
non  modo  improbi  ad  scelera,  verum  etiam  minime  mali  homines  ad  incolumi- 

tatem   ejusmodi   feras   bestias  sibi   necessarias   putarent Id   proceribus  et 

principibus  viris  perpetuo  palam  usurpari Et  vero  graves  Jacobo  Boncom- 

pagno  susceptcB  cum  primariis  viris  inimicitia?  ob  violatam  suarum  eedium  im- 
munitatem  diu  fortunam  concussere.  Procerum  plerique,  sive  quos  aes  alienum 
exhauserat,  sive  quorum  ambitio  et  luxus  supra  opes  erat,  sive  quos  odia  et 
ulciscendi  libido  ad  cruenta  ccnsilia  rejecerant,  non  modo  patrocinium  latronum 
suscipere,  sed  foedus  cum  illis  certis  conditionibus  sancire  ut  operam  illi  ad 
caedem  locarent  mercede  impunitatis  el  perfugii.     Quum  quo  quisque  sicariorum 


MEMORIE  DEL  PONTIPICATO  DI  SISTO  V.  335 

patrono  uteretur  notum  esset,  si  cui  quid  surreptum  autper  vim  ablatuin  foret,  ad 
patronum  deprecatorera  confugicbatur,  qui  scqiiestnim  siinulans,  iitrinque  raptor, 
turn  prajdae  partem  a  sicariis  turn  opera}  mercedem  a  siipplicibus,  aliquando 
recusantis  specie,  quod  ssvissimum  est  rapina;  genus,  extorquebat.  Nee  dcfuere 
qui  ultro  ad  versus  mercatores  atque  pecuniosos  corumque  filios,  agros  etiam  et 
bona  ex  destinato  immitterent,  iisque  deinde  redimendis  ad  seque  confugientibus 
operam  venderent,  casum  adeo  misorantes  ut  ex  animo  misereri  credi  possent. 
....Lites  sicariorum  arbitrio  privatis  intendebantur,  summittebantur  vi  adacti 

testes,  metu  alii  a  testimonio  dicendo  deterrebantur Per  urbes  factiones  ex- 

oriri,  distincta;  coma  et  capillitio,  ut  hi  in  la;vam,  illi  in  dexteram  partem  vel 
villos  alerent  comarum  vel  comam  a  fronte  demitterent.  Multi  ut  fidem  partium 
alicui  addictam  firmarent,  uxores  necabant,  ut  filias,  sorores,  aflines  eorum 
inter  quos  censeri  vellent  ducerent,  alii  consanguinearum  vires  clam  seu  palam 
trucidabant,  ut  illas  iis  quos  in  suas  partes  adlegerant  collocarent.  Vulgare  ea 
tempestate  fuit  ut  cuique  sive  forma  seu  opes  mulieris  cujuscunque  placuissent, 
earn  procerum  aliquo  iuterprete  vel  invitis  cognatis  uxorem  duceret:  neque 
raro  accidit  ut  prajdivites  nobilesque  homines  exulum  abjectissimis  et  rapto  vi- 
ventibus  grandi  cum  dote  filias collocare  vel  earum  indotatas  filias  ipsi  sibi  jusso 
matrimonio  jungere  cogerentur  . . .  Sceleratissimi  homines  tribunaliaconstituere, 
forum  indicere,  judicia  exercere,  sontes  apud  se  accusare,  testibus  urgere,  tor- 
mentis  veritatem  extorquere,  denique  solemni  formula  damnare;  alios  vero  a 
legitimis  magistratibus  in  vincula  conjectos,  causa  per  prurem  (procuratorem) 
apud  se  dicta,  absolvere,  eorum  accusatores  ac  judices  poena  talionis  condemnare. 
Coram  damnatos  prasens  poena  sequebatur:  si  quid  statutum  in  absentes  foret, 
tantisper  mora3  erat  dum  sceleris  ministri  interdum  cum  mandatis  perscriptis 
riteque  obsignatis  circummitterentur,  qui  per  veram  vim  agerent  quod  legum 

ludibrio  agebatur Dominos  et  reges   se  cujus   collibuisset  provinciaj,  ne 

solennibus   quidem  inaugurationum  parcentes,  dixere  multi   et  scripsere 

Non  semel  sacra  supellectile  e  templis  direpta,  augustissimam  et  sacratissimam 
eucharistiam  in  silvas  ac  latibula  asportarunt,  qua  ad  magica  flagitia  et  execra- 

menta  abuterentur Mollitudo  Gregoriani  imperii  malum  in  pejus  convertit. 

Sicariorum  multitude  infinita,  qua?  facile  ex  rapto  cupiditatibusconnivenfium  vel 
in  speciem  tantum  irascentium  ministrorum  largitiones  sufliceret.  Publica  fide 
securitas  vel  petentibus  concessa  vel  sponte  oblata:  arcibus,  oppidis,  militibus 
prajficiebantur.  Eos  velut  ab  egregio  facinore  reduces  multitude,  quocunque 
irent,  spectando  effusa  mirabatur,  laudabat " 

52. 
Memorie  del pnntificato  diSisto  V.     Jlltieri  XIV  a.  IVfol.     480  leaves. 

This  circumstantial  work  is  not  quite  new  and  unknown.  Tempesti  pos- 
sessed a  copy  taken  from  the  archives  of  the  capitol,  and  designates  the  Anony- 
mo  Capitol ino  as  the  author. 

Tempesti  however  is  very  unjust  towards  this  work.  He  copies  it  in  innu- 
merable passages,  and  yet,  in  the  general  review  at  the  beginning  of  his  history, 
denies  that  it  is  worthy  of  any  credit. 

Nevertheless  it  is  undoubtedly  the  best  work  upon  the  history  of  Sixtus  V. 

The  author  had  the  most  important  documents  in  his  possession.  This  may 
be  seen  from  his  narrative;  he  likewise  says  himself  (e.  g.  as  regards  German 
affairs)  "  mi  risolvo  di  narrar  minutamente  quanto  ne  trove  in  lettere  e  relation! 
autentiche." 

He  has  the  most  minute  accounts  of  the  financial  arrangements  of  Sixtus  V, 
and  follows  them  step  by  step.  Yet  he  proceeds  with  much  discretion.  "  Gli 
venivano,"  says  he,  "  proposte  inventioni  stravagantissime  ed  horrende,  matulte 
sotto  faccia  molto  humana  di  raccor  danari,  le  quali  per  esser  tali  non  ardisco  di 
mefter  in  carta  tutte,  ma  sole  alcune  poche  vedute  da  me  nolle  lettere  originali 
degl'  inventori." 

He  had  written  a  life  of  Gregory  XHI,  which  may  account  for  his  having 


336  SIXTI  V  VITA 

been  taken  for  Maffei,  although  I  find  no  other  reason  for  identifying  him  with 
that  Jesuit. 

It  is  a  pity  that  this  work  is  only  a  fragment.  The  earlier  events  are  wanting 
from  the  very  beginning.  They  were  written,  but  our  MS.,  at  any  rate,  breaks 
off  in  the  middle  of  a  sentence.  The  arrangements  made  in  the  first  years  of 
the  pope  are  next  specified,  but  the  writer  comes  no  lower  than  the  year  1587. 

The  first  deficiency  we  could  get  over,  as  we  have  so  much  other,  and  such 
good  information;  hut  the  want  of  later  particulars  is  extremely  vexatious.  It 
is  a  sort  of  European  history,  which  the  author  compiled  from  really  trustworthy 
accounts.  Concerning  the  year  1588,  the  Annus  climactericus  of  the  world,  we 
should  certainly  find  admirable  details  in  this  author. 

It  is  worth  remarking,  liow  reasonably  he  expresses  himself  in  the  beginning 
of  his  work: — 

"  Non  ho  lasciata  via  per  cui  potessi  trar  lume  di  vero  che  non  abbia  con 
molta  diligenza  et  arte  apertami  et  indefessamente  camminata,  come  si  vedranel 
racconto  che  faccio  delle  scritture  e  relationi  delle  quali  mi  son  servilo  nella  tes- 
situra di  questa  istoria.  Prego  dio,  autore  e  padre  d'  ogni  verita,  sisome  mi  ha 
dato  ferma  volonta  di  non  dir  mai  bugia  per  ingannare,  cosi  mi  conceda  lume  di 
non  dir  mai  il  falso  con  essere  ingannato." 

A-prayer  quite  worthy  of  an  historian. 

He  concludes  at  the  election  of  cardinals  in  1587,  with  the  words,  "E  le  spe- 
ranze  spesso  contrarie  alle  proprie  apparenze." 

I  have  made  use  of  a  great  number  of  his  facts,  after  comparing  them  with 
other  authorities;  to  insert  here  what  may  yet  remain  would  lead  too  far  for  a 
work  of  this  compass. 

53. 

Stxti  V  Ponfijicis  Maximi  vita  a  Guido  Gualterio  Sangenesino  descrtpta.     MS.  of 
Bibl.  Altieri.  VIII.  F.  \.     54  leaves. 

Tempesti  mentions  a  diary  kept  in  the  times  of  Sixtus  V  by  an  author  of  this 
name.  He  is  the  same  who  wrote  the  biography  before  us,  in  which  he  men- 
tions the  earlier  one.  He  had  been  especially  rewarded  by  Sixtus  for  his  ex- 
ertions. 

The  copy  at  the  Altieri  palace  is  very  authentic  and  perhaps  unique.  It  con- 
tains remarks  in  the  handwriting  of  the  author.  "  Me  puero  cum  in  patria  mea 
Sangeno,"  &c.,  says  he,  so  that  there  can  be  no  doubt. 

He  wrote  it  shortly  after  the  death  of  Sixtus,  in  the  earlier  times  of  Clement 
VIII,  whom  he  often  mentions.  He  mentions  the  news  of  the  conversion  of 
Henry  IV  to  Catholicism,  as  arriving  whilst  he  was  writing,  so  that  we  may 
regard  the  year  1593  with  certainty  as  the  year  in  which  he  wrote. 

The  author  is  also  peculiarly  worthy  oif  credit.  He  was  nearly  connected 
with  the  family  of  Peretti;  Maria  Felice,  daughter  of  the  Signora  Camilla,  was 
educated  in  Sangeno;  the  wife  of  the  author  was  her  intimate  friend;  he  was 
himself  very  well  acquainted  with  Antonio  Bosio,  the  secretary  of  the  first  sup- 
porter of  Montalto,  cardinal  Carpi:  "  summa  mihi  cum  eo  necessitudo  interce- 
debat." 

He  was  thus  peculiarly  well  informed  of  the  earlier  events  of  the  life  of  the 
pope. 

He  devotes  to  them  the  first  portion  of  his  work. 

He  relates  how  Fra  Felice  first  became  acquainted  with  Pope  Paul  IV.  In 
a  fire  which  destroyed  a  church  of  the  minorites  in  the  March,  the  host  had 
escaped  untouched.  This  circumstance  was  thought  to  be  connected  with  some 
remarkable  causes;  at  any  rate  a  great  consultation  was  held,  at  which  the  car- 
dinals of  the  inquisition,  generals  of  religious  orders,  and  many  other  prelates 
were  present.  Cardinal  Carpi  brought  Montalto  with  him,  and  insisted  that  his 
favorite  had  also  the  right  to  utter  his  opinion.  Montalto  gave  one,  which  all 
agreed  was  the  best;  Carpi  left  the  assembly  extremely  pleased.     ''In  ejus  sen- 


A  GUIDO  GUALTERIO  DESCRIPTA.  337 

tentlam  ab  omnibus  itnm  est.  Surgens  cardinalis  Carpensis  dixit:  Probe  noram 
quem  virum  hue  adduxissein." 

The  description  of  his  Aristotelian  labors  is  remarkable. 

The  edition  of  Posius,  a  scholar  of  Montalto,  is  ascribed  by  Gualterius  directly 
to  the  latter.  "  Aristotelis  Averroisque  opera  ex  pluribus  antiquis  bibliothecis 
exemplaria  nactus  emendavit,  expurgavit,  aptoque  ordinc  in  tomos,  ut  vocant, 
undecim  digessit.  Mediam  et  niagnam  Averrois  in  libros  posteriorem  exposi- 
tionem  apta  distributione  Aristotelis  textui  accommodavit:  mediam  Averrois 
expositionem  in  7  metaphysicorum  libros  invenit,  exposuit  ejusdem  Averrois 
epitomata  qutesita  et  epistolas  suis  restituit  locis,  solutionibus  contradictionura 
a  doctissimo  Zunara  editis  "  (in  which  the  discrepancies  between  Aristotle  and 
Averroes  are  adjusted)  "centum  addidit." 

He  then  paints  the  character  of  his  hero:  "  Magnanimus  dignoscebatur,  ad 
iram  tamen  pronus.  Somni  potens:  cibi  parcissimus:  in  otic  nunquam  visus  nisi 
aut  de  studiis  aut  da  nogotiis  meditans." 

Thus  he  arrives  at  the  conclave.  Hereupon  he  begins  to  describe  the  deeds 
of  Sixtus  V  arranged  under  his  several  virtues;  "  Religio,  Pietas,  Justitia,  Forti- 
tude, Magnificentia,  Providentia." 

Strange  as  this  classification  is,  yet  a  number  of  beautiful  passages  occur. 

Gualterius  labors  industriously  to  defend  the  pope  from  the  accusations  made 
against  him  on  the  score  of  the  taxes  he  imposed.  We  ought,  however,  to  ob- 
serve the  manner.  "  Imprimis  ignorare  videntur,  pontificem  Romanum  non  in 
nostras  solum  facultates  sed  in  nos  etiam  ipsos  imperium  habere."  What  would 
the  present  age  say  to  such  a  statement  of  political  rights'? 

He  devotes  his  attention  principally  to  the  buildings  erected  by  Sixtus,  and 
his  remarks  are  most  interesting. 

He  describes  the  condition  of  the  old  Lateran.  "  Erat  aula  permagna  quam 
concilii  aulam  vocabant" — undoubtedly  on  account  of  the  councils  of  Lateran, 
down  to  the  time  of  Leo  X — "  erant  porticus  tractusque  cum  sacellis  nonnullis 
et  cubiculis  ab  aula  usque  ad  S.  Sabaj  quam  S.  Salvatoris  capellam  vocant. 
Erant  s.  scalarum  gradus  et  porticus  vetustissimae  e  qua  veteres  pontiflces,  qui 
Lateranum  incolebant,  populo  benedicebant.  /Edes  illce  veteres  maxima  populi 
veneratione  celebrari  solebant,  cum  in  illis  non  pauca  monumenta  esse  crederen- 
tur  Hierosolymis  usque  deportata.  Sed  fortasse  res  in  superstitionem  abierat: 
itaque  Sixtus,  justis  de  causis  utcredere  par  est,  servatis  quibusdam  probatioribus 
monumentis,  Sanctis  scalis  alio  translatis,  omnia  demolitus  est." 

We  perceive  the  author  yields,  but  is  sensible  how  wrongfully. 

No  less  remarkable  is  the  description  of  St.  Peter's,  such  as  it  was  at  that 
time  (1593):— 

"In  Vaticano  tholum  maximum  tholosque  minores  atque  adeo  sacellum  majus 
quod  majorem  capellam  vocant  aliaque  minora  sacella  at  eedificationem  totam 
novi  templi  Petro  Apostolo  dicati  penitus  absolvit.  At  plumbeis  tegere  laminis, 
ornamentaque  quae  animo  destinarat  adhibere,  templique  pavimenta  sternere  non 
potuit,  morte  sublatus.  At  quas  supersunt  Clemens  YIII  persecuturus  perfectu- 
rusque  creditur,  qui  tholum  ipsum  plumbeis  jam  contexit  laminis,  sanctissimae 
crucis  vexillum  aeneum  inauratum  imposuii,  templi  illius  pavimentum  jam  im- 
plevit,  ajquavit,  stravit  pulcherrime,  totique  templo  aptando  et  exornando  diligen- 
tissimam  dat  operam:  cum  vero  ex  Michaelis  Angeli  forma  erit  absolutum,  anti- 
quitatem  omnem  cito  snperabit." 

We  perceive  that  still  nothing  was  in  view  but  to  execute  the  plan  of  Michael 
Angelo,  and  it  seems  as  if  all  had  been  already  completed  ("penitus  absolvit"). 

We  had  above  a  remarkable  notice  of  the  colossal  statues.  I  will  here  add 
another. 

The  author  speaks  of  the  piazza  on  the  monte  Quirinale.  He  says  of  the 
improvements  executed  there  by  Sixtus  V:  "  Ornavit  perenni  fonte  et  marmoreis 
Praxitelis  et  Pliidiae  equis,  quos  vetustate  cum  eorum  rectoribus  deformatos  una 
cum  basi  marmorea  in  pristinam  formam  concinnavit  et  e  vetere  sede  ante  Con- 
stantini  thermas  in  alteram  areaj  partem  prope  S.  Pauli  raonachorum  asdes  trans- 


338  RELATIONE  AL  PAPA  SISTO  V. 

tulit."  In  older  copies  also,  one  of  which  is  repeated  by  Meier,  (see  Gesch.  der 
Kunst  ii,  299,  and  copies  annexed,  plate  xv,)  the  colossal  statues  appear  under 
a  very  mutilated  form;  much  as  the  Venetian  ambassadors  described  them,  (see 
p.  15.)     It  is  clear  that  their  present  form  was  first  given  them  under  Sixtus  V. 

54. 

Galesini  Vila  Sixti  V.     Vatic.  5438.   (122  leaves.') 

This  manuscript  has  no  particular  title,  but  has  the  following  dedication  on 
the  first  leaf:  — 

"  Saiictissimo  patri  Sixto  V,  pontifici  maximo,  vigilantissimo  ecclesiae  Dei 
pastori,  providentissimo  principi,  sapientissimo  universa;  reipublicas  christianae 
moderator!  et  rectori,  commentarium  hoc  de  vita  rebusque  ab  eo  in  singulos 
annos  diesque  publice  et  pontificie  actis  gestisque  distribute  ac  luculenter  scrip- 
tum  Petrus  Galesinus  magno  et  summo  benignissimoque  patrono  singularis  in 
ilium  pietatis  atque  observantia;  ergo  in  perpetuum  dicavit." 

These  words  show  clearly  that  we  have  before  us  rather  a  panegyric  than  a 
biography. 

The  author  thinks  it  worthy  of  remark  that  Sixtus  was  the  fourth  child  born 
to  his  parents, — "sol  enim  quarto  die  creatus  est," — and  that  he  was  elected 
pope  on  the  day  of  the  founding  of  Rome. 

The  narrative  of  the  earlier  part  of  this  pope's  life  is  very  fragmentary.  It 
furnishes  another  proof  that  a  young  man  of  talents  attains  to  eminence  best 
under  poverty  and  severe  discipline:  "  Matris  metu,  cum  aliquid  mali  se  com- 
meruisse  videret,  in  omnes  partes  corporis  se  excitavit." 

His  labors  at  his  villa  are  mentioned:  "Opus  manu  faciebat,  ita  ut  vel  hortos 
coleret  vel  arbores  sereret,  aut  aliqua  ratione,  instar  diligentissimi  agricolae  egre- 
giae  insitionis  opera  consereret,  interlocaret." 

In  all  the  actions  of  this  pope,  the  strict  religious  spirit  by  which  he  was 
actuated  manifests  itself,  as  for  example  in  the  buildings  he  erected:  "  ut  urbis 
opera  et  idolatria;  simulacra,  inanis  et  falsae  glorioia?  insanarumque  superstitionum 
monumenta,  adhuc  in  urbe  jam  diu  nimis  inveterata  quadam  reruni  oliin  Roma- 
narum  a  christiano  cultu  abhorrentium  curiositate, ....  ad  Christiana;  pietatis 
ornamentum  pertraheret." 

The  origin  of  the  Lateran  palace.  "Pontifex  cum  vix  cubiculum  inveniret 
quo  se  reciperet,  continuo  jussit  aedes  pontificia  majestate  dignas  in  Laterano 
extrui:  valde  enim  absurdum  absonumque  duxit  basilicam  Lateranensem,  om- 
nium ecclesiarum  matrem,  proprium  pontificis  Romani  episcopatum,  ajdes  non 
habere  quae  cum  tanta  episcopatus  dignitate  convenirent." 

Generally,  he  thinks  that  Rome  was  very  religious.  "  Dat  magna  pietatis  et 
integritatis  indicia.  Clericorum  disciplina  fere  est  ad  pristinos  sanctissimos 
mores  restituta,  ratio  divini  cultus  administratioque  sacrarumaedium  ad  probatum 

veterem  morem  plane  perducta Ubique  in  ipsis  ecclesiis  genuflexiones:  ubi- 

que  in  omni  fere  urbis  regione  fideles  qui  sacra  ilia  sexta  feria"  (Good-Friday) 
"  infinitis  verberibus  miserandum  in  modum  propria  terga  ita  lacerabant  ut  san- 
guis in  terram  usque  defluxerit." 

55. 

Vita  Sixti  V anon y ma.      Vatic,  n,  5563. 

A  few  pages  concerning  the  youth  of  Sixtus  V.  The  name  of  Felix  was  given 
to  him  on  account  of  a  dream  of  his  father. 

56. 

Relatione  al  papa  Sisto  V.     41  leaves. 

This  is  written  by  a  member  of  the  curia,  who  did  not  visit  the  palace,  and 
learned  no  more  than  was  known  to  every  body:  it  was  originally  addressed  to 


LORENZO  PRIULI  REL.       1586.  339 

a  friend  who  desired  to  be  informed  of  the  actions  of  Sixtus  V,  and  afterwards 
to  the  pope  himself. 

In  works  like  the  present,  written  by  people  of  an  ordinary  stamp,  who  are 
only  raised  out  of  the  crowd  by  an  accident,  it  is  interesting  to  remark  the  great 
influence  of  a  government  upon  the  public  at  large. 

In  the  litUe  work  before  us,  written  throughout  in  the  high  orthodox  spirit, 
which  began  to  reign  at  the  end  of  the  16lh  century,  we  first  see  what  a  deep 
impression  was  produced  by  the  transformation  of  the  heathen  monuments  into 
Christian  ones. 

"  Le  croci  santissimc  in  cima  delle  guglie  e  le  statue  delli  prcncupi  apostolici 

sopra  le  colonne  scancellano  la  memoria  delle  antiche  idolatrie, come  anco 

che  la  croce  posta  in  manodella  statua  sopra  la  torre  di  Campidoglio  significante 
Roma  ci  mostra  che  hoggi  Roma  cioe  il  papa  non  opra  la  spada  per  soggiogare  il 
mondo  a  guisa  d'infideli  imperatori  Romani  ma  la  croce  per  salutifero  giorno 
deir  universe."  It  is  striking,  how  popular  were  these  notions  of  the  spiritual 
dominion  even  amongst  people  of  small  consideration.  The  author  denies  more- 
over that  the  pope,  as  some  say,  in  order  to  appear  very  wise, — "  per  esser  sa- 
vione," — thought  to  increase  his  importance  amongst  the  temporal  princes  by 
his  treasures;  these  he  did  not  need;  his  purpose  really  was,  to  reward  the  obe- 
dient princes,  and  to  chastise  the  disobedient  ones.  "Col  tesoro  castighera  i 
prencipi  ribelli  di  santa  chiesa  et  ajutera  i  prencipi  obbedienti  nelie  imprese  cat- 
toliche."  He  praises  Sixtus  for  having  excommunicated  Henry  IV.  "  Subito 
fatto  papa  ricorse  a  dio  per  ajuto,  e  poi  privo  del  regno  di  Navarra quelle  scelle- 

rato  re  eretico, e  con  queste  armi  spirituali  principalmente  i  papi  hanno 

disfatli  e  fatti  imperatori  e  re."  The  fact  that  the  priests  and  monks  were  to  be 
considered  as  a  kind  of  papal  troops,  is  here  for  once  acknowledged  by  an  organ 
of  Rome.  "  II  papa  tiene  grossi  presidii  in  tutti  regni,  che  sono  frati  monaci  e 
preti,  in  tanto  numero  e  cosi  bene  stipendiati  e  provisti  in  tempo  di  pace  e  di 

guerra. Nelle  cose  della  religione  vuole  esser  patrone  solo  et  assoluto, 

sicome  dio  vuole: e  beati  quel  populi  che  avranno   prencipi  obbedientis- 

simi. Se  i  prencipi  manterranno  il  pensiero  di  trattar  le   cose  delli  stati 

prima  con  li  sacerdoti  che  con  ilor  consiglieri  secolari,  credamiche  manterranno 
i  sudditi  obbedienti  e  fedeli."  All  the  assertions  of  the  politico-ecclesiastical 
doctrine  here  appear  in  a  popular  form.  But  what  is  this  temporal  authority  of 
the  pope  compared  with  the  power  he  possesses  in  exalting  a  poor  servant  of  God 
into  a  saint?  Our  author  cannot  sufficiently  praise  the  canonizations  renewed 
by  Sixtus  V.  "  A  maggior  gloria  di  dio,  ha  dedicato  alcuni  giorni  festivi  a  santi 
che  non  erano  nel  calendario,  si  per  dare  occasioni  a'  christiani  di  spendere  tanto 
pill  tempo  in  honor  di  dio  per  salute  delle  anime  loro  con  I'intercessione  de' 
santi  astenendosi  dell'  opere  servili,  si  perche  siano  onorati  gli  amici  di  dio." 
Amongst  other  motives  he  gives  the  following:  "  per  far  vedere  gli  infedeli  e 
falsi  christiani  che  solo  i  veri  servi  di  Christo  salvatore  fanno  camminare  i  zoppi, 
parlare  i  muti,  vedere  i  ciechi,  e  resuscitare  i  morti." 

57. 

Relatione  presentata  nelV  ecc™<>  coUegin  dal  cl"^"  Sis;^  Lorenzo  Priuli,  ritornaio  di 
Roma,  158G.     2  Luglio. 

From  the  Roman  documents  we  pass  to  the  Venetian. 

Lorenzo  Priuli  lived  during  the  latter  years  of  Gregory  XIII  and  the  earlier 
ones  of  Sixtus  V;  he  is  full  of  the  contrasts  they  present. 

We  must  not  suffer  ourselves  to  be  carried  away  by  him.  The  early  times  of 
a  pope  were  always  more  favorably  regarded  than  the  later;  either  because  with 
increasing  years  tlie  talents  of  a  statesman  necessarily  decline,  or  because  we 
gradually  discover  in  every  one  much  which  we  could  wish  away. 

But  Priuli  is  not  unjust.  He  thinks  that  the  administration  of  Gregory  was 
very  useful  to  the  church.  "  Nella  bonta  della  vita,  nel  procurare  il  cuito  eccle- 
siastico,  I'osservanza  del  concilio,  la  residenzadei  vescovi,  nell'  eccellenza  della 


340   BADOER  REL.   1589.   DISPACCI  VENETI.   1573 — 1590. 

dottrina,  I'uno  legale  I'altro  teologicale,  si  possono  dire  assai  simili."  He 
praises  God  for  having  set  such  excellent  rulers  over  his  church. 

We  perceive  that  the  foreign  ambassadors  were  imbued  with  the  opinions 
prevalent  at  the  papal  court. 

Priuli  regards  the  election  of  Sixtus  V  as  throughout  miraculous, — as  an  im- 
mediate interposition  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  He  reminds  the  inhabitants  of  his 
native  town,  that  their  prosperity  had  arisen  from  their  good  understanding  with 
the  popes,  which  he  advises  them  to  maintain  above  all  things. 

58. 
Relatione  del  cl'"-o  sig^   Giov.  Gritli  ritornalo  ambasciutore  da  Roma  amto  1589. 

In  the  Venetian  archives  there  is  only  a  defective  copy. 

With  the  greatest  eagerness  I  opened  another,  which  I  found  in  the  Arabro- 
sian  Library  at  Milan;  but  it  contained  not  a  word  more  than  the  former. 

This  is  the  more  to  be  regretted,  as  the  author  sets  about  his  task  most  sys- 
temically.  He  purposes  treating,  first  of  the  ecclesiastical  government,  then  of 
the  person  of  the  pope,  whose  great  admirer  he  professes  to  be,  thirdly  of  the 
pope's  views,  lastly  of  the  cardinals  and  the  court. 

Nothing  remains  but  a  small  fragment  of  the  first  part.  The  MS.  breaks  off 
just  at  the  increase  of  the  revenues  under  Sixtus.  Nevertheless,  I  cannot  doubt 
that  the  work  was  completed.  What  we  possess,  is  at  any  rate,  no  sketch  of  a 
larger  work,  but  a  portion  of  a  complete  one. 

It  is  however  strange  that  there  should  be  only  a  defective  copy  in  the 
archives. 

59. 

Relatione  di  Roma  deW  ambasciatore  Badoer  A''"  relata  in  senato  anno  1589. 

This  report  is  wanting  in  the  Venetian  archives.  It  is  in  the  collection  of  the 
Quirini  family,  but  only  in  a  fragmentary  state. 

There  are  eight  leaves,  which  contain  nothing  but  a  few  notices  relative  to 
the  province. 

Badoer  remarks,  that  Venice  estranged  her  adherents  in  the  March,  by 
either  delivering  them  up  too  readily  to  the  pope,  or  putting  them  to  death  at 
his  request. 

The  increase  of  the  commerce  of  Ancona  had  been  talked  about,  but  the  am- 
bassador had  no  fears  that  it  would  injure  the  Venetians. 

"  Essendo  state  imposte  allora"  (on  his  journey  home,)  "da  Sisto  V  doi  per 
cento  sopra  tutte  le  mercantie,  le  quali  a  querelle  d'Anconitani  furono  poi  levate, 
non  era  gionta  in  14  mesi  alcuna  nave  in  quel  porto." 

We  see  that  the  two  imposts  laid  on  by  Gregory  and  Sixtus  V,  though  after- 
wards abolished,  still,  from  the  uncertainty  to  which  the  merchants  suddenly 
found  themselves  exposed,  powerfully  contributed  to  the  ruin  of  the  trade  of 
Ancona.  At  that  time  the  principal  trade  was  in  camlet  and  fur,  yet  the  Jews 
found  no  fitting  opportunity  for  an  exchange  in  cloths  or  other  goods.  The 
customs  were  farmed  for  only  14,000  scudi,  and  even  this  sum  was  never  col- 
lected. 

Badoer  wishes  besides,  that  the  example  of  Spain  should  be  followed,  and 
those  friends  who  were  in  the  March  be  salaried.  He  breaks  off  just  as  he  is 
about  to  name  these  friends. 

60. 

Dispacci  Veneti  1573 — 1590. 

No  one  would  believe,  that  with  such  a  profusion  of  documents,  any  want  of 
information  could  be  felt.  Nevertheless,  this  had  very  nearly  been  the  case. 
We  see  what  an  evil  star  ruled  over  the  fate  of  the  Venetian  reports:  the  Roman 


DISPACCI  VENETI.      1573  — 1590.  341 

records  illustrate  only  the  early  times  of  the  pontificate  of  Sixtus  V  with  any 
minuteness;  as  regards  the  later  years — which  constitute  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant epochs — I  should  have  found  myself  reduced  to  rely  upon  Tempesti, 
had  not  the  dispatches  of  the  Venetian  ambassadors  come  to  my  assistance. 

When  in  Vienna,  I  had  already  copied  the  whole  series  of  Venetian  des- 
patches from  1573  to  1590,  preserved  there  in  the  archives,  partly  in  authentic 
copies,  partly  in  rubricaries  drawn  up  for  the  use  of  the  government. 

There  is  certainly  some  difficulty  in  mastering  the  first;  a  monthly  part  some- 
times contains  100  leaves;  they  have  been  injured  by  transport  at  sea,  crumble 
away  on  being  opened,  and  a  disagreeable  dust  affects  the  breath.  Tlie  rubri- 
caries are  more  easy  to  deal  with,  they  are  guarded  by  binding,  and  the  abrido-e- 
ment  facilitates  the  separation  of  whatever  is  essential  from  the  thousand  insio-- 
nificant  transactions  likely  to  occur  between  two  Italian  states  and  unworthy  of 
reproduction  in  a  historical  form. 

Amongst  them  we  find  the  despatches  of  Paolo  Tiepolo,  down  to  1576,  of 
Antonio  Tiepolo  to  1578,  of  Zuanne  Correr  to  1581,  of  Lunardo  Donato  to  1583, 
of  Lorenzo  Priuli  to  1586,  of  Zuanne  Gritti  to  1589,  and  of  Alberto  Badoer  to 
1591. 

By  the  side  of  these  regular  ambassadors,  appear  at  times  envoys-extraordi- 
nary, such  as  Zuanne  Soranzo  from  October,  1581,  to  February,  1582,  sent  on 
account  of  the  differences  regarding  the  patriarchate  of  Aquileja.  The  embassy 
of  congratulation  in  the  year  1585  deputed  to  wait  on  Sixtus  V,  consisting  of 
M.  Ant.  Barbaro,  Giacomo  Foscarini,  Marino  Grimani  and  Lunardo  Donato, 
who  caused  their  common  report  to  be  drawn  up  by  the  secretary  Padavino: 
and  lastly,  Lunardo  Donato  sent  again  on  account  of  the  political  embarrass- 
ments of  1589.  The  despatches  of  Donato  are  by  far  the  most  important:  on 
this  occasion  the  relation  existing  between  the  republic  and  the  pope  assumed  a 
European  importance;  these  despatches  are  fortunately  extant  in  all  their  detail, 
under  the  title:  "  Registro  delle  lettere  dell'  ill'"^  signer  Lunardo  Donato  K' 
ambasciatore  straordinario  al  somrao  pontefice;  comincia  a  13  Ottobre,  1589,  e 
finisce  a  19  Decembre,  1589." 

But  even  this  mass  of  documents  is  not  our  only  source  of  information  as  to 
the  transactions  of  the  ambassadors.  There  existed  besides  a  private  and  con- 
fidential correspondence  on  their  part  with  the  council  of  Ten,  which  we  find 
very  neatly  written  on  parchment;  the  first  volume  bears  the  title,  "Libro  primo 
da  Roma;  secrelo  del  consiglio  di  X  sotto  il  serenissimo  D.  Aluise  Mocenigo 
inclito  duca  di  Venetia;"  the  succeeding  have  corresponding  titles. 

1  am  fully  aware  of  all  that  can  be  objected  to  the  use  of  diplomatic  des- 
patches. It  is  true,  that  they  are  written  under  the  impressien  of  the  moment; 
that  they  are  rarely  impartial,  frequently  turn  only  on  particular  circumstances, 
and  are  by  no  means  to  be  followed  implicitly.  But  let  any  one  name  the 
documents  which  can  be  received  without  some  grains  of  allowance.  At  any 
rate  the  ambassadors  lived  during  the  times  they  describe,  were  on  the  spot, 
and  bouud  to  observe:  and  they  must  have  been  wholly  devoid  of  understanding 
and  knowledge,  if  any  thing  like  a  comprehensive  perusal  of  their  reports  do  not 
inspire  a  vivid  feeling  of  reality,  and  as  it  were  make  us  present  to  the  scenes 
they  desribe. 

These  Venetians  moreover  were  very  experienced  and  very  able  men:  I  find 
their  writings  most  instructive.  But  how  far  would  it  carry  us,  were  I  to  give 
extracts  from  this  long  series  of  volumes? 

I  trust  my  readers  will  approve  my  adherence  to  the  rule  I  have  laid  down, 
of  avoiding  in  this  Appendix  extracts  from  despatches.  A  long  series  of  them 
could  alone  give  any  idea  of  their  contents. 

On  the  other  hand,  I  will  touch  upon  two  important   missions,  which  took 
place  in  the  time  of  Sixtus  V. 
VOL.  II.  —  30 


342  SPANNOCCHI, 


61. 


Relazione  aW  ilt'"">  e  rev^o  cardinale  Rusticucci  seg'^'o  di  N.  Sig''^  papa  Sisto  V 
delle  cose  di  Polonia  intorno  alia  reUgione  e  delle  azioni  del  cardinale  Bolognetto 
in  quaitro  anni  cli'  egli  e  stafo  nuniio  in  quella  provincia,  divisa  in  due  parti: 
nelta  prima  si  tratta  (?e'  danni  chef  anno  le  eresie  /n  tiitto  quel  regno, del  lermine 
in  che  si  trova  il  misero  stato  ecelesiastico,  e  delle  difficolta  e  speranze  che  si  pos- 
sono  avere  intorno  a  rimedii:  nella  seconda  si  narrano  li  modi  teoiuU  dal  cardi- 
nale Bolognetto  per  supcrare  quelle  difficolta,  et  il projitto  chefece,  et  il  suo  nego- 
ziare  in  tutto  il  tempo  della  sua  nuntiatura:  di  Huratia  Spannocchj,  gia  seg""  del 
detto  sig^^  card^"  Bolognetto. 

Spannocchi,  the  secretary  of  Bolognetto,  who  had  been  with  him  in  Poland, 
profited  by  the  leisure  of  a  winter's  residence  at  Bologna  to  compile  this  report, 
which  is  not  only  circumstantial,  but  extremely  instructive. 

It  first  describes  the  extraordinary  spread  of  protestantism  in  Poland:  "  non 
lasciando  pure  una  minima  citta  o  castello  libero."  As  may  be  imagined,  he 
ascribes  this  phenomenon  chiefly  to  temporal  considerations;  he  asserts  that  the 
nobility  fined  their  vassals  if  they  did  not  attend  the  protestant  churches. 

Moreover,  here,  as  in  the  rest  of  Europe,  a  state  of  indiflference  had  begun  to 
prevail:  "  La  differenza  d'  esser  cattolico  o  di  altra  setta  si  piglia  in  hurla  o  in 
riso,  come  cosa  di  pochissima  importanza." 

The  Germans,  who  settled  even  in  the  smallest  villages  and  there  married, 
had  a  great  share  in  the  diffusion  of  protestant  doctrines;  but  the  author  regard- 
ed as  far  more  dangerous  the  Italians,  who  averred  that  in  Italy,  under  the  cloak 
of  Catholicism,  doubts  were  entertained  even  of  the  immortality  of  the  soul; 
that  they  were  only  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to  declare  openly  against  the 
pope. 

He  next  describes  the  state  in  which  these  circumstances  had  placed  the 
clergy. 

"  Infiniti  d'  poveri  ecclesiastici  si  trovano  privi  degli  alimenti,  si  perche  i  pa- 
droni delle  ville,  eretici  per  il  piii,  se  non  tutti,  hanno  occupato  le  possession!  ed 
altri  beni  delle  chiese  o  per  ampliarne  il  proprio  patrimonio  o  per  gratificarne 
ministri  delle  lor  sette  ovvero  pe'  alienarne  in  varj  modi  a  persone  profane,  si 
ancora  perche  negano  di  pagar  le  decime,  quantunque  siano  loro  dovute,  oltre 
alle  leggi  divine  e  canoniche,  anco  per  constituzione  particolare  di  quel  regno. — 
Onde  i  miseri  preti  in  molti  luoghi  non  avendo  con  che  sostentarsi  lasciavano 
le  chiese  in  abbandono.  La  terza  e  rispetto  alia  giurisdizione  ecclesiastica,  la 
quale  insieme  con  i  privilegj  del  clero  e  andata  mancando,  che  oggidi  altro  non 
si  fa  di  differenza  tra'  beni  sottopostialle  chiese  o  monaster]  e  gli  altri  di  persone 

profane,  le  citazioni  e  sentenze  per  niente lo  medesimo  ho  udito  da  princi- 

palissimi  senatori  che  vogliono  lasciarsi  tagliare  piii  presto  a  pezzi  che  accon- 
sentire  a  legge  alcuna  per  la  quale  si  debbano  pagar  le  decime  a  qualsivoglia 
cattolico  come  cosa  debita.  Fu  costituito  ne'  comizj  gia  sei  anni  sono  per  pub- 
blico  decreto  che  nessuno  potesse  esser  gravato  a  pagar  le  medesime  decime  da 
qualsivoglia  tribunale  ne  ecclesiastico  ne  secolare.  Tuttavia  perche  ne'  prossimi 
comizj  per  varj  impedimenti  non  si  fece  detta  composizione,  negano  sempre  di 
pagare,  ne  vogliono  i  capitani  de'  luoghi  eseguire  alcuna  sentenza  sopra  dette 
decime." 

He  thinks  it  very  difficult  for  a  nuncio  to  effect  anything.  It  would  be  im- 
possible to  introduce  the  inquisition,  or  even  stricter  laws  regarding  marriage; 
the  very  name  of  the  pope  was  hated;  the  clergy  held  themselves  bound  to  watch 
over  the  interests  of  the  country  against  the  court  of  Rome;  on  the  king  alone 
could  any  reliance  be  placed. 

The  Palatine  Radziwill  of  Wilna  had  presented  to  the  king  an  exhortation  to 
war  against  the  Turks,  composed  by  a  follower  of  Zwinglius.  The  author  re- 
commended the  Polish  nation  to  proceed  first  of  all  to  the  work  of  self-reforma- 
tion, and  to  destroy  the  images,  the  worship  of  which  he  regarded  as  idolatry. 
The  kinir  would  not  suffer  tliis  clause  to  stand.     He  wrote  with  his  own  hand 


RELATIONE  DI  POLONIA.       15S6.  343 

the  following  words  on  the  margin.  "  Praestat  hoc  omittere  quara  falso  impu- 
tare  et  oralionem  monitoriam  religionis  antiquissimae  sugillatione  infamem  red- 
dere.  O  utinam  faciant  novae  secta;  nos  tarn  diuturna  pace  florentes  atqiie  fecit 
sancta  religio  catholica  veros  secutores  suos."  A  declaration  upon  which  our 
Spannocchi  founds  great  hopes. 

He  next  passes  to  an  examination  of  the  undertakings  of  Bolognetto,  which 
he  reduces  under  seven  principal  heads: 

1.  Re-establishment  of  the  papal  authority; 

2.  Persecution  of  the  heretics; 

3.  Reform  of  the  clergy  ("  modi  per  moderare  la  licentiosa  vita  di  sacerdoti 

scandalosi"); 

4.  Re-establishment  of  divine  service; 

5.  Union  of  the  clergy: 

6.  Defence  of  their  rights; 

7.  Regard  to  the  whole  Christian  commonwealth. 

I  have  already  described  in  general  terms  the  efficiency  of  Bolognetto  as  re- 
gards these  designs.  I  subjoin,  as  an  example,  a  more  accurate  account  of  his 
share  in  the  English  negotiation. 

"La  reina  d'  Inghilterra  domandava  al  re  di  Polonio  un'  indulto  per  i  suoi 
mercanti  Inglesi  di  poter  portar  le  loro  mercanzie  e  vendere  per  tutto  il  regno 
liberamente,  dove  ora  non  possono  venderle  se  non  i  mercanti  del  regno  in  Dan- 
7ica,  domandando  insieme  che  fosse  loro  concesso  aprire  un  fondaco  pubblico  in 
Torogno,  ch'  e  il  piii  celebre  porto  della  Prussia  dopo  quello  di  Danzica,  e  di  la 
poi  portar  le  loro  mercanzie  eglino  stessi  a  tutte  le  fiere  che  si  fanno  per  la  Po- 
lonia,  dove  ncn  possono  portare  ordinariamente  se  non  mercanti  del  paese,  che 
per  il  pill  sono  o  Tedeschi  o  Pruteni  o  Italiani.  Domanda^^a  dunque  con  quest' 
occasione  quella  pretesa  reina  che  nel  decreto  di  tal  concessione  si  esprimesse, 
che  a  questi  suoi  mercanti  non  potesse  mai  esser  fatta  molestia  per  conto  di  reli- 
gione,  ma  che  potessero  esercitarla  liberamente  a  modo  loro  ovunque  andassero 
per  il  regno.  Piaceva  questo  partito  universalmente  a  tutta  la  nobiita  Polacca: 
solo  i  Danzicani  ostavanogagliardamente,  mostrando  che  da  questo  indulto  saria 
seguito  1'  ultimo  danno  al  porto  loro,  tanto  celebre  e  tanto  famoso  per  tutto  il 
mondo,  e  che  la  speranza  del  minor  prezzo  era  fallace  massimamente  perche  i 
mercanti  forastieri  quando  fossero  stati  in  possesso  di  poter  vendere  ad  arbitrio 
loro  e  poter  servar  la  mercanzia  loro  lungo  tempo  nelle  mani,  1'  avrebbon  ven- 
duta  molto  piu  cara  di  quello  che  la  vendono  oggi  i  mercanti  del  paese.  Tutta- 
via  il  contraccambio  che  offeriva  la  regina  a  mercanti  di  Polonia,  di  poter  fare  lo 
stesso  loro  in  Inghilrerra,  pareva  che  gia  havesse  persuaso  il  re  a  concedere  tutto 
quello  che  domandavano.  II  che  non  prima  venne  agli  orecchj  del  Bolognetto, 
che  ando  a  trovare  S.  M*\  e  con  efficacissime  ragioni  le  mostro  quanto  esorbi- 
tante  cosa  sarebbe  stata  che  avesse  concesso  per  publico  decreto  una  tanto  obbro- 
briosa  setta,  e  come  non  senza  nascosto  inganno  e  speranza  d'  importantissime 
consegiienze  quella  scellerata  donna  voleva  che  si  dichiarasse  cosi  per  decreto 
potersi  esercitar  la  setta  Anglicana  in  quel  regno,  dove  tutto  il  mondo  pur  troppo 
sa  che  si  permetta  il  credere  in  materia  di  religione  quel  che  place  a  cbi  si  sia: 
con  questd  ed  altre  efficacissime  ragioni  il  re  Stefano  rimase  talmente  persuaso 
che  promesse  non  voler  mai  far  menzione  alcuna  di  religione  in  qualunque  ac- 
cordo  avesse  fatto  con  quella  regina  o  suoi  mercanti." 

We  see  that  this  report  also  contains  matter  of  a  purely  political  kind. 

At  the  end  the  author  enters  upon  it  more  specially. 

He  represents  Poland  as  divided  by  manifold  factions — differences  at  once 
between  the  several  provinces,  and  between  the  clergy  and  laity  in  each;  be- 
tween the  senators  and  provincial  deputies;  between  the  old  high  aristocracy 
and  that  of  inferior  rank. 

According  to  Bolognetto,  the  high-chancellor  Zamoisky  possessed  enormous 
power;  all  appointments  depended  on  him,  especially  since  there  were  a  vice- 
chancellor  and  a  king's  secretary  entirely  in  his  interest:  ("  da  che  e  stato  fatto 


344  DISCORSO  DI  MINIJCCIO  MINUCCI.       1588. 

il  Baranosky  vicecancelliere  et  il  Tolisky  sogretario  del  re,  persone  poco  fa  in- 
cognite.") 

The  appointments  made  by  Stephen  Bathory  had  by  no  means  met  with  gene- 
ral approbation.  Attention  was  already  directed  to  his  successor  Sigismund, 
"  amatissimo  di  tutli  i  Polacchi." 

62. 

Discorso  del  molto  iUustre  e  rev^"  mons'^  Minuccio  Minucci  sopra  il  modo  di 
restituire  la  relia;ione  cattolica  in  Alemagna,     1588. 

A  very  important  document,  of  which  I  have  made  ample  use,  particularly  in 
vol.  i,  p.  381. 

Minucci  served  Gregory  long  in  Germany,  and  is  frequently  mentioned  in 
Maffei;  he  here  endeavors  to  explain  the  situation  of  things,  in  order,  as  he  says, 
that  Rome  might  learn  to  refuse  dangerous  remedies  to  tiie  patient. 

He  complains  at  setting  out,  that  so  little  trouble  was  taken  on  the  catholic 
side  to  gain  over  the  protestant  princes:  hereupon — for  his  mission  fell  in  the 
times  of  the  hot  and  as  yet  undecided  struggle — he  investigates  the  attacks  of 
the  protestants  upon  Catholicism:  "ho  pensato  di  raccontare  le  pratiche  che 
muovono  gli  eretici  ogni  di  per  far  seccare  o  svellere  tutta  la  radice  del  cattoli- 
cismo;"  and  finally  the  mode  in  which  they  were  to  be  encountered. 

He  proves  himself  unusually  versed  in  German  affairs;  yet  he  cannot  repress 
a  certain  astonishment,  whenever  he  compares  the  state  of  Germany,  such  as  it 
was,  with  the  peacefulness  and  order  of  Italy  or  Spain.  I  have  mentioned  the 
troubles  caused  by  Casimir  of  the  Palatinate.  It  is  curious  to  see  with  what 
astonishment  they  inspired  a  foreigner. 

"  II  Casimiro  dopo  aver  sprezzata  1'  autorita  dell'  imperatore  in  mille  cose,  ma 
principalmente  in  abbruciare  le  munitioni  presso  Spira,che  si  conducevano  in  Fian- 
dra  con  salvocondotto  imperiale,  dopo  aver  ofTeso  il  re  di  Spagna  non  solo  con  quell 
atto,  ma  anco  con  tanti  ajuti  dati  a  ribelli  suoi  di  Fiandra  e  con  1'  haver  concesso 
spatio  alii  medesimi  ribelli  Fiamenghi  peredificare  unacitta  (Franchendal)  nelli 
stati  suoi,  con  1'  haver  portati  tante  ruine  in  Francia,  tante  desolationi  in  Lorena 
hor  in  propria  persona,  bora  mandando  genti  sue,  con  1'  haver  fatlo  affronto  nota- 
bile  air  arciduca  Ferdinando  impedendo  il  card'  suo  figliuolo  con  minaccie  e  con 
viva  forza  nel  camino  di  Colonia,  con  1'  istesso  dichiarato  nemico  alia  casa  di 
Baviera,  e  passato  in  propria  persona  contra  1'  elettore  di  Colonia,  pur  se  ne  sta 
sicuro  in  un  stato  aperto  nel  mezzo  di  quelli  c'hanno  ricevute  da  lui  tante  ingiurie, 
ne  ha  fortezze  o  militia  che  li  dia  confidenza  ne  amici  o  parenti  che  siano  per 
soccorrerlo  e  difenderlo,  ma  gode  frutto  della  troppa  pazienza  de'cattolici,  cheli 
potriano  d'  improviso  et  a  mano  salva  portare  altre  tante  ruine  quante  egli  ha  tante 
volte  causate  nelli  stati  d'  allri,  purche  si  risolvessero  ethavessero  cuor  di  farlo." 


345 


SECTION  V. 

SECOND    EPOCH    OF    THE    ECCLESIASTICAL    RESTORATION. 


63. 

CONCLAVES. 


I  do  not  fear  being  called  to  account  for  omitting  to  register  here  every  fugitive 
pamphlet  and  every  insignificant  essay  which  I  have  met  with  in  the  course  of 
my  multifarious  researches;  on  the  contrary,  I  have  done  so  perhaps  too  often. 
Many  a  reader  who  may  have  given  me  his  attention  up  to  this  point,  will  per- 
haps be  wearied  and  disgusted  by  a  formless  mass  of  materials  in  which  differ- 
ent languages  are  mixed  up;  nevertheless  it  would  not  be  advisable  to  translate 
the  original  reports;  it  would  greatly  impair  their  usefulness  and  authenticity. 
Hence  I  do  not  venture  to  swell  this  appendix  from  my  collectanea  as  I  could. 

Of  the  conclaves,  for  instance,  I  will  only  give  a  summary  notice,  although 
there  are  a  great  number  of  MSS.  extant  relating  to  them. 

After  each  papal  election,  particularly  from  the  latter  half  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury to  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth,  a  report  of  it  appeared;  a  written  one 
only,  but  so  written  as  to  ensure  its  general  diffusion,  and  often  to  call  forth  coun- 
ter statements.  Occasionally  they  were  composed  by  certain  of  the  cardinals; 
generally  however  by  their  secretaries,  who  under  the  title  of  comlavisti  were 
present  at  the  conclaves,  and  acting  in  the  interest  of  their  masters  made  it  their 
peculiar  business  to  watch  the  course  of  the  various  intrigues;  an  occupation, 
which  on  account  of  the  decorum  exacted  by  their  dignity,  would  not  have  been 
so  easy  for  the  latter.  Sometimes  others  have  also  held  the  pen.  "  Con  quella 
maggior  diligenza  che  ho  potuto,"  says  the  author  of  the  Conclave  of  Gregory 
XIll.,  "  ho  raccolto  cosi  dalli  signori  conclavisti  come  da  cardinal!  che  sono  stati 
partecipi  del  negotio,  tutto  1'  ordine  e  la  verita  di  questo  conclave."  We  see  he 
was  not  present  himself.  Sometimes  the  accounts  are  in  the  form  of  diaries,  to 
which  we  have  had  access,  sometimes  of  letters,  sometimes  also  of  elaborate  narra- 
tives. Each  is  a  separate  and  independent  work;  tlie  universally  recognised  forms 
are  here  and  there  repeated.  Their  value  is  exceedingly  various,  as  may  be  sup- 
posed. Sometimes  everything  is  broken  up  into  scattered  details;  sometimes, 
though  seldom,  the  author  rises  to  an  actual  perception  of  the  mainsprings  of  the 
drama  he  describes; — nevertheless,  upon  the  whole,  we  may  meet  with  instruc- 
tion, if  we  only  take  courage  and  do  not  allow  ourselves  to  grow  weary. 

The  Marsand  catalogue  of  the  Paris  library  is  one  proof  amongst  others  of 
the  vast  number  of  works  of  this  nature.  They  have  likewise  found  their  way 
into  Germany.  The  33d,  35th,  and  several  other  volumes  of  the  Berlin  Infor- 
mationi,  contain  copies  in  the  greatest  abundance.  Job.  Gottfr.  Geissler,  in  his 
Programm  de  Bibliotheca  Milichiana,  iv,  Gorlitz,  1767,  mentions  those  accounts 
of  conclaves  which  we  find  in  the  32d,  33d,  and  34th  codices  of  the  collection 
of  that  place.  The  most  complete  list  I  am  acquainted  with,  is  in  Novaes'  In- 
troduzione  alle  vite  de'  sorami  pontefici,  1822,  i,  p.  272.     lie  had  access  to  the 

30* 


346  VITA  E  SUCCESSI 

library  of  the  Jesuits,  in  which  is  stored  up  a  tolerably  complete  collection  of 
these  productions. 

From  the  nature  of  the  case,  they  very  soon,  at  least  in  part,  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  public  in  another  way.  They  were  first  incorporated  in  the  his- 
tories of  the  papacy.  Although  not  the  whole  extent,  yet  the  beginning  and 
the  end  of  the  account  of  the  conclave  of  Pius  V  appears  in  the  history  of  Pan- 
vinius.  Those  of  the  conclaves  of  Gregory  XIII  and  Sixtus  V  have  been  trans- 
lated for  the  most  part  by  Cicarella;  the  last,  with  all  the  annotations  which 
appear  in  the  Italian.  The  passage  quoted  by  Schriickh  N.  Kirchengeschichte, 
iii,  288,  as  from  Cicarella,  is  word  for  worf^  from  the  Conclave.  Thuanus  has 
also  inserted  these  two  reports;  taken,  however,  as  soon  appears  upon  a  more 
accurate  comparison,  from  Cicarella,  not  from  the  originals  (lib.  83,  p.  27).  In 
the  Tesoro  politico  also,  this  account  of  the  latter  conclave  is  inserted,  but  very 
imperfectly,  and  in  hastily-made  extracts.  The  same  has  been  the  case  with 
the  other  reports. 

Gradually,  however,  though  not  till  the  seventeenth  century,  there  arose  some 
thoughts  of  collecting  these  accounts.  The  first  printed  one  bears  the  title, 
"  Conclavi  de'  pontefici  Romani  quali  si  sono  potuto  trovare  fin  a  questo  giorno," 
1667.  It  begins  with  Clement  V,  after  which  there  is  a  chasm  to  the  times  of 
Urban  VI,  and  another  to  those  of  Nicholas  V;  it  then  continues  regularly  down 
to  Alexander  VII.  The  object  of  the  publication,  at  least  ostensibly,  was  to 
show  how  little  human  reason  could  do  against  the  guidance  of  heaven;  "  Si 

toccacon  mano  che  le  negotiationi  piu  secrete,  dissimulate  efaccorte per  opra 

arcana  del  cielo  svaniti  sortiscono  fini  tanto  difforuii."  This  however  was  not 
the  view  taken  by  the  rest  of  the  world,  who  eagerly  seized  upon  the  curious 
and  at  times  offensive  matter  contained  in  the  work.  A  French  edition  appeared 
at  Lyons;  and  as  this  was  soon  out  of  print,  an  impression,  revised  after  the 
original,  appeared  in  Holland,  dated  Cologne  1694,  not  as  Novaes  asserts,  1594. 
It  has  often  been  reprinted,  enriched  with  further  additions. 

In  this  manner  the  accounts  of  the  conclaves  have  suffered  many  alterations. 
If  we  compare  the  French  collection  with  the  originals,  it  is  on  the  whole  the 
same,  though  in  particular  passages  we  find  considerable  variations.  As  far  as 
lean  discover,  these  more  often  arise  from  misconception  than  from  intentional 
perversion. 

But  there  are  also  other  collections  which  have  not  been  printed.  I  possess 
one  myself,  which  at  once  supplies  the  deficiencies  left  by  the  printed  narratives, 
and  possesses  an  authenticity  at  least  as  undoubted  as  the  others.  For  any  de- 
tailed use  of  them,  an  examination  of  the  originals  is  certainly  always  to  be 
desired. 

64. 
Ftta  e  successi  del  cardi  di  Santaseverina. 

An  autobiography  of  this  distinguished  cardinal,  of  whom  mention  has  so 
often  necessnrily  been  made. 

It  is  somewhat  prolix,  and  trifling;  the  judgments  passed  upon  people  and 
the  remarks  on  events  are  entirely  colored  by  the  personal  disposition  of  the 
man;  still  the  work  contains  very  peculiar  and  characteristic  anecdotes. 

There  only  remains  to  give  here  verbatim  a  few  of  these,  to  which  I  occa- 
sionally refer  in  my  text. 

I.  Protestants  in  Naples. 

"  Crescendo  tuttavia  la  setta  de'  Lutherani  nel  regno  di  Napoli,  mi  armai 
contro  di  quella  spina  del  zelo  della  religione  cattolica:  e  con  ogni  mio  potere  e 
con  1'  autoritadel  officio,  con  le  prediche  publiche,  scritte  da  me  in  un  libro  detto 
Quadragesitnale,  e  con  le  dispute  publiche  e  private  in  ogni  occasione  e  con  1' 
oratione  cercai  d'  abbattere  et  esterminare  peste  si  crudele  da  i  nostri  paesi:  onde 


DEL  CAR'-  Dl  SANTASEVERINA.  347 

patii  acerbissima  persecutione  dagi'  cretici,  che  per  tutte  le  strade  cercavano  d' 
offendermi  e  d' ammazzarmi,  come  ne  hofatto  iin  libretto,  disintamenteintitolato: 
Persecutione  eccitatacoiitro  di  me  Giiilio  Antonio  Santorio  servo  di  Gesii  Cbristo 
per  la  verita  dclla  cattolica  fede.  Era  nel  nostro  giardino  in  un  cantone  una 
cappeiletta  con  1'  immagine  di  Maria  s""  con  il  bambino  in  braccio,  et  ivi  avanti 
era  nata  una  pianta  d'  olive,  che  assai  presto  con  maraviglia  d'  ogn'  uno  crebbe 
in  arbore  grande,  essendo  in  luogo  cliiuso  et  ombreggiato  da  alberi:  mi  ritiravo 
ivi  a  far  oratione  con  disciplinarmi  ogni  '  olta  che  dovevo  predicare  e  dispntare 
contro  Lutherani,  e  mi  sontivo  mirabilmente  infiammare  ed  avvalorare  senze 
tenia  di  male  alcuno  e  di  pericolo,  ancorche  di  sicuro  mi  fosse  minacciato  da 
quelli  inimici  della  croce,  e  sentivo  in  me  tanta  gioja  et  allegrezza  che  bramavo 

d'  essere  ucciso  per  la  fede  cattolica Intanto  vedendo  crescere  contro  di  me 

maggiormente  la  rabbia  di  quelli  eretici  quali  io  avevo  processati,  fui  coslretto 
nel  1563  al  fine  di  Agosto  o  principio  di  Settembre  passarmene  in  Napoli  alii 
servitii  d' Alfonso  Caraffa  caril'^  del  titolo  di  S.  Giovanni  e  Paolo  arcivescovo  di 
Napoli,  ove  servii  per  luogotenente  sotto  Luigi  Campagna  di  Rossano  vescovo 
di  Montepeloso,  che  esercitava  il  vicariato  in  Napoli:  e  poiche  egli  parti  per 
evitare  il  tumulto  popolare  concitato  contro  di  noi  per  1' abrugiamento  di  Gio. 
Bernardo  Gargano  e  di  Gio.  Francesco  d'  Aloys  detto  il  Caserta,  seguito  alia 
quattro  di  Marzo  di  sabbato  circa  le  20  hore,  rimasi  solo  nel  governo  di  detta 
chiesa:  ove  doppo  molti  pericoli  scorsi  e  doppo  molte  minacce,  sassi  et  archibu- 
giate  tirate,  mi  si  ordisce  una  congiura  molto  crudele  et  arrabbiata  da  Hortensio 
da  Batticchio  con  fra  FionoC?)  di  Terra  d'Otranto,  heretico  sacramentario  e  re- 
lapso  che  io  insieme  col  card'  di  Napoli  e  mons""  Campagna  1'  haveva  va  (ssi?) 
richiesto,  di  distillare  un  veleno  di  tanta  forza  che  poteva  infettare  1'  aria  per 
estinguere  papa  Pio  IV,  come  nemico  de'  Carafeschi:  e  non  dubitava  1'  heretico 
di  far  intendere  tutto  cio  al  pontefice  per  mezzo  del  signor  Pompeo  Colonna." 

II.   Gregory  XIII  and  Sixtus  V. 

"Appena  egli  credeva  di  morire  non  ostante  la  longa  eta,  essendo  sempre 
visuto  con  molta  moderatione  e  caminato  por  tutti  i  gradi  della  corte.  Dopoche 
lascio  la  lettura  di  Bologna,  venne  in  Roma,  fu  fatto  collaterale  di  Campidoglio, 
esercito  1'  ufRcio  di  luogotenente  di  mons"  auditore  della  camera,  fu  fatto  refer- 
endario,  e  la  prima  volta  che  propose  in  segnatura,  venne  meno:  onde  tutto  pieno 
di  vergogna  e  di  confusione  voleva  abbandonare  la  corte,  ma  fu  ritenuto  dal  card' 
Crescentio  a  non  partire.  Da  Giulio  III  nell'  auditorato  di  rota  li  fu  anteposto 
Palleotto:  onde  di  nuovo  confuse  di  doppio  scorno  determino  partirsi  di  Roma, 
ma  dall'  istesso  card'  Crescentio  fu  rincorato  e  trattenuto.  Fu  da  Paolo  IV  fatto 
vescovo  di  Vieste,  fu  fatto  consultore  del  sant'  officio,  fu  al  consilio  di  Trento  e 
da  Pio  IV  fu  fatto  card'"  e  mandato  in  Spagna  per  la  causa  Toletana:  e  dopo  la 
morte  della  santa  memoria  di  Pio  V  con  ammirabilconsenso  fu  assunto  al  ponti- 
ficato.  11  quale  visse  con  molta  carita,  liberalita  e  modestia,  e  saria  stato  am- 
mirabile  e  senza  pari,  se  in  lui  fossero  concorsi  valore  e  grandezza  d'  animo 
senza  1'  affetto  del  figlio,  che  oscuro  in  gran  parte  tutte  le  attioni  dignissime  di 
carita  che  egli  uso  verso  li  stranieri  e  verso  tutte  le  nationi  che  varamente  padre 
di  tutti.  Dalli  signori  cardinal!  nepoti  S.  Sisto  e  Guastavillano  fu  fatto  subito 
intendere  la  sua  morte  al  sacro  coUegio,  e  doppo  celebrate  1'  esequie  e  tutte 
quelle  funtioni  che  porta  seco  la  sede  vacante,  s'  entro  in  conclave:  ove  fu  eletto 
papa  il  sig''  card'"  Montalto,  gia  nostro  collega  e  nella  causa  Toletana  e  nell' 
assuntione  al  cardinalato,  per  opera  speciale  del  sig""  card'  Alessandrino  e  sig'' 
card'  Rusticucci,  che  tirarono  in  favore  di  lui  il  sig''  card'  d'  Este  e  sig''  card'  de 
Medici,  con  non  poco  disgusto  del  sig''  card'  Farnese,  essendoli  mancato  di  porola 
il  sig''  card'  San  Sisto,  sul  quale  egli  haveva  fatto  molto  fondamento  per  ostare 
alii  suoi  emoli  e  nemici,  essendosi  adoprato  contro  di  lui  valorosamente  il  sig'' 
card'  Riario,  ma  con  pentimento  poi  grande,  non  havendo  trovato  quella  grati- 
tudine  che  egli  si  haveva  presupposta;  sicome  anco  intervenne  al  sig''  card'" 
Alessandrino,  che  tutto  festante  si  credeva  di  maneggiare  il  pontificate  a  modo 


348  VITA  E  SUCCESSI  DEL  CARD''  DI  SANTASEVERINA. 

suo:  escendendo  in  San  Pietro  lo  pregai  che  dovesse  far  officio  con  S.  B"^  in 
favore  di  mons''  Carlo  Broglia,  rettore  del  colleglo  Greco,  per  un  beneficio  che 
egli  damandava:  mi  rispose  tutto  gralioso:  '  Non  diamo  fastidio  a  questo  povero 
vecchio,  perche  noi  saremo  infallibilmente  li  padroni:'  al  quale  sorridendo  io  all' 
hora  risposi  segretamente  all'  orrechie:  '  Faccia  dio  che  subito  che  sara  passata 
questa  sera,  ella  non  se  ne  penta:'  come  appunto  in  etfetto  fu,  poiche  non  stette 
mai  di  cuore  allegro  in  tutto  quel  pontificato,  sentendo  sempre  rammarichi,  an- 
gustie,  travagli,  affanni,  pene  et  angoscii.  E'  ben  vero  che  esso  medesimo  se 
1'  andava  nelle  maggior  parte  procurando  o  per  trascuraggine,  inavertenza  o  oltro 
0  pure  per  la  troppa  superbia  con  esprobare  sempre  esso  assiduamente  li  bene- 
ficii,  servitii  et  bonorevolezze  che  haveva  fatti  a  S.  B°f.  Nelli  primi  ragiona- 
menti  che  to  potei  havere  con  S.  S*^  fu  il  rallegrarmidell'  assuntione  sua  al  pon- 
tificato, con  dirli  che  era  stata  volonta  di  dio,  poiche  in  quel  tempo  e  punto  che 
fu  assunto  erano  finite  le  40  bore:  quivi  ella  si  dolse  della  malignita  de  tempi 
con  molta  humilta  e  pianse:  1'  essorlai  che  cominciasse  il  pontificato  con  un 
giubileo  generale,  che  tenesse  parimente  cura  del  sant'  officio  e  delle  cose  sue, 
sapendo  bene  che  da  quello  haveva  havuto  origine  la  sua  grandezza." 

III.  Jlffairs  of  Ferrara. 

"  Venuto  il  duca  di  Ferrara  in  Roma  per  1'  investitura,  della  quale  pretendeva 
che  li  fosse  data  buona  intentione,  vi  furono  di  molti  garbugli:  et  avendomi  io 
opposto  gagliardamente  nelli  publici  e  privati  ragionamenti  et  in  concistoro,  mi 
persi  affatto  la  gratia  del  papa  con  procurarmi  il  sdegno  del  card'  Sfondrato, 
quale  andava  i)arlando  per  Roma  che  io  sentivo  malamente  dell'  autorita.  del 
papa:  come  anco  haveva  imputato  il  cardinale  di  Camerino,  che  si  mostiava 
molto  ardente  in  servitio  della  sede  apostolica.  Sentendomi  pungere  in  cosa 
tanto  lontana  dalla  mente  mia,  io  che  ero  andato  incontrando  tutti  li  pericoli  per 
la  difensione  dell'  autorita  del  papae  della  sede  apostolica,  non  potei  fare  di  non 
alterarmene  gravemente:  e  come  si  convenia:  feci  una  apologia  pro  Cardiuale 
Sancta  Severina  contra  cardinalem  Sfondratum,  ove  si  tratta  qual  sia  la  carica  e 
qual  sia  1'  officio  di  cardinale:  benche  il  papa,  che  si  era  mostrato  in  concistoro 
molto  turbato  e  coUerico  in  camera,  poi  nel  palazzo  di  S.  Marco  mi  domando 
perdono  con  lagrime  e  con  humilta  e  con  haverini  anco  ringratiato,  pentendosi 
del  decreto  che  egli  haveva  fatto  in  pregiudicio  della  bolla  di  Pio  V  de  non  ali- 
enandis  feudis.  Partendosi  il  duca  da  Roma  senza  haver  fatto  effetto  alcuno,  da 
quel  tempo  in  poi  mi  si  mostro  sempre  nemico,  dicendo  che  io  ero  stato  cagione 
precipua  che  egli  non  havesse  attenuto  1'  investitura  di  Ferrara  pro  persona 
nominanda,  e  che  io  come  antico  suo  amico  doveva  parlare  piii  mitamente,  senza 
intraprendere  1'  impressa  con  tanta  ardenza,  come  che  io  fossi  piu  obligato  agli 
huomini  che  a  dio  et  alia  santa  chiesa." 

IV.  Conclaves  after  the  death  <f  Innocent  IX. 

"  Entrato  1'  anno  1592  si  entro  in  conclave,  essendosi  raddoppiata  contro  di 
me  la  malignita  de  miei  nemici,  mostrandosi  il  card'  Sfondrato  ardentissimo  con- 
tro la  persona  mia,  non  solamente  per  tema  delle  cose  sue,  ma  anco  piu  irato 
delle  parole  del  card'"'  Acquaviva,  che  timoroso  et  invidioso  per  1'  arcivescovo  d' 
Otranto  suo  parente  et  altri  signori  regnicoli  amici  miei,  moveva  ogni  pietra  con- 
tro di  me:  e  s'  erano  uniti  insieme  li  card"  Aragona,  Colonna,  Altemps  e  Sforza, 
capitali  nemici  tra  essi,  ma  contro  di  me  concordissimi:  Aragona  per  la  continua 
osservanza  et  ossequio  che  io  havevo  usati,  ma  pigliava  pretest!  dell'  abbadia  che 
havevo  tolta  all'  abbate  Simone  Sellarolo;  Colonna  per  li  molti  servitii  che  gli 
havevo  fatti  in  ogni  tempo,  ma  si  raccordava  del  Talmud  impedito  da  me  contro 
li  Giudei,  repetendo  la  morte  di  Don  Pompeo  de  Monti,  con  taccia  anco  di  sua 
sorella;  Altemps  per  li  favori  che  gli  havono  fatti  appresso  papa  Sisto  e  mons'^ 
Pellicano  senatore  per  conto  del  figlio  rattore  della  Giulietta,  onde  ne  venne 
quel  galant'  huomo  in  disgratia  di  Sisto,  ma  cosi  voleva  Galleotto  Belard"  suo 


RELATIONE  DI  POLONIA.        159S.  349 

padrone;  Sforza  per  haverlo  favorite  nel  caso  del  Massaino,  qnando  papa  Sisto 
fulininava  contro  di  liii,  havendoini  rinfrratiato  conbaciarmi  la  mano  in  presenza 
del  buon  card'''  Farnese  vecchio,  a  cui  ancora  si  era  niostrato  iiigrato  liavendo 
aviua  da  quel  buon  sig''  I'  abbadiadi  S.  Lorenzo  extra  mcena,  inaegli  diceva  che 
non  poteva  mancare  alii  amici  suoi,  ma  in  efletto  egli  temeva  sapendo  bene  la 
sua  coseienza.  Palleotto  m'  uso  quell'  ingratitudine  che  ogn'  un  sa.  Venne  la 
notte  delli  20  di  Gennaro:  quivi  si  rappresento  una  tragedia  de'  fatti  miei,  men- 
tre  Madrucci,  gia  mio  caro  amico  e  collega  nfl  sant'  officio  consent!  tacitamente 
cogli  enioli  miei  in  danno  mio,*  oprando  per  questa  via  di  conseguire  il  ponti- 
ficato,  ma  egli  senti  di  quelii  bocconi  amari  che  non  potendo  poscia  digerire  se 
ne  mori  miseramente.  Lascio  de  parti  gli  andamenti  fraudolenti  del  card'  Gesu- 
aldo,  che  come  Napoletano  non  poteva  patire  che  io  gli  fossi  anteposto,  et  ar\che 
mosso  da  invidia  contro  i  suoi  patriotti;  poiche  questo  e  gli  altri  sig"  card''  Na- 
poletani  Aragona  et  Acquaviva  havevano  questo  senso  di  non  voler  nessun  corn- 
pagno  de'  patriotti  nel  cardinalato.  L'  atto  poi  che  fece  il  card'^  Colonna,  fu  il 
piu  brutto  che  s'  havesse  sentito  gia  mai,  et  improbalo  etiam  da  suoi  piu  cari,  e 
malissimo  inteso  nella  corte  di  Spagna.  Canano  solea  prima  havermi  in  tanta 
riverenza  che  nullo  piu,edovunque  m'  incontrava,  mi  voleva  baciar  la  mano;  ma 
air  hora  scordato  d'  ogni  amicitia  obbediva  al  suo  duca  di  Ferrara;  Borromeo, 
ajutato  de  rue  nella  sua  promotione  per  la  memoria  di  quel  santo  cardinale  di  S. 
Prassede  et  havendo  fatta  professione  di  sempre  mio  caro  amico,  invischiato 
dall'  interesse  d'  alcune  abbadie  che  haveva  rassegnato  Altemps,  furiava  a  guisa 
di  forsennato  quello  che  non  professava  altro  che  purita,  devotione,  spiritualitae 
coseienza.  Alessandrino,  autore  di  tutte  le  trame,  non  manco  di  fare  il  suo 
solito  in  perseguitare  i  suoi  piu  cari  amici  e  creature  con  baverseie  tutte  alienate 
e  massime  doppo  I'  assuntione  di  Sisto  senti  in  conclave  quel  che  non  \o\sf.  per 
bocca  del  sig"^  card'  di  Sens  che  esclamava  publicamente  contro  di  iui.  II  fer- 
vore  air  incontro  de'  miei  amici  e  fiutori  non  fu  mediocre,  essendosi  mostrato 
ardente  piu  d'  ogni  altro  il  sig''  card'  Giustiniano:  quel  suo  spirito  vivace  e  cor- 
aggioso  fu  in  quella  notte  et  in  quel  giorno  in  gravi  affanni,  essendomi  anche 
Stata  saccheggiata  la  eel  la.  Ma  la  notte  appresso  mi  fu  dolorosissinia  sopra  ogn' 
altra  cosa  funesta:  onde  per  il  giave  affanno  del'  aniuio  e  dell'  intima  aiigoscia 
sudai  sangue,  cosa  incredibile  a  credere:  e  ricorrendo  con  molta  humilta  e  devo- 
tione al  sig''%  mi  sentii  affatto  liberato  da  ogni  passione  di  animo  da  ogni  senso 
delle  cose  mondane,  venendo  in  me  slesso  e  considerandole  quanto  sono  fragilij 
quanto  caduche  e  quanto  miserabili,  e  che  solo  in  dio  e  nella  contemplatione  di 
Iui  sono  le  vere  felicita  e  veri  contenli  e  gaudii." 

65. 

Vita  et  Gesta  dementis  VIII.     Informatt.  Politt.  XXIX. 

Originally  destined  for  a  continuation  of  Ciaconius,  where,  however,  I  do  not 

find  it.  ,  T^     , 

A  narrative  of  the  rise  of  the  pope,  and  of  his  first  deeds:  "  Lxulum  turmas 
coercuit,  quorum  insolens  furor  non  solum  in  continentem  sed  in  ipsa  litora  et 
subvecta  Tiberis  alveo  navigia  hostiliter  insultahat;"  so  far  was  Sixtus  V  from 
having  put  an  end  to  them  fV)rever:  -the  absolution  of  Henry  IV;  the  oppositioa 
of  Cle'ment  to  the  king,  and  the  extreme  difficulty  of  overcoming  it,  are  particu- 
larly described:  lastly^  ihe  conquest  of  Ferrara.  "  A  me  jam  latins  ccepla  scribi 
opportuniori  tempore  immorlalilati  n. minis  tui  consecrabo."  but  of  all  this 
there  is  nothing.     Altogether  very  insignificant. 

*  Tlie  Venetian  ambassador  Moro  also  remarks  that  S.  Severina  had  not  been  chosen, 
"per  niancamento  di  Gcsuuldo  decano  e  Madrucci." 


350  BENTIVOGLIO. 

66. 

Instruttione  al  S^  Barlolommeo  Powstnshy  alia  Mt-a  del  re  di  Polonia  e  Suetia.     1 

Ag.  1593.     Signed  Cinihio  Jildebrandini. 
jRagguaglio  della  andata  del  re  di  Polonia  in  Suetia.     1 594. 

There  is  nothing  to  add  to  the  contents  of  these  documents,  already  incorpo- 
rated in  my  text,  except  perhaps  the  assertion  in  the  second,  that  Dulve  Charles 
was  in  fact  hated,  "  perche  egli  avea  ridotto  in  se  stesso  quasi  tutte  I'incette  e 
mercantie  e  tutte  le  cave  di  inetalli  e  sopra  tutto  dell'  oro  e  dell'  argento." 

67. 

'  Relatione  di  Polonia.     1598. 

Composed  by  a  nuncio,  who  bitterly  complains  of  the  disorderly  love  of  free- 
dom manifested  by  the  Poles. 

They  desired  a  feeble  king,  and  not  one  of  warlike  temper.  They  say,  "  che 
colore  che  hanno  spirito  di  gloria,  gli  hanno  vehementi  e  non  moderati  e  pero 
non  diuturni  e  che  la  madre  della  diuturnita  deglii  imperii  e  la  moderatione." 

They  would  also  enter  into  no  alliance  with  foreigners.  They  maintained 
that  they  could  never  find  it  a  difficult  task  to  defend  their  country;  that  they 
could  always  bring  into  the  field  50,000  horse,  and,  at  the  worst,  could  always 
recover  in  winter  what  they  had  lost  in  summer.  They  confidently  appealed  to 
the  example  of  their  forefathers. 

The  nuncio  reminds  them,  "  che  gli  antichi  Poloni  non  sapevano  che  cosa 
fosse  smaltire  il  grano  nel  mar  Baliico  in  Danzig  o  in  Elbing,  ne  erano  intenti 
atafjliar  selve  per  seminare,  ne  asciugavano  paludi  per  il  medesimo  elTetto." 

The  nuncio  also  describes  the  progress  of  Catholicism,  which  was  just  then 
most  triumphant.     1  have  copied  the  more  important  features  of  his  narrative." 

68. 

Relatione  dello  stato  spirituale  e  politico  del  regno  di  Suczia.     1598. 

This  relates  to  the  enterprises  of  Sigismund  against  Sweden,  immediately 
before  his  second  journey.     1  have  made  use  of  its  most  essential  contents. 

Some  remarkable  notices  of  the  preceding  transactions  however  appear  here. 

Erich  is  openly  described  as  a  tyrant.  "  Per  impresa  faceva  un  asino  carco 
di  sale  a  piedi  d'una  montagna  erta  e  scnza  via  per  salirvi  sopra,  et  egli  era 
dipinto  con  un  bastone  in  mano,  che  batteva  il  detto  asino."  The  author  ex- 
plains this  very  intelligible  symbol:  the  people  were  to  be  compelled  by  force 
to  perform  impossibilities. 

John  is  treated  as  a  decided  catholic.  "  Perche  era  in  secreto  cattolico,  sic- 
come  al  nunlio  ha  affirmato  il  re  suo  figliulo,  uso  ogni  industria  perche  il  figli- 
uolo  ritornasse  mentre  esso  viveva  in  Suetia  a  fine  di  dichiararsi  apertamente 
cattolico  e  ridurre  il  regno  ad  abbracciar  essa  fede." 

To  this,  however,  I  cannot  subscribe.  Probably  the  worthy  Sigismund 
fancied  it,  that  he  might  have  the  consolation  of  being  sprung  from  a  catholic 
father. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  description  of  the  first  enterprise  of  Sigismund  bears 
the  stamp  of  veracity  and  of  thorough  acquaintance  with  the  affair.  The  hopes 
bound  up  with  his  second  expedition  are  displayed  in  all  their  connectioQ  with 
Europe  at  large. 

INSERTION. 

Remarks  on  Beniivoglio^s  Memoirs. 

In  his  G3d  year,  namely,  in  1642,  as  Mazzuchelli  also  states,  and  not  in  1640, 
as  asserted  in  the  edition  belonging  to  the  Classici  Italiani,  cardinal  Guido 


RELATIONE  AL  CARD'-  d' ESTE.   1599.  351 

Bentivoglio,  (born   1579,)  having  composed  many  political  works,  began  to 
write  personal  memoirs. 

He  originally  had  in  view,  to  comprehend  in  his  work  his  first  residence  at 
the  Roman  court,  his  nuntiatures  in  France  and  the  Netherlands,  and  the  times 
of  his  cardinalate.  Had  this  been  accomplished,  the  historical  stores  of  the 
first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century  would  have  been  enriched  by  an  excellent 
book  full  of  thought  and  observation. 

But  Bentivoglio  died  before  he  had  completed  even  the  first  part.  His  work, 
"  Memorie  del  card'  Guido  Bentivoglio,"  goes  down  only  to  the  year  IGOO. 

It  leaves  an  impression  of  the  quiet  and  comfort  enjoyed  by  an  old  prelate, 
who,  emancipated  from  business,  passes  his  life  at  case  in  his  own  palace.  It 
is  most  pleasant  reading,  at  once  amusing  and  instructive;  but  his  position 
naturally  imposed  upon  him  obligations  which  prevented  his  speaking  out. 

The  description,  for  instance,  which  he  gives  with  some  minuteness,  of  the 
cardinals  by  whom  he  found  Clement  YIIl  surrounded,  answers  but  very  gen- 
erally to  the  accounts  of  other  authors. 

The  very  first,  the  dean  Gesualdo,  is  described  by  Bentivoglio  as  "  a  distin- 
guished man  of  amiable  manners,  who  neither  avoids  nor  seeks  public  affairs;" 
but  of  certain  things  related  by  others,  and  unquestionably  known  to  Bentivoglio, 
as,  for  instance,  how  Gesualdo  prevented  the  election  of  Sanseverino,  from 
motives  of  personal  dislike;  what  pretensions  on  the  score  of  higher  rank  he  en- 
forced against  the  other  cardinals,  who  complied  very  unwillingly;  how  all  his 
eff'orts  from  that  time  had  been  directed  to  obtain  the  papacy,  by  making  friends 
on  all  sides;  how  he  adhered  in  particular  to  Spain, — of  all  this  we  hear  nothing. 
Bentivoglio  remarks  of  the  second,  Aragona,  "  he  had  in  earlier  conclaves 
guided  the  younger  cardinals  in  particular;  he  had  administered  the  government 
of  Rome,  during  the  absence  of  the  pope,  in  the  most  excellent  manner;  beloved 
handsome  farnilure;  he  had  a  beautiful  chapel;  and  was  constantly  changing  the 
altar-piece."  But  all  this  does  not  describe  the  man.  He  was,  as  we  see  by 
Delfino's  account,  an  old  man,  tormented  by  the  gout,  whose  death  might  shortly 
be  expected,  but  who  only  clung  to  the  hopes  of  obtaining  the  pontificate  with 
the  greater  pertinacity.  At  the  Spanish  court  he  was  by  no  means  so  much  re- 
spected as  he  wished.  He  had  not  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  seat  in  the  congre- 
gation which  met  upon  French  aff"airs,  and  it  was  known  that  he  took  this  very 
ill;  nevertheless  he  sought,  on  account  of  his  views  on  the  papacy,  to  maintain 
the  closest  intimacy  with  the  Spanish  ambassadors. 

The  impression  of  serenity  and  quiet  which  the  book  makes,  arises  from  the 
fact,  that  the  lights  are  intentionally  extremely  softened,  and  that  life  is  not  de- 
lineated in  the  truth  of  its  actual  phenomena. 

69. 

Relatione  fatia  aW  ill™"  sig^  card^^  d'Este  al  tempo  della  sua  promotione  che  doveva 
andar  in  Roma.     {Bibl.  Vinduh.  Codd.  Foscar.  N"  1G9.     46  leaves.) 

In  consequence  of  the  treaty  which  Clement  VIII  had  entered  into  with  the 
family  of  Este  on  the  taking  of  Ferrara,  he  included  a  prince  of  that  house, 
Alessandro,  in  the  promotion  of  the  3d  of  March  1599. 

It  is  this  prince,  whom  the  present  instruction  was  destined  to  prepare  for  his 
appearance  at  the  court  of  Rome.  Although  it  has  no  date,  it  undoubtedly  be- 
longs to  the  year  1599. 

From  its  very  purpose,  it  is  extremely  different  from  a  Venetian  report.  It 
was  to  enable  the  prince  to  play  the  part  of  a  good  steersman  through  the  diffi- 
culties which  might  surround  him — "  per  potere  come  prudente  nocchiero  pren- 
dere  meglio  I'aura  propitia  della  corte:"  it  contains  no  allusions  to  political  re- 
lations; even  the  misfortunes  which  had  just  then  fallen  upon  the  house  of  Este 
are  passed  over  in  silence;  the  only  purpose  of  the  writer  was  to  point  out  the 
qualities  of  the  most  important  persons. 

The  pope,  his  nephews,  and  the  cardinals,  are  described. 


352  RELATIONE  DI  ROMA.        1600. 

Clement  VIII.  "Di  vita  incolpabile,  di  mente  retta,  di  conditione  universale. 
Si  pnu  dir  cli'  abbia  in  se  stesso  tutta  la  tlieorica  e  la  pratica  della  politica  e 
Tafion  di  stato."  We  learn  here,  that  Salvestro  Aldobrandini  had  instig-ated 
Paul  IV  to  make  war  upon  Naples;  that  nevertheless  attempts  were  made  to 
reconcile  that  family  at  least  with  the  Medici.  "  Dicesi  che  Pio  V  volendo  pro- 
inovere  il  card'  Giovanni,  fratello  di  queslo  pontefice,  assicuro  il  G.D.  Cosimo 
che  tutta  questa  famiglia  gli  sarebbe  fidelissima  sempre,  e  che  mando  I'istesso 
Ippolito  Aldobrandino,  hora  papa,  a  render  teslimonio  a  S.  Altezza,  della  quale 
fu  molto  ben  visto."  Giovanni  Bardi  was  at  that  time  in  the  greatest  favor  with 
the  popo.  "  Fra  i  servitori  di  Clemente  il  piu  intimo  e  favorito  e  il  sig''  Giov. 
Bardi  del  conti  di  Vernio,  luogotenente  delle  guardie,  di  molta  bonia,  virtu  e 
nobilta."  The  new  cardinal  was  so  much  the  safer  in  siding  with  Bardi,  as  he 
meant  well  to  the  house  of  Este. 

The  Nephews.  Pietro  Aldobrandini's  authority  was  decidedly  greater  than 
that  of  San  Giorgio.  "San  Giorgio,  accommodate  I'animo  alia  fortuna  sua, 
mortificate  le  sue  pretensioni,  non  gareggia,  non  contrasta  piu,  ma  o  lo  seconda 
o  non  s'impacia  seco,  e  si  mostra  sodisfatto  dell'  ottenuta  segnatura  di  giustitia." 

The  cardinals  were  divided  into  two  factions:  the  Spanish,  to  which  Montalto 
already  adhered,  and  that  of  Aldobrandino.  The  former  then  counted  twenty- 
five,  the  latter  only  fourteen  sure  and  decided  adherents.  The  author  correctly 
points  out  as  tlie  most  probable  candidate  for  the  papacy,  Alessandro  de'  Medici, 
who  was  afterwards  elected.  It  was  not  known  on  what  terms  he  stood  with 
the  orand  duke  of  Tuscany;  but  on  that  account  his  favor  with  Clement  was 
only  the  greater,  "  per  patria  e  conformita  di  humore,"  as  much  as  if  he  were 
the  pope's  own  creature. 

Baronius  the  historian  of  the  church,  appears  in  an  agreeable  light:  "molto 
amato  per  la  dottrina,  bonta  e  semplicita  sua;  si  dimostra  tutto  spirito,  tutto  riseg- 
nato  in  dio;  si  burla  del  mondo  e  della  propria  esaltatione  di  se  stesso.*' 

70. 

Relatione  di  Roma  deW  111'""  Sig'''  Gioan  Delfino  A>  d  Pro^  ritornafo  Jmbasciatore 
sotto  il  pontificato  di  Clemente  VIII.     (1600.) 

Also  one  of  the  reports  which  have  been  published;  very  circumstantial,  (my 
copy  consisting  of  ninety-four  quarto  leaves)  and  very  instructive. 

I.  Delfino  begins  with  describing  "  the  pope"  ("il  nascimento,  la  natura  e  la 
vita  del  papa,")  "  and  his  nephews." 

"  Delli  due  cardinali  (Aldobrandino  e  S.  Giorgio)  reputo  quasi  necessario  par- 
lame  unitamente.  Questo  di  eta  d'  anni  45,  di  gran  spirito,  altiero,  vivace  e  di 
buona  cognizione  nelli  affari  del  mondo;  ma  temo  assai  che  sia  di  mala  natura, 
overo  che  gli  accidentidel  mondo  occorsi,  che  1'  hanno  levato  dalle  gran  speranze 
in  che  si  e  posto  nel  principio  del  pontificato,  lo  fanno  esser  tale,  cioe  demostrarsi 
con  tutti  non  solo  severo  ma  quasi  disperato.  Questo  era  grandemente  amato 
e  grandemente  stimato  dal  papa  avanti  che  fosse  salito  al  pontificato,  e  doppo 
per  gran  pezzo  ebbe  la  cura  principale  de'  negotj,  e  si  credeva  da  ogn'  uno  che 
egli  avesse  da  esser  il  primo  nipote,  perche  1'  altro  era  piii  giovane,  assai  di  poca 
prosperita  e  di  pochissima  cognizione;  ma  o  sia  stato  la  sua  poca  prudenza  nel 
non  essersi  saputo  govenarecome  averebbe  bisognato,  sendosi  rotto  con  1'  am- 
basciatore  di  Spagna  quando  gitto  la  beretta,  con  1'  ambasciator  di  Toscana 
quando  li  disse  che  il  papa  doveria  cacciarlo  di  corte,  oltre  i  disgusti  che  ha  dato 
a  tutti  in  mille  occasioni,  o  pur  la  gran  prudenza  e  destrezza  dell'  altro,  o  la 
forza  natural  del  sangue,  questo  ha  perduto  ogni  giorno  tanto  di  autorita  e  di 
credito  che  non  ha  chi  lo  seguiti  e  non  ottiene  cosa  dlcuna  che  dimandi.  Ha 
pero  il  carico  di  tutti  li  negotj  d'  Italia  e  Germania,  se  bene  li  ministri  publici 
tratlino  li  madesimi  con  Aldobrandino,  e  nelle  cose  brusche  tutti  ricorrono  a  lui. 
lo  con  esso  sig"'  card'^  di  S.  Giorgio  nel  principio  ho  passato  qualche  borasca, 
anzi  nella  prima  audienza  fui  astretto  a  dolermi  apertamente  per  dignila  della 
republica,  e  doi  o  tre  volte  mi  sono  lasciato  intendere  liberamente,  in  raodo  tale 


RELATIONE  DI  ROMA.       1600.  353 

che  so  che  e  stato  frutto  appresso  di  lui,  et  il  papa  1'  ha  avuto  a  carro,  e  partico- 
larmente  nell'  ultima  occasione  di  Ferrara:  ma  doppo  sempre  e  passato  tra  noi 
ogni  sorte  di  dimostratione  d'  amore,  et  io  1'  ho  onoralo  sempre  come  si  conveniva. 
Credo  veramente  che  sia  mal  affetto  alia  Serenita  Vostra  per  natura  e  per  acci- 
dente:  la  sua  natura  1'  ho  descritta,  ma  diro  solo  delli  accidenti.  Prima  sappia 
che  da  un  pezzo  in  qua  s'  e  buttato  aifatto  in  braccio  de'  Spagnuoli,  e  si  e  dimo- 
strato  poco  amico  di  quelli  che  sono  uniti  con  Francesi:  ha  cresciuto  ancoraquel 
mal  animo  suo  il  vedere  che  il  cardinal  Aldobrandino  hahbi  in  tutte  le  occasioni 
protetto  li  affari  dell'  EE.  VV.,  quasi  che  non  sia  possibile  che  concorrino  am- 
bidue  in  alcuna  operatione,  per  giusta  e  raggionevole  che  sia.  Ua  che  si  puo 
conoscere  la  raiseria  de'  poveri  ambasciatori  et  rappresentanti  publici." 

II.  The  second  chapter  (at  least  formally  divided  as  such  in  our  copies)  re- 
gards "  the  form  of  government,  the  finances,  and  the  military  forces."  Delfino 
expresses  a  very  reasonable  astonishment  at  some  details  of  the  financial  ad- 
ministration. "  Mentre  1'  entrate  della  chiesa  sono  impegnate  all'  ingrosso  or- 
dinariamente  e  straordinariamente;  e  quello  ch'  e  peggio,  si  comprano  castelli  e 
giurisdittioni  de'  suddiii  a  H  o  2  per  cento"  (I  understand,  at  a  loss  of  so  much 
per  cent)  "  e  si  pagano  censi  a  9  o  10  per  cento,  parendo  strano  agli  uomini  savj 
che  in  tante  strettezze  si  fanno  queste  compre,  e  piu  e  che  se  si  vogliono  far  certe 
spese,  non  si  facciano  per  via  delli  danari  del  castello,  per  non  ci  andar  debi- 
tando  e  consumando  del  tutto."  We  see  that  even  in  those  times  there  were 
people  who  objected  to  the  accumulation  of  borrowed  money.  Moreover  much 
dissatisfaction  had  been  exhibited  in  Ferrara  after  the  first  short  period  of  con- 
tent. "  Nobili  e  popolo  si  darebbero  volentieri  a  qual  principe  si  voglia,  per 
uscir  dalle  manidove  si  trovano." 

III.  "  Intelligenze."  This  chapter  shows  on  what  dubious  terms  the  pope 
stood  with  the  emperor  and  Philip  II:  he  awaited  the  death  of  the  king  with  a 
sort  of  anxiety;  how  ill  with  Florence,  for  it  was  well  remembered  that  the 
house  of  Aldobrandini  belonged  to  the  emigrant  families  ("  le  cose  pessano  peg- 
gio che  con  ogn'  altro  ricordandosi  d'  esser  andato  il  papa  e  la  sua  casa  ramingo 
per  il  mondo");  how  much  better,  on  the  contrary,  with  France  and  Poland, 
particularly  with  the  latter,  with  which  he  had  common  interests  and  designs 
("  concorrendo  e  dall'  una  e  dall'  altra  parte  interessi  nel  presente  e  disegni  nei 
tempo  a  venire").  In  no  one  did  Clement  take  a  greater  interest  than  in  the 
prince  of  Transylvania.  "  Col  prencipe  di  Transilvania  ha  trattato  il  papa  con 
tanto  amore  e  con  tener  un  nuntio  apostolico  appresso  di  lui  e  con  averli  date  in 
mio  tempo  60m.  scudi  in  tre  volte  e  con  infiniti  oflicii  fatti  fare  con  1'  imperatore 
per  servitio  che  quasi  poteva  dirsi  interessato  et  obligate  alia  continua  sua  protet- 
tione;  e  credo  che  'I  povero  prencipe  la  meritava,  perche  s'  e  risoluto  alia  guerra 
con  fondamento  principale  del  consiglio  et  delle  promesse  di  S.  S^;  quanto  nel 
principio  gia  tre  anui  e  gia  due  ancora  esaltava  la  virtii  e  valor  di  questo  prencipe 
fino  al  cielo,  avendo  detto  a  me  piu  volte  ch'  egli  solo  faceva  la  guerra  al  Turco, 
tanto  piu  ultimamente  con  la  cessione  che  gli  fece  de'  suoi  stati  restava  molto 
chiarito,  et  il  predicava  un  gran  da  poco;  onde  si  vede  che  se  bene  aveva  pro- 
messo  all'  imperatore  di  farlo  cardinale  et  a  lui  ancora,  non  averebbe  pero  osser- 
vato  cosa  alcuna,  e  percio  credo  che  essendo  tomato  al  governo  de'  suoi  stati 
abbia  sentito  S.  S'^  gran  consolatione." 

IV.  "  Cardinali."  Our  author  goes  through  them  all  in  regular  succession, 
and  judges  each  more  or  less  favorably. 

V.  "  De'  suggetti,  che  cascano  in  maggior  consideratione  per  lo  pontificate." 

VI.  "Interessi  con  Venetia."  A  thousand  disputes  were  already  carrying 
on.  "  Quando  non  si  proveda  alle  pretensioni  et  ai  disordini,  un  giorno  si  en- 
trera  in  qualche  travaglio  di  gran  memento,  massime  di  questi  novi  acquisti" 
(concerning  the  navigation  of  the  Po),  "che  sempre  vi  penso  per  cognitione 
che  ho  della  natura  de'  preti  e  della  chiesa  mi  fa  temere." 

This  came  to  pass  but  too  soon. 
VOL.  II.  —  31 


354  VENIER,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1601. 

71. 

Venter:  Relatione  di  Moma.     1601. 

The  disputes  between  the  pope  and  Venice  were  already  become  pretty  vio- 
lent. The  Venetians  refused  to  send  their  patriarch  to  Rome  for  examination. 
Bitter  quarrels  had  begun  about  the  Goro  mouth  of  the  Po;  they  were  the  mo- 
tive for  Venier's  mission  to  Rome. 

He  remained  there  but  a  short  time:  his  sketch  of  Clement  Vlll  is  neverthe- 
less most  useful. 

"  Delia  natura  et  pensieri  del  pontefice,  per  quello  che  a  me  tocca  di  conside- 
rare  nella  presente  congiuntura  per  li  negotii  che  giornalmente  tratta  V  Serenita 
con  S.  Beatitudine,  diro  che  il  papa  in  questa  eta  sua  di  65  anni  e  piu  sano  e  piii 
gagliardodi  quello  chesia  stato  neglianni  adietro,  non  havendoindispositione  al- 
cuna  fuoriche  quella  della  chiragra  o  gotta,  che  pero  li  serve,  come  vogliono  li  me- 
dici,  a  tenerlo  preservato  da  altre  indispositioni,  e  questa  molto  piu  di  rado  e  raolto 
meno  che  per  1'  inanzi  le  da  molestia  al  presente,  per  la  bona  regola  particolar- 
niente  del  viver,  nel  quale  da  certo  tempo  in  qua  precede  con  grandissima  riserva 
e  con  notabile  astinenza  nel  bere:  che  le  giova  anco  grandemente  a  non  dar  fo- 
niento  alia  grassezza,  alia  quale  e  molto  inclinata  la  sua  complessione,  usando 
anco  per  questo  di  frequentare  1'  essercitio  di  camminar  longamente  sempre  che 
senza  sconcio  de  negotii  conosce  di  poterlo  fare,  ai  quali  nondimeno  per  la  sua 
gran  capacitasupplisce,  intanto  che  le  resta  comoda  parte  di  tempo  che  dispensa 
adnif-ttendo  persone  private  et  altri  che  secondo  il  solito  ricorrono  a  S.  S'\  A 
negotii  gravi  si  applica  con  ogni  suo  spirito,  et  persiste  in  essi  senza  mostrarne 
niai  alcuna  fiachezza,  et  quando  li  succede  di  vederli  conclusi,  gode  et  fruisce 
niirabilmente  il  contento  che  ne  riceve.  Ne  di  cosa  maggiormente  si  compiace 
che  di  esser  stimato,  et  che  sia  rispettata  la  sua  reputatione,  della  quale  e  gelo- 
sissimo.  Et  quanto  per  la  complessione  sua  molto  sanguigna  e  colerica  e 
facile  ad  accendersi,  prorompendo  con  grandissima  vehenientia  in  esagerationi 
piene  di  escandescenza  et  acerbita,  tanto  anco  mentre  vede  che  altri  tace  con  la 
lingua  seben  s'  attrista  nel  sembiante,  si  ravede  per  se  stesso  et  procura  con 
gran  benignita  di  raddolcire  ogni  amaritudine:  la  qual  cosa  e  cosi  nota  hormai  a 
tutti  li  cardinali  che  ne  danno  cortese  avvertimento  agli  amici  loro,  sicome  lo 
diede  anco  a  me  nel  primo  congresso  1'  illustrissimo  sig''  card'*  di  Verona  per 
mia  da  lui  stimata  molto  utile  conformatione.  Ha  S.  S'^  volti  li  pensieri  suoi 
alia  gloria,  ne  si  puo  imaginare  quanto  acquisto  facciano  li  principi  della  gratia 
sua,  mentre  secondano  la  sua  inclinatione.  Onde  Spagnoli  in  particolare,  che 
sempre  mirano  a  conservarsi  et  ad  aumentar  la  gran  parte  che  hanno  nella  corte 
di  Roma,  non  transcurano  punto  1'  occasione;  et  pero  con  tanto  maggior  pron- 
tezza  hanno  applicato  1'  animo  a  far  qualche  impresa  contra  Turchi,  come  hora 
si  vede,  et  con  andar  sofferendo  non  mediocri  durezze,  che  provano  ancor  loro 
nelli  negotii  important!,  particolarmente  per  causa  di  giurisditione,  che  vivono 
alia  corte  di  Roma,  si  vanno  sempre  piu  avanzando  nel  riportare  in  molte  cosa 
non  piccole  soddisfattioni.  E'  tenuto  generalmente  il  pontefice  persona  di  gran 
virtu,  bonta  et  religione:  di  che  egli  si  compiace  far  che  del  continue  se  ne 
veggano  segni  et  importanti  effetti.  E  se  ben  li  cardinali  si  vedono  nel  presente 
pontefice  scemata  molto  quella  autorita  che  ne'  tempi  passati  sono  stati  soliti 
d'havere,  restando  quasiche  del  tutto  esclusi  dalla  partecipatione  de  negotii  piii 
importanti,  poiche  ben  spesso  fino  al'  ultima  conclusione  di  essi  non  hanno  delle 
trattationi  la  gia  solita  notitia,  mostrano  nondimeno  di  stimare  il  pontefice,  lo- 
dano  la  S**  S.  con  termini  di  somma  riverenza,  celebrando  la  prudenza  et  1'  altre 
virtii  sue  con  grand'  esageratione  afRrmando  che  se  fosse  occasione  hora  di  ele- 
gere  pontefice,  non  elegerebbono  altro  che  questo  medesimo,  seben  son  molto 
reconditi  et  profondi  i  loro  pensieri,  et  le  parole  et  le  apparenze  sono  volte  ai 
proprj  disegni  forse  a  Roma  piu  che  altrove." 

The  envoy  succeeded  in  once  more  appeasing  the  quarrels  between  the  two 
states,  although  the  pope  already  talked  of  resorting  to  excommunication.    On 


DIALOGO  DI  MALASPINA.  355 

the  whole,  however,  Venier  found  him  well  disposed.  "Venice  consented  to  send 
her  patriarch  to  Rome. 

72. 

Instruttione  aW  ill"'-''  et  ecc^"  marchese  di  VigUenna  amhasciatore  catlolico  in  Roma 
1G03.     {Informatt.  politt.  No.  20.) 

Viglienna  was  Sessa's  successor.  Our  author,  reasonably  enougli,  leaves  it 
to  the  departinor  ambassador,  to  give  an  account  of  the  pope  and  bis  nearest 
dependants.  He  himself  acquaints  us  with  the  history  of  the  cardinals.  His 
object  is  to  show  to  wliich  faction  each  belonged.  We  see,  from  his  account, 
that  the  situation  of  things  had  changed  very  much  since  the  year  1599.  Only 
ten  cardinals  are  mentioned  as  decided  partisans  of  Spain.  Of  those  inclined 
to  France  there  was  but  little  talk  at  an  earlier  period,  whereas  Viglienna  reckons 
nine;  the  remainder  belonged  to  no  party. 

This  author  is  also  penetrated   with  the  importance  of  the  curia.     "  Qui  le 

differenze,  le  pretension!,  le  paci,  le  guerre  si  maneggiano Le  conditioni 

invitano  i  pid  vivaci  e  cupidi  di  grandezza,  di  maniera  che  non  e  meraviglia  che 
qui  fioriscano  i  pivi  acuti  ingegni." 

73. 

Dialogo  di  mons^  Malaspina  sopra  lo  stato  spirituale  e  politico  dcW  imperio  e  delle 
provincie  infette  d^ heresie.     {Vallic.  No.  17,  142  leaves.') 

A  dialogue  between  Monsignore  Malaspina,  the  archbishop  of  Prague,  and 
the  bishops  of  Lyons  and  Cordova — churchmen  belonging  to  the  four  principal 
nations:  probably  of  the  year  1600.     The  taking  of  Ferrara  is  noticed  in  it. 

The  peculiar  object  is  to  compare  what  had  been  done  by  the  earlier  popes, 
and  what  by  Clement  VUI,  towards  the  progress  of  Catholicism. 

By  the  earlier  popes:  "1.  La  reduttione  delle  Indie;  2.  la  celebratione  del 
concilio;  3.  la  lega  santa  e  la  vittoria  navale;  4.  1'  erettione  de'  collegii;  5.  1' 
offerta  dagli  herefici  del  primato  di  Pietro  al  patriarcha  Constantinopolitano  ..... 
(■?]);  6.  la  constantia  del  re  cattolico  in  non  concedere  agli  heretici  nei  paesi 
bassi  cose  in  pregiudicio  della  religione." 

By  pope  Clement  Vni:  "1.  II  govern o  pastorale  et  universale;  2.  il  governo 
particolare  dei  dominii  del  slato  ecclesiastico;  3.  la  vitadi  S.  Beatitudine;  4.  il 
Turca  bora  per  opera  di  S.  Beatitudine  fatto  apparire  di  potersi  vincere;  5.  Fer- 
rara occupata;  6.  1'  essersi  fatto  cattolico  il  christianissimo  re  di  Francia." 

Malaspina  concludes  that  this  latter  fact  was  of  more  importance  than  any- 
thing etlected  by  the  other  popes.  And  not  without  reason.  The  work  is  dedi- 
cated to  the  pope's  nephews. 

I  have  only  succeeded  in  finding  one  remarkable  passage  in  this  long  manu- 
script. 

The  author  was  present  at  the  electoral  diet  of  Ratisbon  in  1575,  and  conversed 
with  the  elector  Augustus  of  Saxony.  This  prince  was  still  far  from  awaken- 
ing any  hope  of  his  conversion  amongst  the  catholics;  on  the  contrary,  he 
declared,  that  he  set  no  store  by  the  pope,  either  as  pope,  or  as  sovereign  of 
Rome,  or  as  master  of  great  wealth;  that  the  papal  treasury  was  rather  a  cistern, 
than  a  living  spring:  the  only  thing  which  gave  him  any  concern,  was  the  fact, 
that  a  monk,  like  Pius  V,  should  have  united  so  many  powerful  sovereigns  in  a 
war  against  the  Turks;  he  might  succeed  in  a  similar  undertaking  against  the 
protestants.  And  in  fact,  Gregory  XIII  did  conceive  such  a  plan.  Seeing  that 
France,  from  fear  of  the  Huguenots,  abandoned  all  participation  in  the  Turkish 
war,  he  conceived  the  necessity  of  the  catholic  sovereigns  entering  into  an  alli- 
ance against  Turks  and  protestants  at  once.  Negotiations  for  this  purpose  were 
instantly  set  on  foot  with  the  emperor  and  the  archduke  Charles  in  Styria. 

t 


356  INSTRUTTIONE  A  M.  BARBERINO.       1603. 

74. 

Relatione  delle  chiese  di  Sassonia.     Felicihus  auspiciis  illm  comitis  Frid.  Borromei, 
1603.     {Bihl.  Ambros.  H.  179.) 

Another  of  the  numerous  plans  on  the  part  of  the  catholics,  to  regain  pos- 
sesion of  Germany. 

The  writer  professes  the  conviction,  that  people  were  gradually  becoming 
weary  of  protestantism  in  Germany.  Fathers  already  set  little  importance  on 
bringing  up  their  children  in  their  own  creed.  "Li  lasciano  in  abandono, 
perche  dio  gl'  inspiri,  come  essi  dicono,  a  quel  che  sia  per  salute  dell'  anime 
loro." 

In  this  conviction  he  forms  designs  upon  the  two  principal  protestant  powers, 
Saxony  and  the  Palatinate. 

In  Saxony  the  administrator  had  already  destroyed  Calvinism.  He  must  be 
won  over  by  the  hope  of  regaining  the  electorate  ("  mettergli  inanzi  speranza  di 
poter  per  la  via  della  conversione  farsi  assoluto  patrone  dell'  elettorato").  The 
nobles  of  the  country  would  also  be  well  pleased  by  the  prospect  of  again  get- 
ting possession  of  the  bishoprics. 

He  thus  expresses  himself  concerning  the  Palatinate.  "  II  Casimiro  aveva 
una  sorella  vedova,  che  fu  moglie  d'  un  landgravio  d'  Hassia,  la  quale  suol 
vivere  in  Braubach,  terra  sopra  il  Rheno,  e  si  dimostra  piena  di  molte  virtu 
morali  e  di  qualche  lume  del  cielo:  suol  esercitare  1'  opere  di  charita  per  molto 
zelo,  facendo  molte  elemosine  e  consolando  gl'  infermi  di  quel  contorni  con 
provederli  di  medicine:  conversa  volentieri  con  alcuni   padri   del  Giesu  e  con 

1'  arcivescovo  di  Treveri E'  opinione  di  molti  che  mediante  una  piu  dili- 

genza  o  di  qualche  padre  del  Giesii  amato  da  lei  o  di  qualche  principe  cattolico 

0  vescovo  saria  facil  cosa  di  ridurla  totalmente  alia  vera  fede:  di  che  se  dio 

benedetto  desse  la  gratia  e  che  la  cosa  passasse  con  conveniente  segretezza, 
sarebbe  ella  ottimo  instrumento  per  convertire  poi  il  nipote  con  la  sorella  di  lui 
et  un  altra  figlia  che  resta  del  Casimiro." 

The  writer  here  points  to  Anna  Elizabeth  of  the  Palatinate,  wife  of  Philip  II 
of  Hesse  Rheinfels,  who  died  as  early  as  the  year  1583.  She  had  at  an  earlier 
period  been  suspected  of  Calvinistic  opinions,  and  had  even  been  wounded  in  a 
tumult  in  consequence.  We  find  that  afterwards,  when  living  at  Braubach,  her 
widow's  estate  which  she  embellished,  she  became  suspected  of  the  contrary 
leaning  to  Catholicism. 

The  combination  of  circumstances  on  which  our  author  builds,  is  this.  He 
thinks  that  were  the  young  count  Palatine  to  be  married  to  a  Bavarian  princess, 
the  whole  land  would  become  catholic.  And  how  great  would  be  the  advantage 
of  gaining  over  an  electorate! 

75. 

Instruttione  a  V  S^''^  31ons^  Barberino  arcivescovo  di  Nazaret  destinato  nuntio  ordi- 
nario  di  N.  Sig'^^  al  re  christianissimo  in  Francia.  1603.     (^MS.  Rom.) 

Drawn  up  by  cardinal  P.  Aldobrandino,  who  frequently  alludes  to  his  earlier 
embassy  to  the  French  court;  and  founds  upon  it  his  hopes  of  furthering  the 
cause  of  Catholicism,  already  in  the  ascendant  in  France,  through  the  conver- 
sion of  Henry  IV. 

It  is  worth  remarking  some  of  the  commissions  given  to  the  nuncio,  (who 
was  afterwards  Urban  VIII.) 

"  Ella  fara  si  con  il  re  ch'  egli  mostri  non  solamente  di  desiderare  che  gll 

eretici  si  convertino,  ma  che  dopo  che  si  sono  convertiti,  gli  ajuti  e  favorisca 

II  pensare  a  bilanciare  le  cose  in  maniera  che  si  tenghi  amiche  ambidue  le  parti 
e  una  propositione  vana,  falsa  et  erronea,  e  non  potra  esser  suggerita  a  S.  M** 
che  da  politic!  e  mal  intentionati  e  da  chi  non  ama  la  suprema  autorita  del  re 

nel  regno N.  Sig'''^  non  vuol  lasciar  di  porli"  (to  the  king)  "in  considera- 

tione  una  strada  facile"  (to  get  rid  of  the  protestants)  "  e  senza  che  possa  par- 


FERRERO  REL.  BELLA  GERMANIA.       1605.  357 

torir  tumulto  e  che  si  eseguisca  facilmente  e  fa  il  suo  effetto  senza  coltivatione, 
et  e  qiiella  che  altre  volte  ha  S.  S'''  ricordato  alia  M**  S.  et  addotto  1'  esempio 

di  Polonia  cioe  di  non  dar  gradi  ad  eretici: ricorda  a  8.  M'-'di  dar  qualche 

sbarbatezza  alle  volte  a  costoro"  (to  the  Huguenots),  "  perche  e  turba  ribelle  et 

insolente V.  S""  dovra  dire  liberamente  al  re  che  deve  fuggire  gli  econo- 

mati  et  il  dar  vescovati  e  badie  a  soldati  et  a  donne." 

In  these  cconomati  lay  the  origin  of  the  regale,  wliich  at  a  later  period  caused 
so  many  diputes.  "  II  re  noinina  1'  un  economo,  il  quale  in  virtu  d'  arresto, 
inanzi  sia  fatta  la  speditionc  apostolica,  ainministra  lo  spirituale  e  temporale, 
conferisce  beneficii,  constituisce  vicarii  che  giudicano,  assolvono,  dispensano." 

The  nuncio  was  also  to  endeavor  to  confirm  the  king  in  the  catholic  faith, 
since  during  the  war  he  had  been  prevented  from  receiving  fitting  instruction;  he 
was  to  press  for  the  nomination  of  trustworthy  bishops,  and  to  provide  the  re- 
form of  the  clergy;  if  possible,  to  bring  about  the  publication  of  the  decrees  of 
the  council  of  Trent,  which  the  king  had  promised  the  cardinal  on  his  departure 
to  put  in  execution  within  two  months;  a  promise,  the  performance  of  which  was 
still  neglected  after  a  delay  of  several  years;  the  nuncio  was  also  to  counsel  the 
destruction  of  Geneva  ("  di  tor  via  il  nido  che  hanno  gli  eretici  in  Ginevra,  come 
quella  che  e  asilodi  quanti  apostati  fuggono  d'  Italia"). 

Italy  lies  nearest  to  the  pope's  heart;  he  declares  it  unendurable,  that  a  Hu- 
guenot commander  should  be  sent  to  Castel  Dellino  on  the  Italian  side  of  the 
Alps;  this  example  would  be  fatal. 

Clement  was  busily  occupied  with  the  thought  of  a  TurVdsh  war.  Each  of 
the  allied  monarchs  was  to  attack  the  Turks  at  a  separate  point;  the  king  of 
Spain  was  prepared,  and  only  demanded  the  assurance  that  the  king  of  France 
meanwhile  would  not  stir  up  war  against  him  from  any  other  quarter. 

76. 

Pauli  V pontificis  maximi  vita  compendiose  scripta.  (^Bihl.  Barb.) 

A  panegyric  of  no  great  value. 

The  administration  of  justice,  the  government  in  general,  and  the  building 
schemes  of  Paul  V,  are  praised  at  length. 

"Tacitus  plerumque  et  in  se  receptus,  ubique  locorum  et  temporum  vel  in 
mensa  meditabatur,  scribebat,  plurima  transigebat. 

"  Nullus  dabatur  facinorosis  receptui  locus.  Ex  aulis  primariis  Romse,  ex 
eedinm  nobilissimarum  non  dicam  atriis  sed  penetralibus  nocentes  ad  snppliciuni 
armato  satellitio  educebantur. 

"  Cum  principatus  initio  rerum  singularum,  prascipue  pecuniarum  difficultate 
premeretur,  cum  jugitur  annis  XVI  tantum  auri  lot  largitionibus,  substruclioni- 
bus,  ex  integro  asdificationibus,  pragsidiis  exterorumque  subsidiis  insumpserit, 
rem  frumentariam  tanta  impensa  expediverit — nihil  de  arcis  ^liae  thesauro  ad 
publicum  tutamen  congesto  detraxerit,  subjectas  provincias  sublevaverit;  tot 
immensis  tamen  operibus  non  modo  ffis  alienum  denuo  non  contraxit,  sed  vetus 
imminuit;  non  modo  ad  inopiam  non  est  redactus,  sed  prater  publicum  unde- 
quaque  locupletatum  privato  aerario  novies  centena  raillia  nummum  aureorum 
congessit." 

Probably  this  panegyrist  did  not  regard  the  creation  of  so  many  new  luoghi 
di  monte  as  a  mode  of  raising  a  loan. 

77. 

Relatione  dello  stafo  infelice  del/a  Germania  cum  propositione  delli  rimedii  oppor- 
tuni,  mandata  dal  nuntio  Ferrero  vescovo  di  Vercelli  alia  S<-'^  di  N.  Sig^"  papa 
Paolo  V.     {Bibl.  Barb.) 

Probably  one  of  the  first  circumstantial  reports  which  came  into  the  hands  of 
Paul  V.  The  nuncio  mentions,  as  an  event  just  occurred,  the  insurrection  of  the 
imperial  troops  against  their  general  Basta  in  May  1G05. 

31* 


25S  RELATIONE  DI  MOLINO.       1606. 

The  unfortunate  course  of  the  war  under  these  circumstances,  the  successes 
of  the  Turks  and  rebels  in  conflict  with  the  emperor,  were  doubtless  the  chief 
reasons  for  his  calling  Germany  "  unhappy." 

For  the  number  of  conquests  made  by  the  catholic  church  in  Germany  did  not 
escape  his  notice. 

"  Di  questi  frutti  ne  sono  stati  prossima  causa  gVi  alunni  cosi  di  Roma  come 
delle  varie  citta  e  luoghi  della  Germania  dove  la  pieta  di  Gregorio  XIII  alle 
spese  della  camera  apostolica  gl'  institui,  giunti  li  coUegii  e  scuole  delli  padri 
Giesuiti,  alii  quali  vanno  misti  cattolici  et  heretici;  perche  li  alunni  sudetti  si 
fanno  prelati  o  canonici." 

He  repeatedly  asserts,  that  the  .Jesuits'  schools  had  won  over  a  crowd  of 
young  men  to  the  cause  of  Catholicism.  In  Bohemia,  however,  he  finds  an  extra- 
ordinary want  of  catholic  priests. 

He  also  enters  into  the  political  state  of  Germany;  with  the  feeble  prepara- 
tions made  by  the  emperor,  and  the  internal  division  of  the  house  of  Austria,  he 
looks  upon  the  danger  to  be  feared  from  the  Turks  as  very  threatening.  The 
archdukes  Matthias  and  Maximilian  had  become  reconciled,  in  opposition  to  the 
emperor.  "  Hora  1'  arciduca  Mattia  e  Massimiliano  si  sono  uniti  in  amore,  ve- 
dendo  che  con  la  loro  disunione  facevano  il  gioco  che  1'  imperatore  desidera, 
essendosi  risoluto  il  secondo  a  cedere  al  primo  come  a  quello  che  per  ragione  di 
primogenilura  toccava  il  regno  d'  Ungaria,  Boemia  e  stati  d'  Austria,  et  Alberto 
ha  promesso  di  star  a  quello  che  se  ne  fara,  e  di  comun  concerto  sollecitano  V 
imperatore  con  lettere  a  prendere  risolutione  al  stabilimento  della  casa:  ma  egli 
e  caduto  in  tanta  malinconia,  o  sia  per  questa  lor  unione,  e  gelosia  che  non  siano 
per  valersi  di  queste  sedizioni,  o  per  altro,  che  non  provede  alia  casa  ne  agli 
stati  ne  a  se  stesso." 

Many  other  remarkable  facts  come  to  light:  e.  g.  views  entertained  even  at 
that  time  by  the  house  of  Brandenburg  upon  Silesia.  "  II  Brandeburgh  non 
dispersa  con  gli  stati  che  ha  in  Slesia  e  le  sue  proprie  forze  in  tempo  di  revolu- 
tione  lirar  a  se  quella  provincia." 

78. 

Relatione  delP  ill"^°  S''  Franc.  Mulino  cav  e  pro'^  ritornato  ad  Roma  con  rill™^ 
sig^i  Giovanni  Mocenigo  cav^,  Piero  Duodo  caV  e  Francesco  Contarini  cav^, 
mandati  a  Roma  a  congratularsi  con  papa  Paolo  V  della  sua  ussontione  al  po7i- 
tejicata,  letta  in  senato  25  Genn,  1G05  QG06). 

The  outbreak  of  the  troubles  was  already  to  be  foreseen.  The  ambassadors 
observed  Paul  V  as  closely  as  possible. 

"Sicome  pronuntiato  Leone  XI  penarono  doi  hore  a  vestirlo  pontificalmente, 
cosi  il  presente  pontefice  fu  quasi  creduto  prima  vestito  ch'  eletto  et  pur  da  altri 
cardinali:  che  non  fu  cosi  presto  dichiarato  che  in  momento  dimostro  continenza 
et  gravita  ponlificia  tanta  nell'  aspetto,  nel  moto,  nolle  parole  et  nelli  fatti,  che 
reslarono  tulti  pieni  di  stupore  et  meraviglia  et  molti  forse  pentiti,  ma  tardi  et 
senza  giovamento:  perche  diversissimo  dalli  altri  precessori,  che  in  quel  calore 
hanno  tutti  assenlito  alle  richieste  cosi  de'  cardinali  come  d'altri  et  fatte  infinite 
gratie,  cosi  il  presente  steite  continentissimo  et  sul  serio,  tanto  che  si  diehiari 
risoluto  a  non  voler  assentire  et  promettere  pur  minima  cosa,  dicendo  ch'  era 
conveniente  aver  prima  sopra  le  richieste  et  gratie  che  le  erano  dimandate  ogni 
debita  et  matura  consideratione:  onde  pochissimi  furono  quelli  che  dopo  qualche 
giorno  restassero  in  qualche  parte  gratiati.  Ne  tuttavia  si  va  punto  allargando, 
anzi  per  la  sua  sempre  maggior  riservatezza  dubitando  la  corte  di  veder  anco 
sempre  poche  gratie  et  maggior  strettezza  in  tutte  le  cose,  se  ne  sta  molto  mesta. 
Fra  li  cardinali  non  v'  e  alcuno  che  si  possi  gloriar  di  aver  avuto  tanto  d'intren- 
sichezza  o  famaliarita  seco  che  di  certo  si  possi  promettere  di  ottener  prontamente 
alcuna  cosa  da  lui,  e  tutti  procedono  con  tanto  rispetto  che  si  smarriscono  quando 
sono  per  andarli  a  parlar  et  negotiar  seco:  perche  oltre  che  lo  trovano  star  sempre 
sul  serio  et  dar  le  risposte  con  poche  parole,  si  vedono  incontrar  in  risolutioni 


RELATIONE  i)I  MOLINO.       1606.  359 

fondate  quasi  sempre  sopra  il  rigor  dci  termini  legali:  perche  non  admettendo 
consuetudini,  ch'  egli  chiama  abusi,  ne  eserapj  de  consenso  de'  pontifici  passati, 
ai  quali  non  solamente  dice  clie  non  saperia  accommodar  la  §ua  conscientia,  ma 
che  possono  aver  fatto  male  el  potriano  render  conto  a  dio  o  che  saranno  stali 
ingannali,  o  che  la  cosa  sara  stata  diversa  da  quella  che  a  lui  viene  portata,  li 
lascia  per  il  piu  malcontenli.     Non  ha  caro  che  si  parli  seco  lungo  per  via  di 
contesa  o  di  disputadone,  et  se  ascolta  pur  una  o  doi  rejjliche,  quelle  stimando 
di  aver  risoluto  con  le  decisioni  de'  leggi  o  dei  canoni  a  de'  concilj  che  lor  porta 
per  risposta,  si  torce  se  passano  inanzi,  overo  egli  entra  in  allro,  volendo  che 
sappino  che  per  le  fatiche  fatte  da  lui  il  spatio  di  trenta  cinque  anni  continue  nel 
studio  delle  leggi  et  praticatele  con  perpetui  esercilii  nelli  oliicii  di  corle  in  Roma 
et  fuori,  possi  ragionevolmente  pretendere,  se  bene  questo  non  dice  tanto  espres- 
samente,  di  aver  cosi  esatta  cognitione  di  questa  professione  che  non  metti  il 
piede  a  fallo  nelle  risolutioni  che  da  et  nelle  determinationi  che  fa,  dicendo  bene 
che  nelle  cose  dubbie  deve  I'arbitrio  et  interpretatione  particolarmente  nelle  ma- 
terie  ecclesiastiche  esser  di  lui  solo  come  pontefice.     Et  per  questo  li  cardinali, 
che  per  I'ordinario  da  certo  tempo  in  qua  non  contradicono,  come  solevano,  anzi 
quasi  non  consigliano,  et  se  sono  ricercati  et  comandati  di  parlar  liberamente,  lo 
fanno  conforme  a  quell'  intentione  che  vedono  esser  nelli  pontefici,  se  ben  non 
la  sentono,  col  presente  se  ne  astengono  piii  di  quello  che  habbino  fatto  con  alcun 
dei  suoi  precessori:  et  averanno  ogni  di  tanto  maggior  occasione  di  star  in  silen- 
tio,  quanto  che  mancodelli  altri  ricerca  il  pareredi  loro  odi  alcuno  a  parte,  come 
soleva  pur  far  papa  Clemente  et  altri:  fafra  se  stesso  solo  le  risolutioni  et  quelle 
de  improviso  pubblica  nel  consistoro;   in  cui  hora  si  duole  dei  tempi  presenti, 
hora  si  querela  de'  principi  con  parole  pungenti,  come  fece  ultimamente  in  tempo 
nostro  per  la  deditione  di  Strigonia,  condolendosi  et  attribuendo  la  colpa  all'  im- 
peratore  et  ad  altri  principi  con  parole  aculeate  et  pungenti;  hora  rappresentando 
a'  cardinali  li  loro  obblighi,  li  sfodra  protesti  senza  alcun  precedente  ordine  0 
comandamento,  con  che  li  mette  in  grandissima  confusione,  come  fece  signifi- 
candoli  I'obbligo  della  residenza  et,  come  ho  detto,  non  per  via  di  comando, 
come  facevano  li  altri  pontefici,  li  quali  prefigevano  loro  ancor  stretto  tempo  di 
andar  alle  lor  chiese,  ma  con  solamente  dirli  che  non  escusarebbe  li  absenti  da 
esse  da  peccato  mortale  et  da  ricevere  i  frutti,  fondando  la  sudetta  conclusione 
sopra  li  canoni  et  sopra  il  concilio  di  Trento:  col  qual  termine  solo  cosi  stretto 
et  inaspettatamente  con  molta  flamma  pronunciato  mette  tanta  confusione  nelli 
cardinali  vescovi  che  conoscendo  loro  non  potersi  fermare  in  Roma  piu  lunga- 
mente  senza  scrupolo  et  rimorso  grandlssimo  della  conscientia,  senza  dar  scan- 
dalo   et  senza  incorrer  in  particolar  concetto  presso  il  papa  di  poco  curanti  li 
avvertimenti  della  S^  Sua,  di  poco  timorali  di  dio  et  di  poco  honore  ancor  presso 
il  mondo,  hano  preso  risolutione  chi  di  andar  alia  residenza,  et  gia  se  ne  sono 
partiti  alquanti,  chi  di  rinunciare,  et  chi  di  aver  dispensa  fin  che  passi  la  furia 
dell'  inverno  per  andarvi  alia  primavera:  ne  ha  admesso  per  difesa  che  salvino 
le  legationi  delle  provincie  e  delle  citta  del  stato  ecclesiastico:  solo  doi  poteano 
esser  eccettuati,  il  card'  Tarasio  arcivescovo  di  Siena  vecchissimo  et  sordo,  che 
non  sara  percio  salvato  da  restar  astrelto  alia  renoncia,  et  il  sig'  card'  di  Verona, 
raedesimamente  per  I'eta  grandissima  et  per  aver  gia  molti  anni  mons'"suo  nipote 
ch'  esercita  la  coadjutoria  et  ottimamente  supplisce  per  il  zio." 

In  spite  of  this  severity  the  ambassadors  came  to  a  good  understanding  in  the 
main  with  Paul  V.  He  dismissed  them  in  the  most  friendly  manner,  nor  could 
he  have  expressed  himself  more  favorably.  They  were  themselves  astonished, 
that  things  should  so  soon  afterwards  have  taken  so  entirely  contrary  and  so  dan- 
gerous a  turn. 


360     INST.  AL  CARD^  GESSI.      FILIPPO  MILENSIO,  RAGGUAGLIO. 

79. 

Instruttione  a  mons^^  il  vescovo  di  Rimini  {&  Gessi)  destinato  nuntio  alia  republica 
di  Venetia  della  Santita  di  N.  S.  P.  Paolo  V.   1G07.  4  Giugno.  {Bibl.  Mb.) 

Written  immediately  after  the  termination  of  the  disputes,  but  not  as  yet  in  a 
very  pacific  tone. 

The  pope  complained  that  the  Venetians  tried  to  conceal  the  act  of  absolution; 
in  a  declaration  to  their  clergy,  they  intimated  that  the  pope  had  annulled  his  de- 
cree of  censure,  because  he  recognised  the  purity  of  their  intentions: — ("  che  S. 
Beat°=  per  haver  conosciuta  la  sincerita  degli  animi  e  delle  operationi  lore  havesse 
levate  le  censure.)" 

Nevertheless  Paul  V  goes  so  far  as  to  indulge  the  hope  that  the  consultores — 
Fra  Paolo  even — would  be  delivered  over  to  the  inquisition.  This  passage  is 
very  remarkable.  "  Delle  persone  di  Fra  Paolo  Servita  e  Gio.  Marsilio  e  degli 
altri  seduttori  che  passano  sotto  nome  di  theologi  s'  e  discorso  con  V''*  Sig™  in 
voce:  la  quale  doveria  non  aver  difficolta  in  ottener  che  fossero  consignati  al  sant' 
officio,  non  che  abbandonati  dalla  republica  e  privati  dello  stipendio  che  s'e  loro 
constituito  con  tanto  scandalo."  Such  suggestions  could  only  increase  the  hos- 
tility of  Fra  Paolo  and  render  him  implacable.  The  pope  was  not  aware  what 
a  formidable  enemy  he  had  in  this  man.  All  his  "  Monsignori"  and  "  lllustris- 
simi"  are  forgotten,  while  the  spirit  of  Fra  Paolo  still  lives  (at  least  in  one  sec- 
tion of  that  opposition  which  exists  within  the  bosom  of  the  catholic  church) 
down  to  the  present  hour. 

The  resistance  which  the  pope  had  encountered  in  Venice  made  the  deepest 
impression  upon  him.  "  Vuole  N.  Sig"^"  che  1'  autorita  e  giurisdittione  ecclesi- 
astica  sia  difesa  virilmenteda  V.  S"%  la  quale  averte  non  dimeuo  di  non  abbrac- 
ciar  causa  che  possa  venire  in  contesa  dove  non  abbia  ragione  jaerc/ie/orse  e  minor 
male  il  non  contendere  che  il perdere." 

80. 

JRagguaglio  dello  dieta  imperialefatta  in  Ratisbona  V  anno  del  5''"  1608,  nella  quale 
in  luogo  dell  ecc^'^o  e  rev^^"  mons''  Jlntonio  Gaetano,  arcivescovo  di  Capua,  nuntio 
apostulico,  rimasto  in  Praga  appresso  la  31t<^  Cesarea,fu  residenteil padre  Filippo 
Milensio  maestro  Jlgostino  vici"  generate  sopra  le  provincie  aquilonarie.  AW 
ecc^no  e  rev^"  sig^^  e  principe  il  sig^  card^  Francesco  Barberini. 

Antonio  Gaetano  was  nuncio  at  the  imperial  court  at  the  time  that  the  emperor 
Rudolf  convoked  a  diet,  in  the  year  1607. 

Gaetano  was  commissioned  to  effect  the  more  complete  introduction  of  the  de- 
crees of  the  council  of  Trent,  and  of  the  Gregorian  calendar — changes  to  which 
the  three  temporal  electorates  were  already  inclined,  especially  Saxony,  whose 
ambassador  was  instructed  to  give  his  assent — and  to  take  under  his  particular 
care  the  interests  of  catholic  parties  in  the  Kammergericht.  The  following  rea- 
sons are  assigned  in  the  instruction  for  the  delay  in  the  business  of  that  court. 

"  Di  questo  tribunal  essendo  presidente  supremo  1'  intruso  Magdeburgese 
heretico,  e  volendo  egli  esercitare  il  suo  officio,  non  fu  ammesso,  e  da  quel  tempo 
in  qua  non  essendo  state  reviste  le  cause  et  essendo  moltiplicati  gli  aggravii 
fatti  particolarmente  alii  catolici,  protestando,  li  heretici  di  volere  avere  luogo 
nella  detta  camera  indifferentemente,  come  hanno  li  catolici,  hanno  atteso  con- 
tinuamente  ad  usurpare  i  beni  ecclesiastici." 

It  was  easy  to  foresee  that  this  matter  would  be  warmly  discussed  at  the  diet; 
nevertheless  the  nuncio  could  not  be  present.  The  emperor  had  ordered  the 
archduke  Ferdinand  to  attend  as  his  representative,  and  would  have  regarded  it 
as  an  affront  had  the  nuncio  quitted  him. 

Gaetano  sent  in  his  own  place  the  vicar  of  the  Augustines,  Fra  Milentio,  who 
had  resided  several  years  in  Germany  and  could  not  but  be,  in  some  degree, 
acquainted  with  the  state  of  affairs.  Moreover  the  nuncio  now  referred  him  to 
Matth.  Welser — "  per  esatta  cognitione  delle  cose  dell'  imperio" — and  to  that 


GIO,  MOCENIGO,  REL.       1612.  361 

very  bishop  of  Ratisbon,  a  publication  by  whom  was  just  then  producing  so 
much  excitement  amongst  the  protestants.  He  was  also  directed  to  abide  by  the 
wishes  of  the  emperor's  confessor,  Father  Wilier. 

Unfortunately  Fra  Milontio  did  not  compose  the  account  of  his  own  share  in 
these  transactions  till  after  the  lapse  of  many  years.  Still  what  he  says  of 
his  personal  exertions  is  highly  remarkable:  I  have  already  inserted  it  in  the 
text. 

He  ascribes  the  whole  of  the  troubles  then  broken  out  in  the  empire  to  the 
disputed  succession:  "  essendo  fama  che  Ridolfo  volesse  adottarsi  per  figliuolo 
Leopoldo  arciduca,  minor  fratello  di  Ferdinando,  e  che  poi  a  Ferdiiiando  stesso 
inchinasse."  Matthias  was  exceedingly  displeased.  In  Klesel,  however,  and 
prince  Lichtenstein,  who  had  so  much  power  in  Moravia,  he  met  with  faithful 
and  influential  adherents. 

Dietrichstein  and  Gaetano  had,  according  to  this  account,  a  great  share  in  the 
conclusion  of  the  treaty  between  the  imperial  brothers. 

81. 

Relatione  di  Roma  dcIP  illustrissimo   S''   Giovan  Mocenigo  KaV"  Jlmbr    a  quella 
corte  r  anno  1612.     Inff.  Folitt.     Tom.  XV. 

The  first  ambassador  after  the  settlement  of  the  differences  was  Francesco 
Contarini:  1607 — 1600.  Mocenigo  speaks  highly  of  the  advantage  he  had  de- 
rived from  Contarini's  prudent  conduct.  He  himself,  who  had  already  been 
employed  in  embassies  for  eighteen  years,  was  at  Rome  from  1609  to  1611. 
The  quiet  tone  of  his  report  is  the  best  proof  that  he  also  succeeded  in  maintain- 
ing a  good  understanding. 

In  this  report  it  is  not  his  object  to  repeat  generalities,  nor  what  was  com- 
monly known;  but  only  to  exhibit  the  qualities  and  dispositions  of  the  pope  as 
regards  the  Venetian  republic:  "  la  qualita,  volonta,  dispositione  del  papa  e  della 
republica  verso  questa  republica.  Trattero  il  tutto  con  ogni  brevita,  tralasciando 
le  cose  piu  tosto  curiose  che  necessarie." 

1.  Pope  Paul  V.  "  Maestoso,  grande,  di  poche  parole:  nientedimeno  corre 
voce  che  in  Roma  non  sia  alcuno  che  lo  possa  agguagliare  nelli  termini  di  creanza 
e  buoni  officii:  veridico,  innocente,  di  costumi  esemplari." 

2.  Cardinal  Borghese:  "di  bella  presenza,  cortese,  benigno,  porta  gran  rive- 
renza  al  papa:  rende  ciascuno  sodisfatto  almeno  di  buone  parole:  e  stimalissimo 
e  rispettato  da  ogn'  uno."  In  the  year  1611  he  had  already  an  income  of 
150,000  scudi. 

3.  Spiritual  power.  He  remarks  that  former  popes  placed  their  glory  in 
granting  favors;  that  the  pontiffs  of  the  present  age  on  the  contrary  strove  to 
withdraw  those  already  granted  ("  rigorosamente  studiano  d'  annullare  at  abbas- 
sare  le  gia  ottenute  gratie.")  Nevertheless  every  ruler  endeavored  to  be  on 
good  terms  with  them,  from  the  conviction  that  the  obedience  of  the  people  de- 
pended on  religion. 

4.  Temporal  power.  He  still  finds  the  population  of  the  Roman  states  very 
warlike  ("prontissimi  alle  fattioni,  alii  disaggi,  alle  balaglie,  all'  assalto  et  a 
qualunque  attione  militare;")  the  papal  forces  nevertheless  were  in  utter  decay. 
Formerly  650  light  horse  had  been  maintained,  chiefly  against  the  banditti;  the 
latter  liaving  been  dispersed,  the  cavalry  had  been  sent  to  serve  in  the  Hungarian 
war,  and  had  not  been  replaced. 

5.  Form  of  government,  absolute.  The  cardinal  nepos,  the  datario  and  Lan- 
franco  had  some  influence;  otherwise  the  cardinals  were  only  consulted  when 
the  pope  wished  to  gain  over  their  opinions  for  his  own  purposes;  and  when 
questioned,  they  answered  more  according  to  his  inclination  than  their  own 
views.  ("Se  pure  dimanda  consiglio,  non  e  alcuno  che  ardisca  proferir  allra 
parola  che  d'applauso  e  di  laude,  siche  tutto  viene  terminate  dalla  prudenza  del 
papa").  This  was  in  fact  the  best  course  to  pursue,  since  the  factions  dividing 
the  court  had  filled  it  with  mere  partisans. 


362     REL.  DELLA  NUNTIA'^'*-  De'  SUIZZERI.   1668  — 1612. 

6.  Relation  to  Spain  and  France.  The  pope  endeavored  to  remain  neutral. 
"Quando  da  qualcheduno  dipendente  da  Spagnoli  e  stato  tenuto  proposito  intorno 
alia  validita  et  invalidita  del  matrimonio  della  regina,  si  e  stato  mostrato  risoluto 
a  sostenere  le  ragioni  della  regina.  Li  poco  buoni  Francesi  nel  medesimo  regno 
di  Francia  non  hanno  mancato  d'offerirsi  pronti  a  prender  Tarmi,  purche  haves- 
sero  avuto  qualche  favore  del  papa  e  del  re  di  Spagna. 

"  II  re  di  Spagna  e  piu  rispettato  di  qualsivoglia  altro  principe  dalla  corte  Ro- 
mana.  Cardinali  e  principi  sono  consolatissimi  quando  possono  havere  da  lui 
danari  et  essere  suoi  dependents — II  papa  fu  gia  stipendiato  da  lui,  e  dall'  auto- 
rita  di  S.M.,  come  soggetto  confidente,  favorito  all'assuntione  del  pontificato  con 
singolare  et  incomparabile  beneficio. — Procura  di  dar  sodisfattione  al  duca  di 
Lerma,  acciu  questo  le  serva  per  instrumento  principalissimo  di  suoi  pensieri 
presso  S.  M'^  cattolica." 

7.  His  council:  "  temporeggiare  e  dissimulare  alcune  volte  con  li  pontefici.— - 
Vincitori  essercitano  le  vittorie  a  modo  loro,  vinti  conseguiscono  che  condiiioni 
vogliono." 

82. 

Relatione  della  nunziatura  de'   Suizzeri.      Informationi  Folitt.     Turn.  IX.  ful. 

1—137. 

Informatione  mandata  dal  S^  O  d^  .3qumo  a  Monsi"  Felidano  Silva  vescovo  di  Fo' 
ligno  per  il  paese  di  Suizzeri  e  Grisoni.     Ibid.  fol.  145 — 212. 

In  Lebret's  Magazin  zum  Gebrauch  der  Staaten-und  Kirchen-geschichte,  vol. 
vii,  p.  445,  are  inserted  extracts  from  the  letters  sent  from  the  Roman  court 
during  the  years  1609  and  1614  to  the  nuncios  in  Switzerland; — it  cannot  be 
said  that  they  are  very  interesting;  indeed  they  are  so  completely  detached, 
without  answers  or  illustrative  matter,  that  they  are  not  even  intelligible. 

The  first  of  these  nuncios  is  the  bishop  of  Venafro,  the  same  whom  Haller 
(Bibliothek  der  Schweizergeschichte,  vol.  v,  n«  783,)  mentions  as  having  written 
a  report  on  Switzerland.  "The  papal  nuncio,"  he  says,  "  Lad.  Gr.  of  Aquino, 
bishop  of  Venafro,  has  given  a  proof  of  his  penetration  and  ability  in  this  work, 
which  well  deserves  to  be  printed."  Haller  made  a  copy  of  it  with  his  own 
hand  in  Paris,  which  he  presented  to  the  library  at  Zurich. 

This  report  is  the  same  as  our  own,  but  our  copy  is  more  perfect  than  the  one 
with  which  Haller  was  acquainted. 

When  the  bishop  of  Venafro  left  the  nuntiatura,  which  office  he  had  filled 
from  1608  to  1612,  he  presented  his  successor,  the  bishop  of  Foligno,  not  only 
with  the  instructions  received  by  him  from  cardinal  Borghese,  but  also  with  a 
very  detailed  account  of  the  manner  in  which  he  had  acted  upon  them  ("di 
quanto  si  e  eseguito  sino  al  giorno  d'hoggi  nelli  negotii  in  essa  raccommanda- 
timi  ").  This  is  the  second  of  the  above-cited  MSS.  It  begins  with  a  descrip- 
tion of  the  domestic  dissensions  of  Switzerland. 

"  E  seguitando  I'istesso  ordine  dell'  instruttione  sopradetta,  dico  che  da  molti 
anni  in  qua  si  e  fatta  gran  mutatione  ne'  cantoni  cattolici  e  particolarmente  nella 
buona  amicitia  e  concordia  che  anticamente  passava  fra  di  loro:  perche  hoggidi 
non  solo  per  causa  delle  fatlioni  Spagnuole  e  Francesi  e  delle  pensioni,  ma 
ancora  per  altri  interessi,  emolumenti  e  gare  vi  e  fra  alcuni  tanto  poca  amicitia 
che  col  tempo  potrebbe  partorire  molti  danni  se  tosto  non  si  prende  buon  rimedio 
con  procurare  una  dieta  particolare  non  ad  altro  effetto  che  a  rinuovare  le  leghe 
antiche,  I'amicitia,  fratalianza  et  amorevolezza,  come  io  molte  volte  ho  proposto 
con  grandissimo  applauso,  se  bene  sin'  bora  non  ho  potuto  vederne  I'eiTetto. 
Altorfo  e  antico  emulo  di  Lucerna,  e  tira  seco  gli  altri  due  cantoni  Schwitz  et 
Undervaldo,  e  vede  mal  volontieri  preminenza  e  primo  luogo  de'  signori  Lucer- 
nesi,  et  pero  spesse  volte  contradice  in  attioni  publiche  non  ad  altro  fine  che  di 
gara  e  di  poca  intelligenza:  Lucerna  tira  seco  Friburgo  e  Soloturno  e  ancora 
Zug,  e  fa  un'  altra  partita.     Zug  e  diviso  fra  se  stesso,  essendo  in  gravi  contro- 


INST.  A  DIOTALLEVI  DEST.  NUN.  IN  POLONIA.       1614.         363 

versie  li  cittadini  con  li  contadini,  volendo  ancora  essi  essere  conosciuti  per 
patroni:  e  cosi  in  ogni  cantone  cattolico  vi  sono  molte  publiche  e  private  dissen- 
sioni  con  pregiudicio  delle  deliberationi  e  con  pericolo  di  danni  assai  maggiori 
se  non  vi  si  rimedia,  come  io  procuro  con  ogni  diligenza." 

In  transmitting  this  account,  the  nuncio  promised  a  still  more  minute  report. 
("  Fra  pochi  giorni  spero  di  mandarle  copia  d'una  piena  e  piu  diffusa  relatione 
di  tutti  li  negotii  della  nuntiatura.") 

This  is  the  first-named  MS.  and  the  one  known  to  Haller. 

In  the  second,  the  nuncio  goes  to  work  somewhat  more  methodically.  "  Cap. 
I.  Della  grandezza  della  nuntiatura."  He  first  describes  the  extent  of  the  nun- 
tiatura, which  embraced  a  district  as  large  as  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  and  more- 
over included  people  who  spoke  languages  entirely  different,  among  which  he 
does  not  omit  the  romance  dialect:  "  una  favella  stravagantissima  composta  di 
otto  o  dieci  idiomi." 

"  II.  Degli  ambasciatori  de'  principi  che  resiedono  appresso  Suizzeri  e  de' 
loro  fini." 

"  III.  Delle  diete  e  del  mode,  tempo  e  luogo  dove  si  congregano  fra  Suizzeri." 

"  IV'.  Delli  passi  che  sono  nella  nuntiatura  de'  Suizzeri."  For  the  passes 
formed  the  main  subject  of  contention  between  tlie  several  powers. 

"  V.  Stato  Spirituale  della  nuntiatura  de'  Suizzeri."  The  most  important 
and  naturally  the  most  circumstantial  chapter  (p.  28 — 104),  in  which  an  account 
is  given  of  the  abbeys,  as  well  as  of  certain  dioceses. 

"  VI.  Officio  del  nuntio  per  ajutare  lo  stato  spirituale  e  de'  modi  piii  fruttuosi 
di  farlo." 

"  VII.  Che  debbia  fare  il  nuntio  per  dare  sodisfattione  in  cose  temporali  nella 
nuntiatura." 

We  see,  how  carefully  the  most  important  points  are  separated  and  gone 
through.  The  execution  shows  equal  knowledge  of  the  past  and  present;  zeal, 
ability,  and  penetration.  As  is  natural,  the  report  repeats  the  greater  part  of 
what  was  contained  in  the  first  statement. 

But  even  this  was  not  enough  for  our  nuncio.  To  the  report  he  added  a  "  Com- 
pendido  di  quanto  ha  fatto  mons''''  di  Venafro  in  esecutione  dell'  instruttione 
datali  nel  partire  di  Roma;"  which  had  been  already  composed  on  another  occa- 
sion, and  must  have  been  almost  identical  with  the  first  statement.  He  observes 
this  himself,  but  yet  he  appends  this  little  document.  In  the  copies  it  has  been 
omitted,  doubtless  very  properly. 

Instead  of  it  follows  an  "  Appendice  de'  Grisoni  e  de'  Vallesani,"  no  less  re- 
markable than  the  former  one. 

"  E  questo,"  the  writer  concludes  his  voluminous  work,  "  e  il  breve  sum- 
mario  promesso  da  me  del  stato  della  nuntiatura  Suizzera  con  le  parti  che  a 
quella  soggiaciono.     Deo  gratias,  Amen." 

With  all  this,  he  thought  he  had  given  but  a  short  sketch  of  what  was  worth 
knowing:  so  impossible  it  is  to  represent  the  world  in  words. 

I  have  (vol.  ii,  p.  40  et  sec.)  made  use  of  the  notices  in  this  narrative  only 
as  they  bore  upon  my  own  design:  the  publication  of  what  remains  must  be  left 
to  the  industry  of  the  Swiss. 

83. 

Instruttione  data  a  nions^  Diotallevi  di  S.  Andelo  destinato  dalla  Stf''  di  N^"  Sig''" 
papa  Paolo  V nuntio  aire  di  Polonia  1614. 

A  general  admonition  to  promote  the  catholic  religion,  the  introduction  of  the 
decrees  of  the  council  of  Trent,  and  the  appointment  of  good  catholics  to  public 
offices,  and  on  no  occasion  to  permit  any  measure  of  advantage  to  the  protestants. 

Nevertheless  symptoms  of  a  certain  misunderstanding  are  manifest. 

The  pope  had  refused  to  nominate  the  bishop  of  Reggio  to  a  cardinalate,  in 
accordance  with  the  king's  desire.  The  nuncio  was  to  endeavor  to  appease  the 
king  on  this  head. 


364  INFORMATIONE  DI  BOLOGNA.       1595. 

It  is  particularly  impressed  upon  him,  never  to  promise  money. 

"  Perche  o  non  intendendosi  o  non  vedendosi  le  strettezze  pur  troppo  grandi 
della  sedeapostolica,  sono  facilii  potentati  particolarmente  oltramontani  a  cercar 
ajuto,  e  se  si  desse  ogni  picciola  speranza,  si  offenderebbero  poi  grandemente 
dell'  esclusione." 


We  find  fewer  ecclesiastical  documents  relating  to  the  latter  years  of  Paul  V. 
We  will  profit  by  the  space  thus  left  us  to  examine  certain  others,  upon  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  state  during  that  period. 

84. 
Informaiione  di  Bologna  di  1595.  (Jlmbros.  Bihl.  Milan.     F.  D.  181.) 

The  position  occupied  by  Bologna,  its  political  constitution,  and  the  kind  of 
independence  which  it  maintained,  were  so  remarkable  and  important,  that, 
though  a  provincial  city,  papers  and  documents  relating  to  it  were  included  in 
the  collections. 

In  the  22d  volume  of  the  Informationi  we  find  a  crowd  of  letters  of  the  year 
1580,  addressed  to  Monsignore  Cesi,  legate  of  Bologna,  which  relate  to  his  ad- 
ministration. 

They  are  almost  all  recommendations,  principally  intercessions. 

The  Grand  Duke  and  Grand  Duchess  of  Tuscany  intercede  for  the  Count 
Ercole  Bentivoglio,  whose  crops  had  been  sequestrated,  and  shortly  after,  the 
Grand  Duchess  expresses  her  gratitude  for  the  attention  paid  to  her  entreaties; 
the  Duke  of  Ferrara  recommends  an  actress  of  the  name  of  Vittoria;  the  car- 
dinal San  Sisto  certain  unruly  students  of  the  university; — "  we  too,"  he  says, 
"have  been  scholars;"  Giacomo  Buoncompagno,  son  of  the  pope,  a  professor, 
who  had  been  deprived  of  his  post;  the  cardinal  of  Como,  who  then  chiefly 
conducted  affairs,  certain  monks,  whose  privileges  had  been  interfered  with;  he 
expresses  himself  by  no  means  in  the  lone  of  a  ruler.  There  are  also  petitions 
of  another  kind.  A  father,  whose  son  had  been  murdered,  entreats  urgently, 
and  in  the  most  supplicating  manner,  that  justice  should  be  executed  on  the 
murderer,  who  was  already  in  prison  at  Bologna. 

The  governor's  chief  influence  was  over  the  administration  of  justice.  In  all 
other  things  the  city  was  very  independent. 

"  I  senatori,"  says  the  report,  "  conferiscono  ogni  cosa  importante  col  supe- 
riore,  et  havendo  in  mano  tutti  li  datii  et  entrate  della  citta,  del  datio  del  sale  e 
vino  in  poi,  che  e  del  papa,  dispensano  li  denari  publici  mediante  un  scrutinio, 
che  si  fa  presente  il  superiore  con  le  mandate  sottoscritte  dal  detto  superiore,  dal 
gonfaloniere  et  assunti  deputati  secondo  li  negotii.  Hanno  cura  delle  imposi- 
tioni  e  gravezze  imposte  a  contadini,  reali  e  personali,  come  per  li  buoi  e  teste: — 
attendono  alle  tasse  che  pagano  li  contadini;  alle  muraglie,  porte  e  serragli;  a 
conservare  il  numero  de'  soldati  del  contado: — provedono  ch'  altri  non  usurpi  il 
publico  e  si  conservi  la  bellezze  della  citta: — han  cura  della  fiera  della  seta: — 
eleggono  ogni  mese  per  la  ruota  civile  4  dottori  forastieri,  che  bisogna  siano 
almeno  dottori  di  X  anni,  e  questi  veggono  e  determinano  ogni  causa  civile." 

The  question  is,  how  far  the  representatives  of  the  papal  government  retained 
their  influence  in  this  state  of  things.  It  was,  as  we  have  just  said,  principally 
shown  in  the  administration  of  justice.  "  Un  auditore  generale  concorre  nelle 
cognitioni  delle  cause  con  la  ruota  et  un'altro  particolare  delle  cause  che  avoca 
a  se  et  uno  criminale  chiamato  auditore  del  torrione  del  luogo  ove  risiede,  qual 
tiene  due  sottoauditori  per  suo  servitio,  e  tutti  quelli  sono  pagati  dal  publico." 

Certain  statistical  accounts  follow.  "  Contado  circa  miglia  180:  semina  in- 
torno  a  corbe  120  m.,  raccoglie  un  anno  per  1'  altro  550  m.  a  660  m.  corbe.  Fa  da 
130  m.  anime  (la  citta  70  m.,  che  avanti  le  carestie  passava90m.)  16  m.  fuochi, 
consuma  corbe  200  m.  di  formento  (la  corba  160  libre,)  60  m.  costolate  di  vino, 
18  m.  corbe  di  sale,  1700  ra.  libre  d'  olio,  ammazza  8  m.  vaccine,  10  m.  vitelli, 


VASSALLI  DEI  BARONI  ROMANI.  365 

13  m.  porchi,  8  m.  castrati,  G  m.  agnelli,  et  abrugia  400  m.  libre  di  candele 

Si  fa  conto  che  un  anno  per  1'  altro  moreno  nellaciita  3  m.  porsone  e  ne  nascono 
4  m.,  che  si  faccino  500  spose  e  GO — 70  monaclii,  che  siano  portati  a'  poveri 
bastardini  300  piitti  1'  anno.  Ha  100  fra  carroxze  e  cocchi.  Vengono  nella 
citta  ogni  anno  da  GOO  m.  libre  de  follicelli  da  quali  si  fa  la  seta,  e  se  ne  niette 
opera  per  uso  della  citta  100  tn.  libre  1'  anno." 


Imtruitione  per  un  legato  di  Bologna.     (^Vallic.) 

Of  a  somewhat  later  date.     The  following  counsels  are  curious. 

"  Invigilare  sopra  gli  avvocaii  cavillost  et  in  particolare  quelli  che  pigliano  a 

proteggere  a  torto  i  villani  contro  li  cittadini  e  gentilhuomini, accarezzare 

in  apparenza  tutti  li  magistrati,  non  conculcare  i  nobili."  The  evil  of  the  bravi 
had  risen  to  such  a  pitch,  that  many  of  the  students  who  had  not  yet  matricu- 
lated, had  become  members  of  their  body. 

Other  papers  exhibit  the  state  of  the  Campagna  di  Roma;  they  show  how  the 
poor  peasant  was  harassed,  what  share  of  the  profits  the  barons  kept  for  them- 
selves, and  the  mode  in  which  the  land  was  tilled. 

8G. 

Dichiaratione  di  tulto  quello  che  pagano  i  vassalH  de  baroni  Romani  al  pupa  e 
aggravj  che  pagano  ad  essi  baroni. 

"I.  Pagamenti  diversi  che  si  fanno  da  vassalli  de  baroni  Romani  al  papa. 
Pagano  il  sale,  pagano  un  quattrino  per  libra  di  came,  pagano  1'  impositione  per 
11  mantenimento  delle  galere  posta  da  Sisto  quinto,  pagano  i  sussidii  triennali, 
pagano  i  cavalli  morti  cioe  per  alloggiamento  di  cavalleria,  pagano  una  certa 
impositione  che  si  chiama  de  soldati,  pagano  una  certo  impositione  che  si  chiama 
1'  archivio,  pagano  un'  alira  impositione  che  si  chiama  S.  Felice,  pagano  la  fog- 
lietta  messa  da  Sisto  quinto,  pagano  una  certa  impositione  che  si  chiama  sale 
forastico. 

"II.  Pagamenti  che  fanno  li  medesimi  vassali  a  baroni.  Pagano  poi  al 
barone,  ove  sono  molina,  tanto  grano,  perche  e  somma  molto  grave,  pagano  ris- 
posta  di  vino,  pagano  risposta  d'  olio  ove  ne  fa,  pagano  di  mandare  i  porci  nei 
castagneti  e  querceti  fatta  la  raccolta  che  chiamano  ruspare,  pagano  tasse  d'  hos- 
terie,  pagano  tasse  de  pizigaroli,  pagano  tasse  de  fornari,  pagano  de  bichierari, 
pagano  quelli  che  vanno  a  spigolare  come  e  secato  il  grano,  pagano  dei  bestiami 
che  vanno  a  pascere,  pagano  risposta  di  grano  pagano  risposta  di  biada.  Mon- 
tano  tutti  questi  aggravii,  come  si  puol  vedere  dali'  entrate  dell  duca  Altemps, 
computata  la  portione  del  molino  della  molara  che  si  trahe  da  vassalli,  2803  sc; 
questo  si  cava  da  vassalli  del  Montecapuri  (?)  del  ducato  Altemps,  che  sono  da 
180  e  190  fuochi,  e  cio  si  mette  per  esempio,  onde  si  possa  vedere  appresso 
come  sono  aggravati  i  vassalli  de  baroni  Romani  dello  stato  ecclesiastico.  Aver- 
tasi  che  qui  non  ci  e  quello  che  si  paga  alia  camera." 

87. 
JVota  della  entrati  di  molti  signori  e  ducha  Romani. 

Without  doubt,  belonging,  like  the  former  document,  to  the  times  of  Clement 
VIII,  who  is  simply  styled  the  pope. 

The  Colonna  family  are  distinguished  by  the  possession  of  vassals;  other 
families  possessed  more  allodial  property.  The  income  of  the  Contestabile 
Colonna  is  reckoned  at  25,000  scudi,  that  of  Martio  Colonna  of  Zagarolo  at 
23,000. 

We  have  seen  how  the  system  of  loans  pursued  by  the  state  was  imitated  by 
the  barons.  The  Sermoneto  family  had,  in  the  year  1600,  an  income  of  27,000 
scudi,  and  debts  amounting  to  300,000  scudi:  the  Duke  of  Castel  Gandolfo,  an 
VOL.  II. — 32 


366  DISCORSO  DI  M'^  MALVASIA.       1606. 

income  of  14,600  scudi,  and  debts  to  the  amount  of  360,000  scudi.  The  house 
of  Montalto  exceeded  all  others;  they  had  debts  to  the  amount  of  600,000  scudi. 
The  collective  incomes  of  the  Roman  barons  were  estimated  at  271,747  scudi, 
and  their  possessions  at  the  value  of  nine  millions  of  gold. 

The  author  found  that  the  estates  were  by  no  means  neglected. 

"  Questi  terreni  di  campagna,  contrario  all'  opinione  commune  e  a  quel  che 
io  pensavo,  sono  tenuti  con  grandissima  cura  e  diligenza:  perche  si  arano  quat- 
tro,  sei  e  sette  volte,  si  nettano  d'  erbe  due  o  tre,  tra  le  quali  una  d'  inverno,  si 
levano  1'  erbe  con  la  mano,  si  seminano,  ragguagliati  li  quattro  anni,  li  due  a 
grano  nei  sodi  luoghi:  dove  non  si  semina,  vi  si  fidano  le  pecore.  Le  spighe  si 
lagliano  alte,  onde  rimane  assai  paglia:  e  quella  poi  si  abbrugia,  che  fa  cres- 
cere.  E  li  aratri  con  che  si  arano  questi  terreni,  generalmente  non  vanno  molto 
profondo:  e  questo  avviene  perche  la  maggior  parte  di  questi  terreni  non  son 
molto  fondati  e  tosto  si  trova  il  pancone.  Questa  campagna  e  lavorata  tutta 
per  punta  di  denaro"  (by  day  laborers),  "  segata,  seminata  e  sarchiata:  in  som- 
ma,  tutti  li  suoi  bisogni  si  fanno  con  forastieri:  e  genti  che  lavorano  detta  cam- 
pagna, sono  nutrili  della  robba  che  si  porta  loro  con  le  cavalle.  Questa  cam- 
pagna, computali  i  terreni  buoni  e  catlivi  e  ragguagliato  un'  anno  per  1'  altro,  si 
puo  dir  che  faccia  ogni  uno  sei,  avvertendo  che  nei  luoghi  di  questi  signori  dove 
sono  i  loro  castelli  molte  fiate  non  fanno  far  lavorare,  ma  li  danno  a  risposta  a' 
vassalli  secondo  che  convengono.  E  questo  basti  quanto  alia  campagna  di 
Roma,  S'  affitlera  ragguagliato  il  rubbio  di  questo  terrene  50  giulj,  onde  a  farli 
orassa  verra  il  rubbio  del  terreno  cento  scudi  e  dieci  giulj." 

Besides,  it  was  reckoned  that  there  were  at  that  time  79,504  rubbia  of  land 
in  the  campagna,  and  that  they  yielded  318,016  scudi  yearly;  4  scudi  the  rub- 

hiii; rather  more  than  2100  rubbia  belonged  to  the  barons;  about  23,000  to  the 

reliiTious  houses,  more  than  4000  to  foreigners,  and  31,000  rubbia  to  the  remain- 
ing^Ronian  inhabitants.  This  proportion  was  changed  at  a  later  period,  when 
the  Roman  citizens  sold  so  many  of  their  estates. 

Let  us  however  pass  to  the  more  general  relations. 


Per  soUevare  la  camera  apostolica.     Discorso  di  mons^  Malvasia,  1606. 

In  spite  of  all  the  taxes,  it  was  remarked  with  terror  by  the  papal  government, 
that  it  still  possessed  nothing.  "  The  payment  of  interest,"  exclaims  our  au- 
thor, "  consumes  nearly  the  whole  income:  the  government  is  constantly  embar- 
rassed how  to  cover  the  current  expenses;  if  any  extraordinary  demand  occurs 
they  know  not  whither  to  turn.  It  would  be  impossible  to  impose  new  taxes, 
and  new  savings  would  not  even  be  advisable:  "  magnum  vectigal  parsimonia;" 
there  remains  nothing  but  to  reduce  the  rate  of  interest,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
take  money  from  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo.  Instead  of  all  the  monti,  with  dif- 
ferent rates  of  interest,  there  must  be  but  one,  a  monte  papale,  with  four,  or  at 
most  five  per  cent.;  all  the  rest  must  be  bought  in  at  their  nominal  value,  a  pro- 
ceeding in  which  the  apostolic  see  would  be  fully  justified,  as  it  had  usually 
reserved  such  a  right  on  the  erection  of  the  monti — earlier  popes,  e.  g.  Paul  IV, 
had  been  obliged  to  sell  at  50  per  cent.;  Clement  VIII  himself  had  only  re- 
ceived 0G~,."  The  author  hereupon  enters  into  a  detail  of  how  far  such  a 
scheme  would  be  practicable. 

"  Succedera  che  stante  la  larghezza  ed  abbondanza  del  denaro  che  al  presente 
si  trova  nella  piazza  di  Roma  con  1'  accrescimento  che  fara  il  millione  estratto, 
aggiunta  la  difficolta  e  pericolo  di  mandar  fuori  la  moneta  e  1'  oro  per  la  prohi- 
bitione  sudetta" — which  he  had  proposed — "  che  la  maggior  parte  di  quelli  che 
hanno  monti  ed  oflSzj  estinti,  volontieri  entreranno  in  questo  monte  papale,  ed  a 
quelli  che  vorranno  i  lor  denari  contanti,  se  gli  potranno  pagare  del  detto  mil- 
lione e  del  prezzo  del  monte  papale  che  si  andra  vendendo.  Si  puo  anche  con- 
siderare  che  ne'  monti  non  vacabili  ne  sono  gran  parte  vinculati  ed  obbligati  a 
reinvestimento  per  sicurta  di  eccezione  di  dote,  di  luoghi  pii  ed  altri  obblighi, 


REL.  DELLO  STATO  ECCLESIASTICO.  367 

che  necessariamente  entreranno  in  questo  monte  papale,  e  si  tardera  assai  a  rice- 
vere  il  diiiaro,  per  ritrovare  altro  reinvostiinento  o  dare  nltra  sodisfatlione  ed 
adempimento  alia  conditioni  ed  ohhliglii  a  quali  sono  sottoposti,  il  che  anco  ap- 
portera,  molto  comodo  e  facilita  a  questo  neirotio. 

"  Potra.  anoo  la  camera  accollarsi  tutti  i  rnonti  delle  communita  e  de'  partico- 
lari,  e  ridurli  come  sopra,  e  godere  quel  piii  sino  che  da  esse  communita  e  parti- 
colari  saranno  estinti. 

"A  tutti  quelli  che  in  luog-o  di  altri  monti  e  oflicj  vorranno  del  detto  monte 
papale,  se  gli  deve  dare  la  spedizione  e  la  patenle  per  la  prima  volta  gratis  senza 
spesa  alcuna. 

"In  questa  maniera  puo  la  S'*  V  in  breve  tempo  sollevare  e  liberare  la  sede  e 
la  camera  apostolica  da  tanti  debiti  e  tanta  oppressione:  perche  con  1'  avanzo  che 
si  fara  dalla  delta  estinzione  e  reduzione  di  frutti  ed  interesse,  che  secondo  il 
calcolo  dato  alia  S'-^  V  dal  suo  commissario  della  camera  ascende  alrneno  con  far 
la  reduzione  a  5  per  cento  a  sc.  quattro  cento  trentunmila  ottocento  cinque  I'  anno, 
potra  cslinguere  ogni  anno  scudi  trecento  trentunmila  ottocento  cinque  di  debito, 
oltre  alii  sc.  centomila  che  saranno  assegnati  per  rimettere  in  castello  il  millione 
estratto  a  compire  la  meta  del  terzo  millione  ciie  manca." 

It  is  sufficient  to  remark  here,  how  seriously  people  began  to  think  on  a  well- 
regulated  financial  system:  it  is  not  necessary  to  insert  the  calculations.  The 
Roman  court  did  not  adopt  any  plan  of  this  kind,  but  followed  the  easier  and 
more  convenient  road. 

89. 

Nota  di  danari  officii  e  niobili  donati  da  papa  Paolo  V  a  suoi  parenti  e  concessioni 

fatelli. 

The  pope  had  been  advised  to  draw  in  the  officii  bearing  interest,  and  the 
monti.  We  here  find,  1.  ("Nota  officiorum  concessorum  excell™"  domino  M. 
Antonio  Burghesio  tempore  pontificatus  felicis  recordationis  Pauli  V;"  there 
are  altogether  120  offices,  the  value  of  which  is  reckoned  according  to  the  cus- 
tomary market-price;  2.)  "  Nota  di  molte  donationi  di  monti  fatte  alii  sig"  Fran- 
cesco Gioan  Batlista  e  M.  A.  Borghese  da  Paolo  V,  con  le  giustificationi  in 
margine  di  qualsivoglia  partito."  That  is  to  say,  the  extracts  from  the  official 
books,  whence  we  learn  these  donations,  are  also  set  down.  There  are  similar 
rubrics  containing  lists  of  the  sums  of  money  and  the  other  valuables  which 
were  given  to  these  signori,  and  of  the  privileges  granted  to  them.  The  justifi- 
cations are  in  the  following  style.  "  Nel  libro  della  thesoreria  secreta  d'  Ales- 
sandro  Ruspoli  fol.  17  e  da  doi  brevi,  uno  sotto  la  data  delli  20  Genn.  1608  et  1' 
altro  delli  11  Marzo,  registrati  nel  libro  primo  signaturarum  Pauli  V  negli  atti 
di  Felice  de  Totis  fol.  12G  et  fol.  131.— A  di  23  Dec.  1605  sc.  36  m.  d'  oro  stampe 
donati  al  sig^  GB  Borghese  per  pagar  il  palazzo  et  il  restante  impiegarli  nella 
fabrica  di  quello,  quali  scudi  36  m.  d'  oro  stampe  provenivano  del  prezzo  del 
chiamato  di  mons'"  Centuriono  ridotti  a  2-1  moneta  a  ragione  di  Giulii  13  per 
scudo  sono  46,800  sc." 

I  have  already  shown  to  what  extraordinary  sums  these  donations  amounted, 
and  what  an  influence  the  rise  of  the  papal  families  had  upon  the  capital  city 
and  the  provinces. 

90. 

Relatione  della  stato  ecclcsiastico  dove  si  confengono  molti  particolari  degni  di  con- 
sideraiione.     (1611.)     Inform.  Politt.  XI.  f.  1  to  27. 

It  is  stated  at  the  very  beginning  that  the  author  was  asked  for  this  report  one 
morning,  and  sent  it  home  on  the  evening  of  the  same  day. 

It  would  have  been  truly  wonderful  if  he  could  have  dictated  within  a  few 
hours  so  circumstantial  a  report,  which  turned  out  by  no  means  bad,  and  con- 
tains much  that  is  remarkable.     We  find  here  the  acknowledgment  that  the 


368  REL.  BELLA  ROMAGNA.       C.       1615. 

number  of  inhabitants  was  decreasing  in  many  parts  of  Italy,  either  through 
plague  or  famine,  or  through  the  murders  committed  by  the  banditti,  or  through 
the  excessive  load  of  taxes;  it  was  no  longer  possible  to  marry  at  a  suitable  age 
and  to  bring  up  a  family  of  children.  Moreover  their  very  blood  was  wrung 
from  the  inhabitants  by  the  taxes,  and  their  spirits  crushed  by  the  endless  re- 
strictions on  trade. 

The  anonymous  author  betrays  himself  on  one  occasion.  He  remarks,  that 
he  had  written  a  book  entitled,  "  Ragione  di  stato."  "  Ho  difTusamente  trattato 
nella  ragione  di  stato,"  he  says  somewhere. 

This  gives  us  a  clue  to  him.  In  the  year  1589,  there  appeared  at  Venice, 
"Delia  ragion  di  stato  libri  X  con  tre  libri  delle  cause  delia  grandezza  delle 
citta."  It  is  dedicated  to  that  Wolf  Dietrich  von  Raittenau,  Archbishop  of 
Salzburg,  who  first  among  the  German  princes  introduced  a  stricter  administra- 
tion of  the  government,  fashioned  after  the  Italian  system.  Its  author  is  the 
well-known  Giovanni  Bolero,  whose  "  Relationi  universali"  enjoyed  very  ex- 
tensive circulation  at  that  time. 

It  is  evident  that  these  "Relationi"  must  be  examined,  to  see  if  they  do  not 
contain  the  one  we  have  before  us. 

In  the  main  work  itself,  which  contains  a  summary  account  of  the  States  of 
the  Church,  it  is  not  to  be  found;  but  there  exists  a  smaller  work,  frequently  ap- 
pended to  the  former:  "Relationi  del  sig'' Giov.  Botero  Benese di  wSpagna, 

dello  stato  della  chiesa,  del  Piamonte,  della  contea  di  Nizza,  dell'  isola  Tapro- 
bana,"  the  dedication  of  which  is  dated  1611;  in  this  we  have  the  present  report 
word  for  word. 

The  introduction  alone  is  different.  The  report  bears  the  following  title: 
"Discorso  intorno  alio  stato  della  chiesa  preso  della  parte  dell'  ufficio  del  car- 
dinale  che  non  e  stampata."  It  belonged,  as  we  see,  to  a  work  upon  the  duties 
of  the  cardinals. 

I  leave  it  to  my  readers  to  judge,  whether  the  most  credulous  would  be  de- 
ceived by  the  introduction  to  the  report,  which  I  have  mentioned  above. 

91. 

Tarqu,  Pitaro  sopra  la  negotiatione  maritima.    17  Ott.  1612.     (^Vallic.) 

Botero  recommends  attention  to  the  commerce  of  the  papal  states.  In  fact 
there  was  then  a  plan  for  excavating  a  new  harbor  at  the  town  of  Fano.  Hopes 
were  indulged  of  drawing  thither  the  trade  of  the  towns  of  Urbino. 

The  author  however  urges  the  most  cogent  reasons  against  this  plan.  He 
says  that  the  example  of  Ancona  should  be  kept  in  mind,  which  town  he  (as  do 
the  Venetians  shortly  afterwards),  describes  as  very  much  gone  to  decay.  "  Ne 
sono  partiti  li  mercanti,  forastieri,  i  nativi  falliti,  le  genti  gl'  uomini  impoveriti, 
gli  artigiani  ruinati  e  la  plebe  quasiche  dispersa."  It  would  be  better  to  level 
Fano  with  the  ground,  than  to  erect  a  harbor  there  with  money  raised  on  inte- 
rest. What  had  been  the  fate  of  Ascoli,  where  after  a  considerable  loan  had 
been  raised  to  bring  its  maremma  into  cultivation  the  undertaking  had  utterly 
failed. 

In  fact  it  was  not  advisable  on  other  grounds  to  accede  to  such  a  plan,  as  the 
towns  of  Urbino  must  within  a  short  time  escheat  to  Rome. 

92. 

Relalione  della  Romagna.     (^Alt.') 

Belonging  to  about  the  year  1615:  the  year  1612  is  expressly  mentioned;  with 
reference  to  the  whole  period  however  from  the  death  of  Julius  III,  this  docu- 
ment is  of  the  greatest  importance.  The  factions  dividing  the  province  are 
described;  the  transfer  of  landed  property  caused  in  particular  by  the  rise  of  the 
papal  families,  is  very  well  explained.  1  have  frequently  made  use  of  this 
document;  a  remark  upon  San  Marino,  which  in  those  early  times  gradually 


PAROLE  DELLO  GOVERNO  ECCL°.  369 

rose  by  continued  exemptions  to  freedom  and  independence,  may  find  a  place 
here. 

"  La  republica  di  S.  Marino  si  presume  libera,  se  non  in  quanto  e  raccomman- 
data  al  duca  d'  Urbino.  Del  1G12  si  propose  e  si  ottenne  in  quel  consiglio  che 
succedendo  la  mancanza  della  linea  delle  Rovere  si  dichiaravano  sotto  la  pro- 
tettione  della  sede  apostolica,  della  quale  per  ciu  ottennero  alcuni  privilegii  et  in 
particolare  dell'  estrattione  de  grani  e  di  grascia.  Fa  questa  terra,  compresovi 
due  altri  castelli  annessi,  circa  700  faochi.  E'  situata  in  monti  e  luogo  forte  et 
e  custodita  la  porta  da  soldati  proprii.  Hanno  la  libera  amministralione  della 
giustizia  e  della  grazia.  Si  elegono  tra  di  loro  ad  tempus  i  magistrati  maggiori 
chiamati  conservatori,  a  quali  tra  di  loro  si  da  il  titolo  dell'  illustrissimo.  In 
qualche  grave  eccesso  sogliono  condurre  ofRciali  forestieri  per  fare  processi  e 
cause,  et  in  particolare  li  ministri  dell'  Altezza  del  duca  d'  Urbino,  con  quella 
autorila  che  loro  pare.  11  publico  e  povero,  che  non  arriva  a  500  scudi  d'  en- 
trada.  Ma  li  particolari  alcuni  sono  comodi  et  alcuni  ricchi  rispetto  allapochita 
del  paese.  Solevano  affittare  banditi  d'  ogni  sorte:  ma  perche  alle  volte  ne 
nascevano  scandali,  e  stato  da  loro  decretato  che  non  si  possino  affittare 
banditi  se  non  con  certe  conditioni:  ma  non  si  ne  pud  havere  facilraente  salvo- 
condotto." 

93. 

Parole  tmiversali  dello  governo  eccksiastico,  per  far  xma  greggia  et  tin  pastore. 
Se.crelo  al  papa  solo. — Informuit.  XXIV,  (2C  leaves.) 

In  spite  of  the  state  of  the  Roman  territory,  which  gradually  deteriorated  so 
obviously,  there  were  still  people  who  cherished  the  most  ambitious  designs. 

They  have  never  been  more  strangely  and  extravagantly  enounced  than  by 
Thomas  Campanella  in  the  present  work. 

For  there  is  no  doubt  that  this  unfortunate  philosopher,  who  fell  under  the 
suspicion  of  a  desire  to  wrest  Calabria  from  the  Spanish  monarchy,  and  of  a 
share  in  the  wild  plans  of  the  duke  of  Ossuna,  is  the  author  of  this  work. 
"  Questo  e  il  compendio,"  he  says,  "del  libro  intitolato  il  governo  ecclesiastico, 
11  quale  resto  in  mano  di  Don  Lelio  Orsino,  et  io  autore  tengo  copia  in  Stilo 
patria  mia;"  he  adds,  "  Hajc  et  longe  plura  explicantur  in  Monarchia  Messiie." 
Campanella  was  from  Stilo,  and  this  Monarchia  Messiaj  is  by  him.  We 
cannot  doubt  but  that  he  either  composed  or  revised  the  document  in  ques- 
tion. 

The  date  may  be  left  uncertain.  Probably  he  indulged  in  ideas  of  this  kind 
during  his  whole  life. 

He  remarks  that  the  pope  has  very  warlike  subjects.  "  Li  Romagnuoli  e 
Marchianisono  pernaturainclinati  all'  armi:  ondeservono  a  Venetiani,  Francesi, 
Toscani  e  Spagnuoli,  perche  il  papa  non  e  guerriero."  He  advises  the  pope 
however,  to  become  warlike.  There  was  still  the  material  for  Ciceros,  Brutuses, 
and  Catos.     Nature  was  not  deficient,  but  art. 

He  is  of  opinion  that  the  pope  should  assemble  two  armies;  that  of  S.  Pietro 
at  sea,  the  other  of  S.  Paolo  on  shore,  somewhat  in  the  way  of  janissaries. 
An  armed  religion  had  never  been  overcome,  especially  when  supported  by  good 
preaching. 

For  he  by  no  means  overlooks  this  latter  requisite.  He  advises  that  the  most 
able  men  should  be  selected  from  all  the  religious  orders,  set  free  from  their 
monastic  vows,  and  permitted  to  devote  themselves  to  learning  and  science. 

In  the  monasteries,  law,  medicine  and  the  liberal  arts  should  be  studied  as 
well  as  theology.  The  golden  age  must  be  preached  to  the  people,  when  there 
should  be  one  fold  under  one  shepherd;  the  happiness  of  delivered  Jerusalem, 
and  of  a  state  of  patriarchal  innocence  must  be  painted  so  as  to  awaken  a  long- 
ing desire  for  them. 

But  when  would  such  a  state  of  felicity  arrive]  "Then,"  he  answers, 
"  when  all  temporal  sovereignties  shall  be  done  away  with  and  the  vicar  of 

32* 


370  HISTORIANS  OP  THE  JESUITS. 

Christ  shall  rule  over  the  whole  earth."  "  Sara  nel  mondo  una  greggia  et  un 
pastore,  e  si  vedra  il  secol  d'  oro  cantato  da  poeti,  1'  ottima  republica  descritta 
da  philosophi,  e  lo  stato  del'  innocenza  de'  patriarchi,  e  la  felicita  di  Gerusa- 
lemme  liberata  da  mano  degli  eretici  et  infedeli.  E  questo  fia  quando  saranno 
evacuati  tutti  11  principati  mondani  e  regnera  per  tutto  il  mondo  solo  il  vicario 
di  Christo," 

The  doctrine  must  be  preached — according  to  his  advice — that  the  pope  was 
lord  in  temporal  matters  also;  a  priest  after  the  order  of  Abimelech,  and  not  of 
Aaron. 

Such  ideas  were  still  entertained,  either — for  I  will  not  decide  between  the 
two  eras — towards  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  or  during  the  first  half  of 
the  seventeenth.  We  already  know  how  extraordinary  was  the  progress  of  the 
Roman  power  at  that  period.  Before  I  return  to  the  documents  relating  to  that 
progress,  I  may  be  allowed  to  add  a  few  words  upon  the  historians  of  the  Jesuits, 
whose  influence  was  then  at  its  height. 


RemarJcs  upon  some  of  the  Historians  of  the  Jesuits. 

High  conceit  of  themselves  and  leisure  gradually  led  the  greater  number  of 
the  religious  orders  to  write  their  own  histories  in  great  detail. 

None  have  done  this  so  systematically  as  the  Jesuits.  Their  aim  was  to  give 
the  world  a  connected  and  comprehensive  history  of  all  they  had  accomplished, 
written  by  themselves.  And  in  effect  the  "  Historia  Societatis  Jesu,"  known  to 
us  under  the  names  of  Orlandinus  and  his  continuers,  is  a  work  of  the  greatest 
importance  as  relates  to  that  order — indeed  we  may  say  as  relates  to  the  history 
of  the  century  generally. 

Nicolaus  Orlandinus,  a  native  of  Florence,  had  for  a  time  been  at  the  head  of 
the  college  of  Nola  and  the  novices  trained  at  Naples,  when  in  1598  he  was 
summoned  by  Acquaviva  to  Rome,  and  appointed  historian  to  the  order.  In  his 
style  of  writing,  as  well  as  in  the  business  of  life,  hs  was  careful,  extremely 
accurate,  and  cautious;  but  his  health  was  extremely  feeble.  With  great  labor 
he  brought  his  work  down  to  the  death  of  Ignatius.     He  died  in  1G06. 

His  successor  in  this  occupation  was  Franciscus  Sacchinus,  born  in  the  terri- 
tory of  Perugia,  by  far  the  most  distinguished  of  the  Jesuit  historians.  He  was 
the  son  of  a  peasant,  who  occasionally  visited  him  at  the  Collegium  Romanum, 
where  he  studied  rhetoric;  and  it  is  told  in  his  praise,  that  he  was  never 
ashamed  of  his  origin.  He  devoted  himself  for  eighteen  years  to  the  compo- 
sition of  his  history,  residing  at  the  house  of  probation  upon  the  Monte  Quiri- 
nale,  which  he  scarcely  ever  quitted.  Nevertheless  he  spent  his  life  in  the  con- 
templation of  the  great  interests  of  the  world.  The  restoration  of  Catholicism 
was  still  in  its  fullest  progress.  What  can  be  more  attractive  to  a  historian, 
than  to  describe  the  origin  and  beginnings  of  an  event,  the  development  and 
effects  of  which  are  within  his  own  observation]  Sacchinus  felt  all  the  peculiar 
characteristics  of  his  subject — this  general  battle  fought  out  in  all  the  enthusiasm 
of  orthodoxy.  "  I  do  not  describe  wars,"  he  says  "  of  nations  against  each 
other,  but  wars  of  the  human  race  against  the  monsters  and  the  powers  of  hell; 
— wars  not  embracing  single  provinces,  but  every  land  and  every  sea; — wars, 
in  which  not  earthly  power  but  the  heavenly  kingdom  is  the  prize."  In  this 
tone  of  Jesuitical  exaltation  he  has  wriiten  the  history  of  the  government  of 
Lainez  (15^3-1504;)  of  Borgia  down  to  1572;  of  the  cardinal  Everardus  Mer- 
curianus  down  to  1580 — each  in  one  volume  containing  eight  books:  and  of  the 
lirst  ten  years  of  Acquaviva's  administration  in  the  same  number  of  books. 
Altogether  there  are  four  tolerably  thick  and  closely  printed  folio  volumes,  in 
spite  of  which  he  makes  excuses  for  being  so  concise.  And  in  truth  it  cannot 
be  said  tliat  he  is  ever  prolix  or  tedious.  He  is  of  course  partial  in  the  highest 
degree;  he  passes  over  whatever  does  not  please  him,  and  incorporates  into  his 
work  those  materials  only  which  redound  to  the  honor  of  his  order,  and  so  on; 


HISTORIANS  OF  THE  JESUITS.  371 

nevertheless,  much  is  to  be  learned  from  his  books.  I  have  here  and  there  com- 
pared him  with  the  sources  he  has  drawn  from,  e.  g.  with  those  parts  of  the 
Litterae  AnnuEe  whicli  are  printed  and  were  accessible  to  me — for  in  Germany 
books  of  this  kind  are  very  rare,  and  I  was  oblii^ed  to  have  recourse  to  the 
libraries  of  Breslau  and  Gotlingjcn: — 1  have  on  all  occasions  found  that  his  ex- 
tracts were  made  with  judtrmcnt,  a  feeling  of  what  was  characteristic,  and  in- 
deed with  talent.  In  the  course  of  this  work  Sacchini  had  acquired  so  circum- 
stantial and  accurate  a  knowledge  of  the  affairs  of  the  society,  that  the  general, 
Mutio  Vitelleschi  himself,  summoned  him  to  take  part  in  them.  For  our  sake 
it  is  to  be  wished  this  had  not  been  the  case,  for  Sacchini  would  then  have 
finished  his  account  of  the  government  of  Acquaviva,  and  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant epochs  would  have  been  far  better  illustrated  than  it  lias  been  at  a  later 
period.  Sacchini  died  in  1G25.  His  last  volume  was  completed  and  published 
by  Petrus  Possinus. 

With  the  progress  of  time, however,  enthusiasm  declined.  Even  the  "Imago 
primi  sajculi,"  of  the  year  1640,  is  far  less  rich  in  matter,  more  credulous  of 
miracles,  and  more  uncouth  in  style.  Not  till  1710  did  there  appear  a  continua- 
tion of  Sacchini  by  Jouvency,  comprehending  the  last  fifteen  years  under  Ac- 
quaviva. Jouvency  also  has  unquestionable  talent;  he  narrates  in  a  style  de- 
scriptive and  flowing,  though  not  devoid  of  pretension;  but  unfortunately  he 
interpreted  the  word  Historia  too  literally,  and  did  not  choose  to  write  annals 
as  Sacchini  had  done.  He  therefore  distributed  the  matter  which  he  found  at 
hand  under  different  heads:  "  Societas  domesticis  motibus  agitata; — societas  ex- 
terriis  cladibus  jactata;— vexata  in  Anglia; — oppugnata; — aucta, — &c."  In  con- 
sequence of  this  arrangement,  he  did  not  devote  the  necesssary  attention  to  the 
point,  undoubtedly  the  most  important — the  revived  spread  of  Catholicism  in 
protestant  countries.  The  method  of  annals  was  besides  far  more  appropriate  to 
such  a  subject.  With  all  his  historical  labors,  Jouvency  only  succeeds  in  pro- 
ducing a  compilation  of  fragments. 

And  in  fact  he  met  with  little  applause.  The  order  once  even  had  the  project 
of  causing  this  whole  epoch  to  be  rewritten  on  the  model  of  Sacchinus,  and  it 
was  afterwards  strictly  followed  by  Julius  Cordara,  who  continued  this  history 
from  1G16  to  1625.  But  the  spirit  in  which  former  authors  had  written  was 
irrecoverably  lost.  Cordara's  volume  is  very  useful,  but  not  to  be  compared  in 
reach  of  thought  or  in  power  with  the  productions  of  his  earlier  predecessors,  or 
even  of  Juvencius.  It  appeared  in  1750.  After  that  time  the  order  were  forced 
into  too  many  struggles  for  existence  to  allow  them  leisure  to  think  of  a  con- 
tinuation of  their  history.  The  epoch  of  their  greatest  glory  was  moreover 
past. 

Besides  this  general  history,  there  exists,  as  is  known,  a  great  number  of  pro- 
vincial histories  of  the  order.  In  most  of  them  the  general  history  forms  the 
groundwork:  it  is  often  copied  literally.  This  is  most  strikingly  the  case  in 
Socher,  "  Historia  provinciaj  Austrias;"  where  the  author  repeatedly  copies  Sac- 
chinus even  in  particular  expressions,  e.  g.  he  reproduces  the  "  pudet  referre'' 
of  the  original  thus,  "  pudet  sane  referre."  (Sacchin.  iv,  vi,  78.  Socher,  vi, 
n^  33.) 

But  I  will  not  enter  into  a  criticism  of  these  authors;  the  field  is  far  too  wide, 
and  in  these  days  moreover  they  are  not  attractive,  when  too  little,  rather  than 
too  much,  credit  is  attached  to  them;  one  remark  only  may  be  allowed  me  upon 
the  history  of  Ignatio  Loiola. 

On  comparing  Orlandinus  with  both  of  the  other  more  weighty  historians  of 
Loiola,  It  is  striking  how  far  more  he  agrees  with  the  one,  Maffei  (De  vita  et 
moribus  D.  Ignatii  Loiolaj)  than  with  the  other,  Pietro  Ribadeneira.  The  man- 
ner of  this  agreement  is  remarkable.  The  book  of  Maffei  appeared  as  early  r.s 
1585;  it  was  not  till  fifteen  years  later  that  Orlandinus  produced  his,  and  from 
the  great  similarity  between  the  two,  MaflTei  might  easily  appear  to  have  served 
as  a  model.  Nevertheless,  Maffei  is  on  all  occasions  more  elaborate  and  man- 
nered in  his  style:  Orlandinus  more  natural,  more  simple,  and  also  far  more  de- 


372  GIUSTINIAN,  GRIMANI,  CONTARINI,  SORANZO. 

scriptive.  The  riddle  is  solved,  on  learning  that  both  drew  from  the  same 
source,  the  Notes  of  Polancus.  Maffei  does  not  mention  him,  but  we  learn  from 
a  special  treatise  by  Sacchinus,  "  Cujus  sit  auctoritatis  quod  in  B.  Cajetani  vita 
de  b.  It^natio  traditur,"  which  we  find  in  the  later  editions  of  Orlandinus,  that 
Everardo  Mercuriano  had  presented  him  with  the  MSS.  of  Polancus.  Accord- 
ing to  that  authority,  Orlandinus  principally  drew  his  materials  from  this  same 
Polancus;  no  wonder  therefore  if  Maffei  and  Orlandinus  agree.  We  have, 
however,  the  original  notes  in  a  more  genuine  form  in  Orlandinus  than  in  Maffei: 
the  former  is  more  industrious,  more  detailed,  and  more  true  to  his  authorities; 
the  latter  places  his  glory  in  historical  ornaments  and  good  Latin. 

But  whence  arise  the  differences  in  Ribadeneira's  statements'?  The  cause  of 
them  is,  that  he  drew  principally  from  another  written  document — the  Notes  of 
Ludovicus  Consalvus. 

Both  Consalvus  and  Polancus  derived  their  information  from  the  oral  commu- 
nications of  Ignatius  himself;  as  far  as  I  can  see,  however,  Polancus  picked  up 
the  accidental  and  occasional  expressions  of  the  general  of  the  order,  whilst  Con- 
salvus knew  how  to  draw  him  out  upon  occasions  to  give  a  circumstantial  nar- 
ration; as  for  instance,  of  his  first  spiritual  call. 

And  thus  it  seems  that  we  have  to  distinguish  a  double  tradition;  the  one  by 
Polancus,  repeated  in  Maffei  and  Orlandino,  the  other  by  Consalvus,  repeated  in 
Ribadeneira. 

Consalvus  is  by  far  the  most  remarkable;  he  gives  authentic  communications, 
from  the  mouth,  as  we  have  every  reason  to  believe,  of  Ignatius  himself,  to  which, 
however,  later  writers  have  not  adhered. 

But  here,  as  in  all  tradition,  it  is  easy  to  detect  an  expansion  of  the  original 
and  simple  material.  This  process  was  begun  even  by  Ribadeneira;  e.  g.  he  de- 
rived the  account  of  the  eight  days'  ecstacy  of  Ignatius  at  Manresa,  whence  he 
was  awakened  by  the  word  of  Jesus,  from  the  narratives  of  the  lady  Isabella 
Rosel  of  Barcellona.  "  Examen  Ribadeneiree  in  comment,  prasv.  AA.  SS.  Julii 
t.  VII,  p.  590." 

But  people  were  far  from  being  contented  with  him.  He  did  not  touch  upon 
many  of  the  miracles  which  were  commonly  believed.  "  Nescio"  says  Sacchi- 
nus, "  qua;  mens  incidit  Ribadeneirae  ut  multa  ejus  generis  miracula  prseteriret." 
On  that  very  account  Polancus  set  about  his  collection  of  them,  and  caused  Mer- 
curian  to  have  it  arranged  and  completed  by  Maffei,  whence  they  found  their  way 
into  Orlandinus. 

But  even  his  legends  did  not  satisfy  the  wonder-seekingjesuitism  of  the  seven- 
teenth century.  As  early  as  the  year  1606,  belief  prevailed  in  the  sanctity  of  a 
cave  at  Manresa,  where  it  was  said  that  the  "  Exercitia  spiritualia"  of  Ignatius 
were  composed,  although  neither  of  the  two  traditions  mentioned  a  syllable  of 
such  a  story,  and  the  Dominicans  maintained,  doubtless  correctly,  that  the  real 
cave  of  Ignatius  was  in  their  monastery. 

At  that  very  time  the  differences  between  the  Dominicans  and  the  Jesuits  were 
at  their  height;  motive  sufficient  on  the  part  of  the  latter  to  fix  on  another  spot 
as  the  scene  of  the  foundation  of  their  order. 


And  now  let  us  return  to  our  MSS.,  concerning  Gregory  XV  and  Urban  VIII. 

94. 

Relatione  delli  ecc'"^^  S^i  Hieron.  Giustinian  K''  Proc'',  Ant.  Grimani  K^,  Franc. 
Coniarini  Frocr,  Hieron.  Sor'anzo  K^,  amb''i  estraord.  al  sommo  pontejice  Grego- 
rio  XV  P  anno  1621  il  mese  di  Maggio. 

This,  like  all  reports  of  the  same  kind,  is  of  inferior  importance. 

The  description  of  the  new  pope  and  his  government  can  be  but  cursory  after 
so  short  a  residence:  a  iew  remarks  upon  the  journey  of  the  writers,  the  conclave, 
the  birth  and  early  life  of  the  newly  elected  pope,  and  the  first  workings  of  his 


GIUNTI,  VITA  DI  LUD"=*'  LUDOVISI.  373 

administration,  constitute  nearly  the  whole  subject-matter.  In  this  instance 
more  might  have  been  done,  as  Geronimo  Soranzo,  the  regular  ambassador,  who 
had  resided  five  years  at  the  Roman  court,  was  associated  to  the  other  three  en- 
voys, and  delivered  in  a  common  report  with  them. 

The  interest  felt  by  the  Venetian  senate  was  not  however  of  the  same  kind  as 
ours;  it  was  political,  not  historical.  The  personal  character  and  the  court-his- 
tory of  a  deceased  ruler  no  longer  excited  any  curiosity,  and  could  be  of  no  essen- 
tial importance.  Soranzo  contents  himself  with  a  few  remarks.  "  Non  debbo 
tralasciare  di  narrare  qualche  cosa  delle  piii  gravi  che  mi  sono  occorsedi  maneg- 
giare  in  si  lunga  et  importante  legatione." 

The  most  important  part  of  the  report  is,  that  wherein  he  explains  the  position 
which  Venice  assumed  with  respect  to  the  see  of  Rome,  in  its  recent  differences 
with  Spain. 

"  Gli  Spagnuoli  facevano  considerara  S.  S'^  quelle  si  opportune  congiunture  di 
ravvivar  le  ragioni  della  chiesa  in  golfo.  L'  amb*^  si  affatico  di  mostrare  il  giusto, 
antico  et  indubitato  possesso  del  golfo,  aggiungendo  che  la  rep"^*  per  difenderlo 
ricorrerebbe  ad  ajuti  stranieri,  si  valerebbe  di  Inglesi,  Olandesi  e  di  Turchi  med"'"', 
e  seS.  S'Miavessefomentatol'ingiuste  et  indebite  pretension!  di  Spagnuoli,  arebbe 
posta  tutta  la  X*-^  in  grand™  scompiglio.  Un  giorno  S.  S**^  mi  desse  "  Stimiamo 
necessario  che  le  cose  del  golfo  non  si  alterino:  le  novita  seguite  in  esso  ci  son  spi- 
acciute  grandemente:  lo  abbiamo  detto  a  chi  ne  ha  parlato." 

It  appears  that  tiiere  were  some  grounds  to  fear  that  the  old  differences  would 
break  out  into  open  hostilities. 

Soranzo  only  endeavored  to  persuade  pope  Paul  V  that  the  republic  was  not 
favorable  to  the  protestants.  "  Lo  resi  al  pieno  capace  della  bonta  e  del  puro 
zelo  della  republica." 

The  ambassadors  entertained  the  conviction  that  the  new  pope  would  not  be 
inclined  to  the  Spanish  party.  The  manner  and  form  of  his  election  seemed  to 
countenance  their  opinion. 

"  Nella  elettione  di  Gregorio  XV  si  mostro  1'  effetto  del  spirito  santo.  Bor- 
ghese,  che  aveva  per  far  il  papa  a  sua  voglia  sei  voti  oltre  il  bisogno,  era  riso- 
luto  di  far  eleggere  Campori:  ma  tre  delle  sue  creature  dissentendovi,  nascendo 
piu  altri  inconvenienti,  piii  per  motivo  et  istigatione  d'  allri  che  per  inclination 
propria  venne  alia  nominatione  di  Ludovisio  sua  creatura.  Questo  cardinale 
aveva  1'  amore  di  Aldobrandino,  fu  tenuto  da  Spagnuoli  di  placidi  pensieri  Fran- 
cesi  suo  confidente  1'  aveano." 

The  pope's  nephew  also  appeared  to  be  independent  of  the  Spanish  party. 
"  Mostra  sinora  genio  alieno  da  Spagnoli,"  are  the  words  of  the  delegates. 

A  change  however  was  soon  visible. 

95. 

Vita  efatti  di  Ludovico  Ludovisi,  di  S.  R,  Ch,  vicecanc.  nepote  di  papa  Gregorio 
XF,  scritto  da  Luc.  Antonio  Giunti  suo  servitor e  da  Urbino.  (^Cors.  122 
leaves.) 

"  Ludovico,  ch'  e  poi  stato  il  card' Ludovisi,  nacque  in  Bologna  dal  conte 
Oratio  della  famiglia  di  Ludovisi  e  della  contessa  Lavinia  Albergati  1'  anno 
1595  a  27  d'  Ottobre."  He  was  brought  up  in  the  Jesuits'  college  at  Rome, 
became  doctor  of  divinity  in  1615,  accompanied  his  uncle  during  his  nuntiatura 
to  Bologna  in  1617,  entered  into  the  prelature  in  1619,  and  was  made  a  cardinal 
on  the  16th  of  February,  1621,  the  day  after  the  coronation  of  his  uncle,  thus 
acquiring  that  high  political  station  which  we  have  described  in  the  text. 

"  Daro,"  says  the  author,  "qualche  cenno  delle  cose  parte  da  lui  proposte, 
parte  da  lui  coadjuvate  o  promosse  nel  pontificate  del  suo  zio  Gregorio." 

1.  These  were  his  prominent  characteristics.     "  Ascoltava  tutto  con  flemma 

piu  che  ordinaria  :  gli  ambasciatori  mai  si  rendevano  satii  di  trattar  seco, 

si  davaa  tutti,  occioche  tutti  si  dassero  a  lui.  Mostrava  guistitia  e  misericordia 
insieme,  seiiza  passions  o  doppiezza." 


374  GUNTI,  VITA  DI  LUD'^"  LUDOVISI. 

2.  His  appointments.  He  advanced  the  cardinals  who  had  contributed  to 
the  election  of  his  uncle,  to  different  legations,  Orsino  to  Romagna,  Pio  to  the 
March,  Ubaldini  to  Bologna,  and  Capponi  to  the  archbishopric  of  Ravenna. 
They  were  thus  repaid  for  their  services.  Nuncios  were  sent  to  all  courts;  the 
Massimi  to  Tuscany,  Pamfili  to  Naples,  Corsini  to  France,  Sangro  to  Spain, 
Caraffa  to  the  emperor,  and  Montorio  to  Cologne.  Aldobrandino  was  general 
and  Pino  was  paymaster  in  Germany.  The  greater  portion  of  the  instructions 
oi  these  nunciaturas  are  extant,  which  renders  the  following  account  of  the 
manner  in  which  they  were  drawn  up  the  more  interesting.  "Quantunque  fos- 
sero  distese  da  m'' Agucchia  prelato  Bolognese,  nondimendo  il  card'"  fece  in  esse 
particular  fatica  nelle  annotalioni  di  cap!,  di  motivi,  del  senso  di  S.  Beat<^s,  de' 
ripieghi  e  consigli  suggeriti  dal  suo  proprio  avvedimento  e  sapere."  We  see 
that  they  were  sketched  by  the  cardinal,  the  pope's  nephew,  and  completed  by 
Agucchia,  a  fellow  countryman  of  Ludovisi. 

3.  Bulls  concerning  the  papal  elections.  Tiie  forms  which  had  heretofore 
prevailed  were  altered ;  secret  scrutiny  was  introduced,  and  the  adoration 
abolished.  Giunti  mentions  the  disadvantages  resulting  from  the  adoration: 
"  Rendeva  i  cardinal!  piu  timidi  nel  dire  il  parer  loro,  partoriva  e  fomentava  gravi 
disgusti  tra  gli  escludenti  e  gli  esclusi,  cagionava  che  il  pontefice  si  eleggesse 
senza  la  debita  premeditatione,  mentre  i  capi  delle  fattioni  manifestavano  le 
loro  volunta,  faceva  che  la  sommo  delle  elettioni  fosse  per  il  piii  appoggiata  a 
cardinali  giovani."  We  may  readily  believe  that  Ludovisi  had  many  other 
more  private  grounds  for  making  these  changes,  which  however  are  not  men- 
tioned. 

4.  The  establishment  of  the  propaganda;  the  canonization  of  saints:  all  these 
things  we  have  treated  of. 

5.  The  transfer  of  the  electorate;  and  the  share  which  Ludovisi  had  in  that 
measure. 

6.  The  acquisition  of  the  Heidelberg  library:  " per  la  quale  (la  biblioteca 

Palatina)  si  opero  molto  il  card'"  Ludovisio,  atteso  che  riputava  uno  degli 
avvenimenti  piii  felici  del  pontificate  del  zio  di  poterla  conseguire.  Fu  destinato 
il  dottor  Leon  AUaccio,  scrittore  Greco  dell'  istessa  biblioteca  Vaticana,  che 
andasse  a  riceverla  et  accompagnarla." 

7.  The  protection  which  Ludovisi  gave  to  the  capuchins,  whom  he  esteemed 
very  highly,  and  also  to  the  Jesuits.  Vitelleschi  says,  that  through  the  especial 
protection  which  God  always  afforded  to  the  company,  it  happened  that  it  al- 
ways had  some  great  cardinal  as  its  patron;  for  instance,  Alessandro  Farnese, 
Odoardo  Farnese,  Alessandro  Orsino,  and  now  Ludovisi.  He  had  richly  en- 
dowed the  Jesuit  churches  at  Rome  and  Bologna  out  of  his  own  private  property, 
and  left  by  his  will  200,000  scudi  towards  the  completion  of  the  former.  Even 
during  his  lifetime  he  presented  them  yearly  with  6000  scudi.  The  author 
reckons  that  sum  among  the  cardinal's  other  charities,  which  he  states  to  amount 
to  the  sum  of  32,882  scudi  a  year. 

8.  The  election  of  Urban  VHI  which  is  here  ascribed  to  the  cardinal:  "supe- 
rando  con  la  sua  destrezza  le  difficolta  che  si  trapouevano."  His  quitting  Rome 
and  proceeding  to  his  archiepiscopal  seat  in  Bologna  was  completely  his  own 
choice. 

9.  His  after-life:  he  occasionally  preached  in  Bologna,  and  induced  the  Bo- 
lognese to  add  Ignatius  Loyola  and  Franciso  Xavier  to  the  list  of  their  patron 
saints:  but  the  chief  thing  was,  that  he  strenuously  opposed  the  wavering  policy 
of  Urban  \lll,  as  might  have  been  expected  from  the  tenor  of  his  own  govern- 
ment. On  occasion  of  the  victories  of  Gustavus  Adolphus  in  1631,  he  offered 
the  Spanish  court  100,000  scudi,  and  the  produce  of  his  Spanish  abbeys,  of 
which  he  possessed  ten,  during  the  continuance  of  the  war.  Giunti  copies  the 
letter  in  which  Ludovisi  grounds  this  offer  upon  the  "  presenti  bisogni  della  Ger- 
mania  e  dell'  augustissima  casa  di  S.  M'%  base  e  sostegno  della  religione  cat- 
tolica,"  This  offer  was  not  accepted  by  the  Spaniards;  Olivarez  answered  him 
that  although  the  king  refused  his  proposal,  his  majesty  would  not  fail  to  show 


INSTRUTT.  A  C.  CARAFFA.       1621.  375 

the  cardinal  all  the  favor  which  he  could  desire,  and  which  might  be  esteemed 
interested  if  he  accepted  it. 

Notliing  is  to  be  found  here  of  the  intention  ascribed  by  a  Venetian  to  the  car- 
dinal, of  summoning  a  council  againt  pope  Urban  VIII. 

The  general  style  of  this  biography  is  that  of  an  official  panegyric. 

Although  it  contains  much  useful  and  credible  information,  it  omits  all  men- 
tion of  the  more  questionable  facts. 

The  cardinal  died  soon  afterwards.  "La  cui  anima,"  concludes  Giunti, 
"  riposi  in  cielo." 

96. 

Instruttione  a  mons'''  vescovo  d\iversa,  nuniio   desiina  to   da  N.    Sig'>'^  alia  M^" 
Cesareadi  Ferdinando  II  Imperutore.     Euma,  \2  Apr.  1621. 

We  have  seen  the  important  results  of  Caraffa's  exertions;  even  on  this  ac- 
count the  instruction  which  Gregory  XV  wrote  for  him  when  he  first  proceeded 
on  his  nuntiatura  would  have  been  interesting;  but  it  also  deserves  attention  as 
it  develops  the  views  taken  at  Rome,  after  the  battle  of  Prague. 

Gregory  begins  by  assuming,  that  the  object  of  the  protestants  was  to  root  out 
the  house  of  Austria,  to  seize  upon  the  imperial  throne,  and  then  to  rush  into 
Italy,  and  rob  and  plunder  that  noblest  portion  of  the  globe.  God  however  had 
given  a  different  turn  to  events,  and  it  was  for  man  to  improve  this  to  the 
utmost. 

He  recommends  the  nuncio  to  devote  his  attention  to  the  following  points. 

I.  The  strengthening  of  the  empire  by  the  catholics.  He  promises  assistance 
to  the  emperor,  and  urges  him  to  follow  up  the  victory  promptly. 

II.  Establishment  of  the  catholic  religion.  The  pope  is  delighted  at  its  pro- 
gress in  Austria  and  Moravia.  He  is  comforted  that  the  Calvinists  at  any  rate 
are  not  tolerated  in  Silesia,  and  yet  he  would  not  sanction  the  toleration  even 
of  the  confession  of  Augsburg,  which  approaches  most  nearly  to  Catholicism, 
in  Hungary  ("  la  confessione  che,  quantunque  rea,  si  dilunga  assai  meno  dalla 
professione  cattolica  di  quello  che  facciano  le  piu  sette  cattoliche").  But  Bo- 
hemia is  what  he  is  most  solicitous  about.  He  recommends  the  following  means 
for  the  restoration  of  Catholicism: 

"  1.  Fondare  in  Praga  un'  universita  cattolica, 

"  2.  Rimeltere  nelleantiche  perrochie  cattolici  e  per  le  citta  i  maestri  di  scola 
parimente  cattolici. 

"  3.  L'uso  dei  catechismi  e  di  buoni  libri  per  tutto,  ma  per  li  fanciulli  et  idioti 
1'  antiche  canzoni  spirituali  in  lingua  Bohema. 

"4.  Librarj  e  stampatori  cattolici,  facendo  visitare  le  librerie  e  stampe  degli 
ereteci. 

"  5.  L'  opera  de'  padri  Gesuiti  e  di  altri  religiosi. 

"  6.  Ritornare  in  piedi  li  collegii  di  poveri,  assegnando  a  quelli  li  beni  eccle- 
siastic! alienati." 

All  means  of  instruction  and  education.  The  nuntio  is  also  directed  to  oppose 
the  appointment  of  protestant  officers.  "  Lasciandosi  le  menti  humane  piu  con- 
sigliare  dal  proprio  interesse  che  da  altro,  incominceranno  a  poco  a  poco  massima- 
mente  i  giovani  a  piegare  1'  anirno  alia  religione  cattolica,  se  non  per  altro,  per 
partecipare  di  publici  honori." 

III.  Restoration  of  the  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.  The  pope  complains  much 
on  this  point.  The  bishops  still  refuse  to  submit  to  the  edicts  of  the  council  of 
Trent;  the  canons  are  given  to  corrupt  practices;  the  chapters  make  a  bad  use 
of  their  patronage;  even  the  emperor  takes  too  many  liberties.  "  L'  imperatore 
istesso  sotto  varii  pretesti  di  spogli,  di  juspatronati,  di  concessioni  apostoliche, 
di  avocarie,  di  incamerationi  e  di  pienezza  di  potesta  trattiene  le  chiese  gli  anni 
vacanti,  et  in  quel  mentre  se  ne  prende  per  se  1'  entrate." 

IV.  The  restoration  of  the  papal  authority.  The  emperors  appear  to  be  glad 
to  see  that  the  pope  dared  no  longer  issue  excommunications  and  bulls.     More- 


376  INSTRUTT.  A  SANGRO,  PER  ISPAGNA.       1621, 

over,  the  papal  court  has  lost  amazingly  by  the  falling  off  in  the  supplies  of 
money  from  Germany,  which  formerly  amounted  to  200,000  scudi  a  year.  Gre- 
o-ory  cannot  entirely  justify  the  proceedings  towards  Klesel,  but  he  expresses 
himself  on  the  subject  in  very  gentle  terms:  "  non  e  mai  piaciuto  troppo  quel 
fatto."     Verospi,  the  auditore  di  rota,  was  sent  over  to  carry  on  the  proceedings. 

V.  The  relations  of  the  emperor  with  Italy.  This  might  be  useful  in  the 
Valtelline  affairs  more  especially.  In  Spain  the  sacking  of  fortified  towns  after 
conquest  was  not  yet  permitted.  "  Pare  che  il  duca  di  Feria  et  altri  ministri  di 
S.  M''  Ces.  in  Italia  si  opponghino  a  quel  consiglio,  come  colore  che  vorrebbero 
ritenere  i  forti  e  con  essi  la  gloria  di  quell'  acquisto."  The  pope  plainly  sees 
the  danger  of  this;  the  protestants  in  Germany  could  wish  nothing  more  than  to 
see  the  sword  drawn  in  Italy. 

VI.  Behavior  of  the  nuncio.  He  is  of  course  recommended  in  the  first  place 
to  Eckenberg;  it  is,  however,  most  remarkable  that  the  pope's  nephew  expresses 
himself  with  the  utmost  caution  about  the  Jesuits:  "Terra  gran  conto  del  padre 
Beccano  confessore  di  Cesare,  e  si  valeracon  destrezza  dell'  opera  sua,  non  las- 
ciando  inianto  di  osservare  i  suoi  discorsi  e  consigli  per  scoprirne  meglio  i  fini 
et  avvisarmegli.  E  parimente  a'  padri  Gesuiti  ricorrera  con  avveduta  confi- 
denza."     "  With  cautious  confidence!"     An  admirable  piece  of  advice. 

We  perceive  meanwhile  what  magnificent  projects  the  pope  then  entertained. 
He  already  contemplated  the  restoration  of  all  church  property.  We  shall  con- 
clude our  extract  with  this  remarkable  passage:  "  Secondo  che  s'  anderanno  ac- 
quistando  de  paesi  tenuti  avanti  dagli  eretici,  ella  faccia  grandissima  istanza 
con  S.  M'^  di  ricuperare  i  beni  ecclesiastici  occupati  da  loro  e  di  renderli  alle 
chiese  et  alii  veri  patroni.  Questo  officio  si  fece  per  ordine  di  papa  Paolo  V, 
quando  il  marchese  Spinola  s'  impossesso  del  palatinate,  e  1'  imperatore  rispose 
che  non  era  ancor  tempo  di  trattarne." 

We  find  that  Paul  V  had  conceived  the  plan  of  the  edict  of  restitution  in 
1620,  but  that  it  was  then  rejected  by  the  emperor  as  premature. 

The  nuncio  is  now  to  press  this  point,  and  to  represent  to  the  emperor  the 
merit  he  would  acquire  by  it. 

97. 

Instruttione  a  mons^  Sangro,  putriarcha  cf  Alessandria  et  arcivescovo  di  Benevento^ 
per  andar  nunzio  di  S.  >S''«  al  re  cattolico.     1 62 1 . 

Sangro  is  reminded  that  in  Spain  power  now  rests  mainly  in  the  hands  of 
Uzeda  and  the  grand  inquisitor;  he  must  therefore  make  it  his  especial  business 
to  recall  to  the  mind  of  the  latter  his  spiritual  duties. 

In  order  to  discover  secrets  he  is  directed  to  frequent  the  company  of  the 
ambassadors  of  Venice  and  Tuscany:  "de'  quali  si  suol  cavar  molto." 

The  questions  of  immunity,  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  and  collettoria,  are 
treated  at  great  length,  but  1  must  confess  that  the  imperfect  and  illegible  copy 
■which  I  found,  deterred  me  from  entering  further  into  these  subjects.  The 
principal  thing  is,  of  course,  the  explanation  of  political  relations. 

The  nuncio  is  especially  directed  to  demand  the  renewal  of  the  war  with 
Holland.  He  was  to  remind  the  court  that  Prince  Maurice  was  already  old  and 
feeble,  and  that  his  death  was  to  be  expected  daily:  that  the  provinces  were 
weakened  by  the  schisms  of  the  Arminians  and  Gomarists:  that  Count  Henry 
hoped,  with  the  assistance  of  the  former,  and  Count  Ernest  with  that  of  the 
latter,  to  get  possession  of  the  supreme  authority:  that  the  Zealanders  were 
poor,  and  the  Dutch  hated  by  all  their  neighbors  for  their  arrogance.  "  Laonde 
il  re  non  pud  voltare  le  sue  forze  contra  di  loro  in  meglior  tempo  ovvero  oppor- 
tunita." 


INSTRUT.  A  LANCELOTI  PER  POLONIA.  377 

98. 

Instruttione  a  V.  Sig^i"'  M''  di  Torres,  arcivescovo  di  Jlntrinopoli,  nuntio  destinato 
da  N.  Sigrc  in  Polonia.    30  Maggio,  1621. 

The  misunderstanding  between  Paul  V  and  Sigismund  III  was  not  wholly 
unimportant.  "  Se  la  pieta  del  re,"  says  Gregory  XV  in  this  instruction  which 
he  gave  to  his  first  nuncio,  "  e  la  riverenza  che  a  questa  sede  egli  porta,  non 
havesse  ammorzato  del  tutto  o  almeno  coperte  le  scintille  de'  dispiaceri  loro,  se 
ne  sarebbe  per  li  soffioni  altrui  acceso  alciin  fuoco  di  discordia  manifesta," 

Gregory  now  endeavors  to  smooth  over  everything:  he  is  penetrated  by  his 
sense  of  the  merits  of  this  king,  who  could  not  have  been  made  a  better  catholic 
in  Rome  itself. 

The  nuncio  is  directed,  above  all,  to  maintain  an  irreproachable  conduct: 
"  perche  tutti  gli  pongono  gli  occhi  adosso  e  prendono  ancora  esempio  da  santi 
costumi  di  lui,  et  il  re  medesimo  il  propone  a  suoi  prelati  per  norma,"  A  diligent 
attendance  at  the  banquets  of  the  chief  nobles  would  indeed  be  no  bad  means  of 
acquiring  influence,  but  in  would  in  the  end  tend  to  diminish  the  respect  which 
a  nuncio  ought  to  inspire. 

It  would  be  advisable  that  the  nuncio  should,  as  formerly,  visit  the  churches 
in  person. 

The  main  point,  however,  still  was  education.  The  institution  of  the  Dot- 
trina  Christiana,  as  it  subsists  in  Italy,  was  to  be  introduced  in  Poland  also. 
Catechisms  and  religious  books  were  to  be  provided,  and  worldly  or  protestant 
songs  superseded  by  catholic  ones. 

99. 

Instruttione  a  V.  Sna  M>'  Lancellotti,  vescovo  di  Nola,  destinato  da  N.  S^e  suo 
nuntio  in  Polonia. 

I  do  not  know  whether  in  1622  or  1623,  but  certainly  during  the  pontificate  of 
Gregory  XV. 

The  instruction  which  had  been  drawn  up  for  Torres  was  also  communicated 
to  Lancellotti.  Since  that  time,  at  the  order  of  the  propaganda,  all  bishops  had 
been  obliged  to  report  the  state  of  their  dioceses;  and  out  of  their  reports  the 
nuncio  was  to  collect  his  information. 

With  regard  to  political  affairs  this  instruction  is  more  explicit.  The  nuncio 
is  to  maintain  the  good  understanding  between  Poland  and  the  house  of  Austria 
by  every  possible  means,  for  this  keeps  the  Turks  and  the  rebellious  subjects 
of  the  emperor  in  check. 

The  Poles  greatly  wished  to  conclude  a  peace,  or  at  any  rate  a  truce  of  twenty 
years,  with  Gustavus  Adolphus,  who  also  proposed  that,  should  he  die  without 
issue,  the  line  of  Poland  would  succeed  to  him;  but  Sigismund  would  listen  to 
nothing.  "  Benche  Gustavo  per  conditione  espressa  che  morendo  lui  senza 
figliuoli  gli  avesse  a  succedere  S.  M*^  e  la  sua  stirpe,  s'oppose  a  questi  consigli." 
It  was  only  out  of  deference  to  the  Poles  that  he  consented  to  a  short  truce. 
■  The  affair  of  the  united  Greeks  had  already  been  explained  in  the  instruction 
to  Torres,  but  it  is  here  treated  more  clearly  and  fully. 

"  I  Greci  commossi  al  tempo  di  Clemente  Ottavo  per  opera  di  Rupaccio  Pac- 
ciorio,  che  fu  prima  vescovo  overo  vladica  di  Vladimiera  e  poi  metropolitano 
di  Chiovia,  si  contentarono  i  vescovi  o  vladici  loro,  eccettuati  quelli  di  Leopoli 
a  di  Premisla,  che  nella  loro  ostinatione  si  rimasero,  d'unirsi  alia  chiesa  Romana, 
e  di  riconoscere,  come  fecero  I'anno  1595,  il  papa  per  loro  capo  secondo  la  forma 
6  professione  di  fede  nel  concilio  Fiorentino  contenuta.  Ma  tante  discordie  ne 
nacquero,  e  cosi  si  posero  nelle  diete  a  impugnare  quella  unione  li  nobili  Greci, 
dagli  heretic!  favoriti,  che  s'e  havuto  a  mettere  sossopra  il  regno:  imperocche 
pochi  del  clero  e  molto  meno  del  popolo  I'hanno  voluto  abbraqfiiare,  affermando 
tutti  essere  per  privati  disegni  e  per  ambitione  di  pochi  stata  fatta  e  senza  loro 
partecipatione.  Onde  si  conservano  bene  li  vescovi  e  pastori  cattollici,  ma 
VOL.  II. — 33 


378  DION  LAZARI,  REL.       1622. 

questi  soli  se  ne  stanno,  senza  trovare  pecorelle  che  seguitare  li  vogliano,  e  di 
piii  corrono  gran  rischio  d'essere  dalla  sedie  loro  cacciati  e  che  vengano  ancor 
ad  essi  -levate  quelle  chiese  che  tolte  gia  alii  scisraatici  furongU  concedute. 
Onde  in  tutte  le  diete  se  ne  fa  lo  strepito  grande;  e  nell'  anno  passato  avvenne 
che  un  vescovo  o  fosse  il  patriatca  scismaticodi  Gerusalemme  mandate  in  Mos- 
covia  et  in  Russia  dal  patriarca  di  Costantinopoli,  si  fernao  fra  Russi,  e  vi  creo 
tanti  scismatici  quanti  sono  gli  uniti,  et  eccito  li  cosacchi,  che  sono  tutti  Greci 
scismalici,  ad  addiraandare  nella  dieta  con  offerte  grandissime,  perche  il  regno 
per  la  guerra  col  Turco  havesse  bisogno  di  loro,  che  all'  antiche  loro  pretensioni 
si  sodisfacesse:  ma  il  vescovo  di  Santo  Angelo,  all'  hora  nuntio,  ne  diverti  I' 
impeto,  siche  tra  per  questo  e  per  publiche  necessita,  che  a  nuove  contese  non 
lasciavano  luogo,  si  pose  con  I'autorita  del  re  il  negotio  in  silentio.  Si  vive  non 
di  meno  dagli  uniti  nel  medesimo  timore;  e  li  pid  prudenti  prelati  ne  pronosti- 
cano  alia  fine  de'  mali  eventi  se  alcun  provedimento  non  vi  si  piglia:  onde  hav- 
rebbero  alcuni  havuto  per  lo  migliore  che  I'unione  non  si  fosse  mai  fatta,  appor- 
tando  essi  che  sarebbe  stato  piu  egevole  il  ridurre  li  nobili  singolarmente  e  di 
famigli  in  famigli  alia  chiesa  cattolica,  perche  si  vede  per  prova  che  tutti  colore 
che  ad  une  abbandonano  il  rito  Greco  e  lo  scisma,  stanno  nella  nostra  chiesa 
perseveranti." 

100. 

Relatione  fatta  alia  congregatione   de  propaganda  fide  da  Dionysio  Lazari  sopra 
alcune  cose  che  possono  essere  di  servitio  alia  santafede  cattolica.     1622. 

Dion.  Lazari  had  been  in  England  for  some  time — "  molti  mesi,"  as  he  ex- 
presses himself — and  describes  how  Catholicism  may  be  restored  there. 

He  proposes  three  different  means  of  effecting  this  object,  viz.  negotiation 
with  one,  or  with  many,  or  violent  measures. 

He  thinks  much  may  be  effected  with  king  James  personally,  who  was  in- 
different in  his  opinions,  and  timid.  "  Per  la  pratica  che  ho  di  lui,  lo  stimo  in- 
differente  in  qualsivoglia  religione.  It  would  be  well  to  nourish  his  suspicions 
by  means  of  forged  letters;  "  Far  artificiosamente  avisar  qualche  suo  rninistro 
fuori  del  regno  di  persona  da  loro  creduta  fedele,  e  nell'  istesso  regno  far  trovar 
qualche  lettera  a  nome  supposito  che  trattasse  in  forme  segrete  queste  materie." 
Buckingham  also  might  be  won  over;  his  wife  being  the  daughter  of  a  catholic 
and  secretly  of  that  faith  herself  ("e  segreta  cattolica  figlia  anche  di  segreto 
cattolico").  Buckingham  was  very  anxious  for  connection  with  foreign  powers, 
and  might  thus  be  most  easily  gained,  especially  as  he  was  always  in  danger 
from  the  parliament.  "  Essendo  composto  il  parlamento  quasi  per  la  maggior 
parte  di  puritani,  stimarebbe  egli  specie  d'efficace  vendetta  1'  indurre  il  re  al 
cattolicissimo." 

Influence  over  the  mass  of  the  people.  It  would  be  highly  useful  to  obtain 
freedom  of  preaching.  "II  che  si  potrebbe  fare  per  via  di  danaro,  proponendo, 
per  cosi  dire,  una  gabella  di  predicatori  et  auditori,  inducendosi  il  re  molte  volte 
per  1'  interesse  a  cose  contrarie  a  sua  volonta." 

Violent  measures,  he  says,  were  not  to  be  thought  of.  But  it  is  plain  that 
the  peaceful  ones  he  proposes  could  never  have  been  carried  into  execution. 

Lazari  was  one  of  those  people  who  think  that  they  can  influence  the  course 
of  events  by  intrigues  and  dexterously-laid  plots,  which  however  never  succeed. 

From  the  present  generation  he  hopes  nothing  as  it  is  entirely  nurtured  in 
protestant  opinions;  the  prince  alone,  afterwards  Charles  I,  appears  to  give  rise 
to  some  expectations.  "  lo  v'  ho  grandissima  speranza,  per  vederlo  d'  indole 
molto  ingenua,  di  costumi  assai  generosi,  molto  sobrio  nel  detestar  li  cattolici." 


INST.  AL  DOTTOR  ALLATIO.  379 


101. 


Instruttione  al  duttor  Leone  Allatio  per  andare  in  Germania  per  la  Ubreria  del  Pa- 
latino.     IG'23.     {Hofbibl.  zu  Wien.     MS.  Hohenh.) 

The  instruction  by  which  Leo  Allatius,  then  scriptor  in  the  Vatican,  was 
commissioned  to  take  possession  of  the  library  of  Heidelberg. 

This  instruction  is  to  be  found  not  only  at  Vienna  but  in  several  other  li- 
braries, e.  g.  the  Chigi  library  at  Rome  and  in  the  collections  of  the  instructions 
of  Gregory  XV.  The  literary  interest  attached  to  it  has  caused  it  also  to  be 
known  in  Germany.  Quads,  Baumgarten  and  Gerdes,  one  after  the  other,  had 
it  printed  in  Latin. 

Having  once  come  wiihin  the  province  of  protestant  erudition,  this  instruction 
necessarily  became  the  subject  of  discussion.  In  his  history  of  the  formation, 
the  plunder  and  destruction  of  the  ancient  collections  at  Heidelberg,  (Heidel- 
berg, 1817,)  p.  235,  our  learned  fellow-citizen  and  friend  Herr  G.  R.  Fr.  Wilken 
has  advanced  important  objections  to  its  authenticity. 

It  must  be  acknowledged  that  the  Latin  translation  is  written  in  a  tone  calcu- 
lated to  raise  suspicion.  Fortunately  however  that  is  removed  when  the  origi- 
nal manuscript  is  placed  before  us. 

In  the  Latin  translation  it  is  stated,  for  example,  in  reference  to  the  conse- 
crated medals  which  were  given  to  Allatio  for  distribution  among  Tilly's  soldiers: 
"unum  adhuc  R.  T.  D.  suppeditamus  stratagema,  ut  scilicet  sibi  magnum  num- 
raorum  comparet  copiam,  quos  a  Sanctis  canonisatos  esse  fingat."  No  doubt  it 
is  inconceivable  that  the  Roman  court  could  have  expressed  itself  so  to  one  of 
its  own  servants. 

On  consulting  the  original,  we  find  it  quite  different.  "  E  qui  soggiungero  a 
V.  S.  che  se  le  dara  un  grosso  numero  di  medaglic  con  1'  indulgenza  della  can- 
onizzatione  de'  santi  fatta  da  N.  S."  I  understand  by  this,  medals  struck  upon 
the  occasion  of  the  canonization  of  the  saints,  which  had  been  determined  on  by 
Gregory  XV,  together  with  an  indulgence. 

As  little  is  it  to  be  found  in  the  original  that  Allatio,  as  stated  in  the  Latin 
translation,  spoke  German  to  the  Duke  of  Bavaria.  Baumgarten  writes,  "  tradito 
brevi  a  Sancto  Patre  fidei  ipsius  concredito,  Germanico  idiomate  cum  affandi." 
In  the  original  on  the  contrary  it  stands  thus:  "  presentando  a  Sua  Altezza  il 
breve  di  N.  S'*,  le  parlera  a  nome  di  Sua  S'^  conforme  al  tenore  di  esso." 

This  translation  is  equally  a  mockery  of  all  probability  and  of  the  Italian 
original. 

But  when  we  see  the  original  is  written  in  so  much  more  reasonable  a  manner, 
and  under  circumstances  which  leave  no  doubt,  we  can  no  longer  hesitate  as  to 
its  authenticity. 

It  certainly  is  true,  however,  that  Allatio  was  ordered  to  spread  the  report  of 
the  intended  removal  of  the  library  to  Munich  and  not  to  Rome.  "In  ogni  caso 
sara  bene  di  metter  voce  che  si  abbia  da  condurre  solamente  a  Monaco  e  non  a 
Roma."  We  have  already  seen  how  often  the  utmost  caution  was  impressed 
upon  the  papal  delegates,  as  a  duty.  Allatio  was  charged  with  similar  instruc- 
tions; for  example;  Massimamente  per  i  paesi  sospetti  sara  sempre  meglio  di 
andare  in  habito  corto,  come  persona  negotiante  del  dominio  Veneto."  So  much 
dissimulation  was  thought  necessary. 

We  must  not  wonder  at  such  directions  being  given  in  writing.  All  at  that 
court,  and  particularly  in  Ludovisio's  chancery,  delighted  in  writing.  Most  im- 
portant political  views  are  contained  in  the  instructions -composed  by  Agucchia, 
but  they  are  also  full  of  trifles  of  this  kind.  The  author  wished  to  have  the 
merit  of  thinking  of  every  thing. 

Besides,  they  might  well  fear  exciting  the  rage  of  the  reformers  by  the  loss 
sustained  by  the  metropolis  of  their  religion.  The  library  was  to  be  escorted  on 
its  road  by  a  troop  of  horse. 


380    INST.  A  TOB.  CORONA  PER  SAVOJA  E  FRANCIA.   1622. 

102. 

Instruttione  al  padre  Don  Tohia  Corona  de'  chierici  regolari  mandato  da  papa 
Gre  o-orio  XV,  al  re  di  Francia  e  prima  al  duca  di  Savoia  per  P  impresa  della 
citla  di  Giuevra,  1622.  (/n  the  Library  of  Frankfort  on  the  Maine,  MSS. 
Glauhurg.  Tom.  39,  n<>     1.  26  leaves,  4°.) 

This  instruction  commences  thus:  "L' Italia  che  dall'  eterna  providenza  e 
stata  eletta  a  reggere  hora  1'  imperio  temporale,  bora  lo  spirituals  del  mondo." 

Geneva  was  intensely  hateful  to  this  spiritual  government;  "  non  solo  come 
plena  di  huomini  appestati  ma  come  catedra  di  pestilenza." 

To  punish  and  destroy  that  town  was  the  chief  duty  of  the  pope — the  vicar 
of  Christ,  and  of  the  duke  of  Savoy,  who  assumed  the  title  of  count  of  that 
district.  The  popes  and  dukes  of  Savoy  had  often  attempted  to  do  so,  but  their 
efforts  bad  always  failed,  in  consequence  of  the  protection  which  bad  invariably 
been  afforded  to  the  Genevese  by  France. 

At  that  time  however  the  state  of  things  was  altered.  "  La  Francia  tratta  il 
soggetto  di  domare  i  ribellati  beretici,  et  ha  da  ricever  piacere  che  per  togliere  loro 
le  forze  e  le  riputatione  si  faccia  il  medesimo  senza  suo  costo  in  altre  parti." 

The  pope  bad,  from  the  commencement  of  his  reign,  devised  a  plan,  and 
thought  to  carry  it  through  by  the  mission  of  a  regular  ecclesiastic:  "  Poiche 
habbiamo  un'  argumento  di  religione,  si  conviene  fuggendone  il  ruraore  coprirlo 
pill  che  si  puote:  vuole  inviarvi  un  religioso.  La  P.  V"  portera,  da  per  tutto 
questo  negotio  come  nato  nell'  animo  di  Sua  S**  senza  altra  origine  che  dello 
spirito  santo." 

The  pope's  first  object  was  to  excite  the  Duke  of  Savoy's  warlike  propensi- 
ties, and  on  the  duke's  requesting  assistance,  to  represent  to  him  how  greatly 
the  papacy  was  exhausted  by  the  support  given  to  the  emperor  and  to  the  Liga, 
the  claims  made  upon  Rome  by  Poland,  and  the  expenses  occasioned  by  the 
occupation  of  Avignon;  notwithstanding,  he  should  certainly  be  led  to  hope  for 
some  assistance:  "che  Sua  8*="  non  sard  stretta  a  S.  A.  di  tutti  quelli  ajuti  che 
dalle  picciole  forze  uscir  potranno."  The  pope  also  desired  to  have  the  requi- 
site information  as  to  the  right  of  Savoy  to  Geneva. 

The  matter  of  the  highest  importance,  however,  was,  what  arguments  should 
be  used  to  the  king  of  France.  1.  He  was  to  be  warned  not  to  bring  upon  him- 
self the  suspicion  of  persecuting  the  protestants  merely  for  political  purposes; 
2.  but  that  these  well  understood,  also  required  the  destruction  of  Geneva.  "  Se 
Ginevra  non  fosse  stata  ricovero  di  Calvino,  la  M**  S.  non  havrebbe  di  presente 
da  portare  I'armi  contro  1'  ostinati  e  perversi  suoi  popoli  Ugonotti,  non  si  ve- 

drebbe  nascere  le  republiche  contro  la  monarchia Sono  republiche  "  (the 

Huguenots)  "popolari  che  in  ogni  palmo  di  terreno  e  fino  nell'  istessa  corte  e 

forse  nella  camera  del  re  hanno  lor  cittadini  e  seguaci Gia  la  republica 

loro  (Ugonotti)  e  piantata,  gia  ne  sono  publicate  le  leggi,  e  gia  in  ogni  provincia 
hanno  constituiti  i  magistrati,  i  consigli  eti  governatori  dell'  armi:  piii  non  hanno 
da  fare  che  da  andare  eglino  o  muovere  I'armi  al  re  per  cacciarlo  di  casa." 

It  is  obvious  to  what  an  extent  the  monarchical  element  is  mixed  up  with 
these  attempts  of  Catholicism.  Geneva  was  to  be  destroyed,  as  the  head  and 
adviser  of  the  Huguenot  republics;  she  could  now  receive  no  support,  as  other 
protestant  bodies  had  sufficient  work  on  their  hands,  and  the  English  were  bound 
by  treaties. 

And  of  what  importance  would  be  the  territory  of  Savoy,  even  with  this  addi- 
tion, in  comparison  with  the  power  of  France]  The  pass  could  not  be  held 
against  the  Swiss,  since  the  king  had  possession  of  Bresse.  "  I  cantoni  catto- 
lici,  con  quali  la  corona  e  piii  congiunta,  ne  riceveranno  e  servitio  e  piacere; 
certo  che  il  cantone  di  Friburgo  circondato  da  Bernesi  heretici,  benche  sia  valo- 
roso  e  di  loro  non  tema,  havera  nondimeno  piii  caro  di  confinare  per  via  del  lago 
con  quella  citta  divenuta  cattolica  e  posta  sotto  il  dominio  di  un  principe  amico 
e  cattolico,  che  libera  et  heretica  remanente." 


RAINIERO  ZENO,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1623.  3S1 

Cardinal  Retz,  the  Constable  (Luines),  and  Pere  Arnoux,  were  mentioned  to 
Father  Tobia  as  the  men  from  whom  he  was  to  expect  the  greatest  assistance. 
We  shall  soon  touch  upon  the  consequences  of  this  mission. 

103. 

Relatione  di  Roma  fatta  nel  senafo  Vcneto  daW  ambasciador  Rainiero  Zeno  alii  22 
di  Nov.  1623.     Informal.  Politt.  Tom.  XVI.     101  haves. 

The  ambassadors  who  returned  from  their  missions  generally  express  them- 
selves with  modesty  and  deference  both  towards  the  princes  from  whose  court 
they  came,  and  towards  their  employers:  Rainier  Zeno  is  the  first  who  displays 
great  self-complacency.  He  not  only  declares  that  he  lays  before  them  a 
balance  of  the  papal  income  and  expenditure,  made  out  with  the  utmost  dili- 
gence and  care  (f.  80);  but  also  recalls  to  their  notice  the  lively  colors  with 
which  he  had  painted  many  of  the  cardinals  in  his  despatches  (f.  Ill);  he  says 
of  pope  Urban,  without  any  circumlocution,  "in  two  words  I  demolished  his 
arguments;"  and  expressly  affirms  that  God  had  given  him  the  talent  of  pene- 
trating the  innermost  thoughts  of  men.  He  quotes  cardinal  Ludovisio  as  having 
said  in  praise  of  the  republic  of  Venice,  that  none  but  men  of  the  most  approved 
ability  were  selected  for  the  embassy  to  Rome. 

Rainier  Zeno  was  afterwards  implicated  in  the  troubles  which  occurred  at 
Venice  in  1628:  all  that  he  wrote  on  that  occasion  bears  the  stamp  of  the  same 
conceit  manifested  in  this  report,  and  which  characterised  so  many  Italians  and 
Spaniards  of  that  century. 

Heartburnings  and  jealousies  could  not  fail  to  arise  between  men  of  this  cha- 
racter; accordingly  Rainier  Zeno  was  subject  to  the  most  unpleasant  scenes 
during  his  embassy. 

They  occurred  chiefly  during  the  reign  of  Gregory  XV.  Ludovisio  exacted 
a  degree  of  reverence  and  obsequiousness,  which  Zeno  was  little  disposed  to 
give:  they  consequently  soon  came  into  violent  collision. 

In  the  latter  part  of  his  report  Zeno  details  these  quarrels,  and  piques  him- 
self on  having  often  given  short  answers  to  the  pope's  nephew  aad  reduced  him 
to  silence.  It  is  matter  of  peculiar  pleasure  to  Zeno  that  by  secret  means  he 
got  intelligence  of  things  which  Ludovisio  imagined  to  be  enveloped  in  the  pro- 
foundest  secrecy,  and  then  let  him  perceive  that  he  knew  all  about  them;  he  is 
delighted  at  the  displeasure  manifested  by  Ludovisio.  "  Vedeva,"  he  says, 
"  che  appresso  di  me  non  poteva  restare  in  quel  gran  concetto  di  sapere  ch'  egli 
con  tutti  ascosamente  ambiva."  But  we  are  not  to  believe  that  these  disputes 
were  at  all  injurious  to  the  objects  of  his  mission;  on  the  contrary,  he  says  that 
the  republic  rather  gained  in  reputation  by  them;  and  that  when  it  was  intended 
to  place  the  Valtelline  as  a  deposit  in  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards,  Ludovisio 
feared  nothing  so  much  as  the  thunder  of  the  Venetian  protests  ("  il  fracasso 
che  era  per  fare  io,  il  rimbumbo  delle  mie  proteste."') 

These  times  however  passed  away.  Urban  VIII  had  ascended  the  papal 
throne,  and  Rainier  Zeno  made  it  his  chief  business  to  describe  that  pope's 
habits,  his  court,  and  government,  as  far  as  they  were  then  known. 

He  repeatedly  states  that  the  only  solicitude  of  the  cardinals  was  to  say  what 
they  knew  to  be  agreeable  to  the  pope;  and  thinks  it  a  natural  consequence  that 
none  thought  of  bringing  the  papal  finances  into  order.  There  does  not  exist 
any  instrument,  in  his  opinion,  so  fitted  to  throw  Christendom  into  confusion,  as 
the  head  of  a  pope. 

Upon  this  he  sketches  a  portrait  of  Urban  VIII.  "  E'  prencipe  d'  aspetto 
grave  e  venerabile,  di  statura  grande,  di  colore  olivastro,  di  lineamenti  nobili,  di 
pel  nero  che  comincia  tirar  al  canuto,  d'  attillatura  piii  che  ordinaria,  e  di  gratia 
singolare  ne'  gesti  e  ne'  moti  del  corpo.  Parla  per  eccellenza  bene,  et  in  qual- 
sivoglia  discorso  che  s'  entra  seco,  ha  da  difendersi  quanto  vuole,  e  d'  ogni  ma- 
teria mostra  d'  haver  peritia  straordinaria.     Ha  mostrato  sin  hora  diletto  grande 

33* 


382  CORNERO,  ERIZZO,  SORANZO,  ZENO,  REL.       1624. 

della  poesia,  1'  uso  della  quale  non  ha  mai  intermesso,  ne  pure  nelle  occupationi 
et  nelli  studii  piu  serij:  percio  gl' intendenti  di  questa  arte  e  delle  lettere  che 
chiamano  di  humanita  sono  stati  sempre  benveduti  da  lui,  et  gli  ha  favoriti  cor- 
tesemente  in  quelle  che  ha  potuto:  non  1'  a  pero  questo  diletto  astratto  da  quello 
che  importava  piu  e  che  era  piu  necessario  per  li  carichi  che  successivaraente  li 
sono  passati  per  le  mani,  dico  dallo  studio  delle  leggi,  nel  quale  ha  faticato  in- 
cessantemente  dalla  prima  gioventu  sino  a  questi  ultimi  anni  con  tanta  maggiore 
applicatione,  perche  cosi  richiedeva  la  carica  del  perfetto  della  signatura  di  gius- 
titia,  magistrate  che  richiede  studio  et  acutezza  grandissima  et  esattissima  per 
la  varieta  delle  materie  che  vi  concorrono.  Delli  affari  del  mondo  e  degl'  inter- 
essi  de'  prencipi  e  intendentissimo,  quanto  che  se  nelle  scuole  politiche  havesse 
fatto  continua  dimora." 

It  is  not  necessary  for  us  to  quote  further;  the  resemblance  is  only  general. — 
The  more  delicate  features  of  that  intellectual  physiognomy — whether  it  is  that 
they  were  not  developed  till  later  in  life,  or  that  Zeno  could  not  comprehend 
them — are  not  to  be  found  here. 

The  same  applies  to  his  descriptions  of  the  pope's  kinsmen  and  of  the  car- 
dinals, whom  he  goes  through  in  detail. 

One  thing  only  is  worth  observing,  that  he  recommends  his  countrymen  to 
expect  no  service  whatever  from  the  Venetian  cardinals.  "  Priuli,"  says  he, 
"  languido  di  spirito  come  di  corpo...."  So  contemptuously  does  he  treat  them. 
Of  Venier  he  does  not  speak,  for  fear  of  being  called  to  account  by  his  family. 

He  then  comes  to  the  political  relations  of  the  court,  and  expresses  his  delight 
that  this  time  a  pope  was  chosen  who  was  not  in  love  with  the  Spaniards.— 
Albuquerque  had  found  the  ground  unusally  hard,  and  his  demands  had  not  been 
complied  with.  Zeno  represents  the  terms  on  which  Urban  VIII  stood  with 
France,  in  the  following  manner: — 

"  Non  e  da  dubitarsi  che  il  pontefice  verso  il  regno  di  Francia  habbi  molta 
propensione  d'  affetto,  additandocelo  molte  congetture  probabilissime:  hebbero  a 
quella  corte  principio  le  suegrandezze,  alle  quali,  se  bene  ascese  per  meriti  pro- 
prii,  non  nega  pero  egli  medesimo  che  di  grande  ajuto  li  fossero  le  attestationi 
d'  Henrico  quarto  della  sodisfattione  che  haveva  del  suo  modo  di  negotiare  et  del 
gusto  che  sentirebbe  di  vederli  partecipato  1'  honor  solito  a  conferirsi  alii  altri 
residenti  in  quella  carica;  quadra  benissimo  a  Sua  S'^  il  trattare  de'  Francesi  in- 
genue et  libero,  lontano  dalli  artificii,  lontano  dalle  duplicita  proprie  delle  altre 
nationi;  ha  una  certa  conformita  di  genio  alle  qualita  de  studii  alii  quali  s'  ap- 
plicano  et  de'  quali  si  dilettano  piu  li  Francesi,  ch'  e  la  pulitezza  delle  lettere, 
1'  eruditione  piu  acconcia  la  poesia,  la  cognitione  delle  lingue,  in  che  per  quanto 
le  permettono  le  sue  attioni,  s'  e  pigliato  molto  piacere.  Stima  quel  regno, 
quanto  si  possa  dire,  per  reputarlo  equilibrio  dell'  ambitione  d'  altri,  li  cui  fini 
mirano  senza  dubbio  alia  monarchia  universale." 

The  pope  was  much  displeased  at  the  connection  existing  between  the  Vene- 
tians and  heretics  and  unbelievers:  he  thought  he  might  have  found  other  as- 
sistance. 

Zeno  ends  by  recalling  to  mind  the  sweat  and  labor  expended  on  the  duties 

of  his  office,  the  sleepless  nights,  the  bitter  vexations,  which  had  undermined 

[  his  health.     "Nevertheless,"  says  he,  "I  rejoice  more  in  having  worn  out  my 

life  in  the  service  of  my  country,  than  if  I  had  lived  a  whole  century  in  ease  and 

pleasure,  unemployed." 

104. 

Relatione  degli  ecc'"^^  signori  amb^i  straordtnarii  Corner,  Ertzzo,Soranzo  e  Zeno 
ritornati  ultimamenie  da  Roma,  letta  aW  ecC^o  senato,  25  Febr.  1624.  (i.  e.  M. 
V.  1G25.) 

On  the  declaration  of  Pope  Gregory  XV  that  he  would  no  longer  transact 
business  with  Rainier  Zeno,  the  Venetians  sent  in  his  stead  Geronimo  Soranzo. 
Nevertheless,  as  we  have  already  seen,  Zeno  was  in  Rome  when  Urban  VIII 


CORNERO,  ERIZZO,  SORANZO,  ZENO,  REL.       1624.  383 

was  elected.  Both  of  them  were  appointed  to  congratulate  the  new  pope  on  his 
accession.     Corner  and  Erizzo  were  likewise  sent  to  complete  the  embassy. 

The  report  which  they  drew  up  in  common  is  free  from  those  effusions  of  per- 
sonal vanity  in  which  Zeno  indulged,  and  has  a  certain  importance,  from  the 
circumstance  that  the  politics  of  the  republic  were  again  complicated  by  the 
affairs  of  the  Valtelline. 

Pope  Urban  appears  to  have  been  much  displeased  at  the  Venetians  for  having 
joined  in  the  attack  of  the  French  upon  the  papal  garrisons:  "  che  i  cannoni 
della  republica  si  fossero  voltati  contra  i  luoghi  tenuti  in  deposito  della  S.  S**, 
che  chiamo  luoghi  dell'  istessa  chiesa." 

"  Ne  mancano,"  state  the  envoys,  "  in  Romasoggetti  d'  ogni  grado  et  d'  ogni 
qualita  che  proponevano  a  S.  S'^,  come  ella  medesima  ci  disse,  ad  usare  contra 
quell'  ecc"'"  senato  le  censure  ecclesiasliche." 

They  endeavored  to  excuse  themselves  as  well  as  they  could,  alleging  that  it 

was  the  intention  of  the  Spaniards  to  make  themselves  all-powerful:  " ren- 

dersi  patroni  di  quelli  passi,  per  facilitarsi  la  monarchia  di  questa  provincia." 
Religion  was,  however,  in  no  danger:  they  were  the  less  to  be  blamed  for 
making  treaties  with  ultramontanes,  because  they  were  prevented  by  the  pope 
himself  from  raising  troops  in  the  territory  of  the  church. 

Urban  VIII  had  imagined  that  they  would  have  made  him  some  conciliatory 
proposals  in  regard  to  this  matter,  but  they  were  not  empowered  so  to  do.  He 
on  his  side  was  inaccessible  to  their  requests,  and  they  were  compelled  to  be 
satisfied  with  only  softening  his  anger:  "  non  si  impetrava  altro  che  mitigamen- 
to  dell'  ascerbita  ujostrata  del  suo  animo." 

This  could  not  have  been  a  very  hard  matter  to  attain,  as  the  anti-Spanish 
feeling  of  Urban  had  already  manifested  itself.  He  declared  "  che  non  poteva 
parlar  alto,  perche  troppo  era  circondato  da'  Spagnoli,e  che  a  Madrid  lo  chiama- 
vano  heretico,  ma  che  armato  si  havrebbe  fatto  rispettare." 

These  words  contain  the  germ  of  his  later  opinions  and  actions. 

The  report  we  are  now  considering  chiefly  treats  of  matters  of  this  sort,  but 
also  attempts  to  give  a  description  of  affairs  in  general.  Let  us  see  how  the 
heads  of  the  government  in  the  first  years  of  Urban  VIII  are  described. 

"  Quelli  che  di  presente  sono  in  maggior  autorita  preso  il  pontefice  nella  es- 
sentia degli  affari,  si  ristringono  nel  sig''  cardinale  Magalotti  e  nel  sig''  Don 
Carlo  Barberino,  fralello  della  Beat"^  Sua.  Mostrano  pero  ambidue  di  non  co- 
noscere  e  non  havere  questa  autoritd:  schifano  i  congressi,  parono  non  esser  in- 
formati  dei  negotii,  non  gustano  di  esser  frequentemente  visitati,  e  con  questa 
maniera  di  procedere,  differente  assai  dal  costume  dei  parenti  dei  pontefici  pas- 
sati,  conservano  in  maggior  riputatione  la  Santita  Sua,  volendo  dar  ad  intendere 
che  tutto  dipende  dai  soli  cenni  di  lei. 

"  Era  solita  la  Beat"®  Sua  alle  volte  nelle  occorrenzo  piii  gravi  chiamere  anche 
a  se  li  cardinali  Bandino,  Melini,  Scaglia,  Santa  Susanna  et  qualche  altro, 
perche  conoscendoli  di  natura  molto  severa,  procurava  con  tale  apparenza  dar 
segno  di  stima  verso  il  sacro  collegio  e  verso  le  persone  loro,  non  gia  perche 
volentieri  inclini  o  molto  si  fidi  delle  loro  opinioni;  e  di  questo  concetto  della 
S'*  Sua,  ben  noto  a  detti  cardinali  et  ad  altri,  tutti  se  ne  dogUono,  dicendo  che 
dopo  fatte  le  deliberationi  delle  cose  ella  le  communica  per  non  admettere  il 
loro  consiglio.  E  si  sente  anco  che  va  ogni  giorno  piii  tralasciando  queste  com- 
municationi,  anzi  omettendo  in  tutto  e  per  tutto  le  consultationi  con  cardinali, 
cosi  per  conservare  in  se  medesimo  il  solo  despotico  dominio  et  autorita,  come 
anco  perche  conoscendoli  dipendenti  et  interessati  chi  per  1'  uno  chi  par  I'  altro 
principe,  giudica  cosi  convenire  al  suo  servitio  maggiormente. 

"  Nelle  occorrentie  della  rep"-'^  sono  intervenuti  nelle  consulte  m''  Gessi  e  m' 
di  Montefiascone,  come  stati  nontii  in  questa  citta  e  bene  informati  della  cose. 
E  talvolta  si  e  introdotto  anche  Anzolo  Badoer,  che  sotto  altro  nome  e  cognome 
pur  si  trattiene  in  Roma  positivamente:  e  fatto  sacerdote,  et  habita  per  sua 
maggior  sicurezza  una  casa  congiunta  con  il  monasterio  de'  frati  della  scalla, 
nella  cui  chiesa  e  solito  celebrare  la  messa.     Ma  come  habbiamo  detto,  il  card' 


384  INST.  A  SACCHETTI  PER  SPAGNA.       1624. 

Magalotti  et  il  sig''  Carlo  Barberino  sono  le  stelle  fisse  di  quel  firmamento:  et  i 
negotii  ridotti  in  queste  due  sole  teste  passano  con  molta  secretezza,  sicche  quello 
che  non  si  pud  penetrare  con  la  congettura  ovvero  che  non  viene  riferito  dal 
medesimo  pontefice,  difficilmente  si  puo  sapere  per  altra  via. 

"11  sig'' Don  Carlo  mostra  la  istessa  indipendenza  da  principi  nella  quale 
professa  conservarsi  Sua  S'\  E'  in  eta  di  58  anni,  ben  complessionate  a  forte. 
E'  inclinato  alia  soddisfatione  de'  popoli  per  conservare  la  citta  abbondante  di 
tutte  le  cose.  Nella  sua  casa  e  buon  economo,  et  ha  mira  di  far  denari  assai, 
sapendo  egli  molto  bene  che  1'  oro  accresce  la  riputatione  agli  huomini,  anzi  i' 
oro  gli  inalza  e  li  distingue  vantaggiosamente  nel  conspetto  del  mondo:  oltre 
che  si  tiene  per  massimi  comune  non  esser  conveniente  ne  ragionevole  che  chi 
una  volta  e  stato  parente  del  papa,  resti  dopo  la  sua  morte  in  angusta  fortuna. 
E'  huomo  di  poche  parole,  ma  sensitive.  Ha  mostrato  somma  riverenza  verso 
la  serenissima  Republica,  et  havendo  noi  nel  complir  seco  detto  che  auguravamo 
lunghi  anni  a  Sua  Beat"",  ci  rispose  egli  con  qualche  acerbita  che  quando  il 
papa  havesse  ad  essere  rispettato  et  honorato  come  papa,  alludendo  alle  cose 
correnti  della  Valteliina,  li  desiderava  vita  lunga,  ma  che  quando  havesse  dovuto 
seguir  altrimenti,  pregava  il  sig"'  dio  a  chiamarlo  a  se  quanto  prima. 

"II  card'  Magalotli  professa  egli  ancora  vivere  indipendente.  E'  huomo 
sagace  et  accorto:  mostra  grande  vivacita  di  spirituo  e  d'  inquiettezza,  et  e  in 
concetto  di  poter  esser  guadagnato.  Crescendo  in  eta  et  esperienza  il  card' 
nepote  si  crede  che  non  passeranno  d'  accordo  insieme  e  che  il  papa  pensera 
pero  di  valersene  in  qualche  legatione  opportunamente." 

105. 

Instrutlione  a  M^e  Sacchetli  vescovo  di  Gravina,  nuncio  destinato  di  N.  S'''']]er  la 
Mta  catlca.  1624.    {Barb.ful  26  leaves.) 

Sacchetti's  commission  referred,  first,  to  the  domestic  affairs  of  Spain,  and, 
secondly,  to  the  general  policy  of  Europe. 

1.  There  were  always  numerous  misunderstandings  and  jealousies  between 
Rome  and  Spain.  For  example,  the  Roman  court  was  offended  that  cardinal 
Lerma  had  been  deprived  of  his  revenues,  and  summoned  before  a  secular  tri- 
bunal. While  the  pope  endeavored  to  stop  the  progress  of  that  proceeding,  he 
recommended  Lerma  to  give  up  all  hopes  of  temporal  grandeur;  nothing  more 
was  to  be  done,  since  Olivarez  stood  so  high  in  tavor;  and  he  had  better  make 
up  his  mind,  after  having  lived  so  long  for  others,  now  to  live  for  himself  and 
for  God.  On  the  other  hand,  the  nuncio  was  referred  to  Olivarez,  with  whom 
the  Roman  court  was  on  good  terms  at  that  moment.  The  following  remark- 
able passage  occurs,  with  relation  to  this  matter.  "  E'  avvenuto  che  la  gelosia 
della  regina  per  qualche  sospetto  d'  altri  amori  del  re  1'  ha  provocata  a  dolersene 
col  re  di  Francia  suo  fratello,  a  segno  tale  che  venne  pensiero  a  questo  di  far 
doglianze  e  querele  pubbliche  contro  il  cognate.  Di  cio  scrisse  1'  antecessore 
di  V.  S"^  e  che  vi  haveva  posto  rimedio  con  far  confidente  della  regina  il  conte 
Olivares  di  diffidentissimo  che  era  prima." 

The  nuncio  was  also  recommended  to  address  himself  to  the  inquisitor  general. 
He  was  charged  to  urge  him  to  be  on  his  guard  against  the  introduction  of  he- 
retical books  into  Spain  and  the  Indies. 

The  idea  had  been  suggested  in  Spain,  to  secure  to  the  German  line  a  more 
peaceable  possession  of  their  later  conquests  by  two  new  marriages.  The 
hereditary  prince  palatine  and  Bethlem  Gabor  were  to  marry  two  princesses  of 
the  imperial  family;  by  which  means  it  was  hoped  that  the  troubles  prevalent 
in  Germany,  and  still  more  in  Hungary,  would  be  allayed.  At  first  this  was 
not  believed  in  Rome;  however,  after  fresh  information  it  could  no  longer  be 
doubted.  The  pope  hastened  to  remonstrate  with  the  king  against  the  scheme. 
It  appeared,  he  said,  from  certain  letters,  that  it  was  by  no  means  the  object  of 
the  English,  even  should  the  prince  palatine  be  sent  to  the  imperial  court,  to 
allow  him  to  turn  catholic:  and  who  could  think  of  trusting  so  unsteady  a  man 


INST.  AL  ARCIV.  DI  DAMIATA  PER  FRANCIA.       1624.  385 

as  Gabor?  He,  the  pope,  could  neither  believe  nor  approve  such  a  project;  he 
therefore  commissioned  his  nuncio  to  oppose  it  with  all  his  might.  "  V.  S'^i%  ma 
con  destrezza  et  a  tempo,  facci  per  impedirli  (questi  due  matrimonj)  tutto  quello 
che  umanamente  puo." 

We  know  that  pope  Urban  had  considerable  share  in  the  defeat  of  these  rather 
far-fetched  but  well-meant  plans.  The  mission  of  the  rota,  which  we  have 
mentioned,  is  accounted  for  by  these  expressions. 

106. 

Instruttione  a  V.  S''^"'  arctvescovo  di  Damiatu  e  chiericn  di  camera  per  la  nuntiatura 
ordinaria  al  re  crist"^o,     23  Germ.  1624. 

This  is  an  appendix  to  the  instructions  of  Sacchetti. 

The  pope  condemns  here,  in  the  most  vehement  manner,  the  plan  for  the  resti- 
tution of  the  Palatinate,  and  calls  in  aid  the  influence  of  the  king  to  induce 
Saxony  not  to  oppose  the  progress  of  Bavaria.  Besides,  he  wishes  for  nothing 
more  than  the  destruction  of  Oranges,  which  was  only  a  rendezvous  for  heretics. 

The  most  important  however  are  the  domestic  affairs.  King  Louis  XIII  is 
described  in  the  following  manner:  "  II  re  efuori  di  modo  virtuoso  et  abborrisce 
tutti  quel  vitii  che  sogliono  accompagnarsi  alia  dominatione:  non  e  altiero,  ma 
humanissimo:  non  e  amatore  della  propria  opinione,  ma  piu  volentieri  crede  a 
buoni  consigli:  non  ama  il  riposo,  ma  ededito  allefatiche  e  le  tollera  fortemente, 
senza  conoscere  altro  piacere  che  quello  della  caccia:  non  nutrisce  pensieri 
dimessi  ma  e  avidissimo  di  gloria,  senza  dilungarsi  punto  dalla  pieta.  Con  la 
M'*  S.  possono  i  ministri  di  stato  et  i  serventi  nelle  caccie,  a  quali  volentieri  s' 
accosta  per  godere  la  liberta,  che  non  concede  la  stretta  pratica  de'  grandi.  II 
piii  caro  di  quelli  che  hanno  1'  adito  a  S.  M'*  con  occasione  delle  caccie  e  il 
signore  di  Toiras,  huomo  cauto  e  prudente,  che  non  si  rimescola  negli  affari  di 
stato  per  ascondere  la  sua  autorita,  ma  ne  e  capace.  .  .  ." 

Catholicism  was  making  a  brilliant  progress  under  that  monarch.  The  nuncio 
was  recommended  to  assist  with  all  his  might  all  the  missions,  more  especially 
those  in  the  south  of  France,  and  to  defend  their  cause  at  the  king's  court. 

He  found,  however,  the  principles  of  the  Galilean  church  always  arrayed  in 
invincible  and  active  opposition  to  him. 

One  portion  at  least  of  the  members  of  the  Sorbonne  maintained  the  doctrine 
of  the  independence  of  the  temporal  power,  and  of  the  divine  right  of  bishops: 
some  even  promulgated  the  opinion,  that  the  curates  had  as  much  authority  in 
their  cures,  as  the  bishops  in  their  dioceses.  The  pope  regards  these  doctrines 
as  abominable.  He  was  extremely  annoyed  that  though  Richer,  who  was  a 
most  zealous  champion  of  that  doctrine,  was  excommunicated,  he  cared  nothing 
about  it,  but  continued  to  say  mass. 

In  the  mean  while  the  parliaments  took  active  measures  to  limit  the  ecclesias- 
tical jurisdictions.  The  appellations,  comme  d^abus,  the  inquiries  into  the  busi- 
ness of  the  dataria,  and  the  interference  with  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishops,  ap- 
peared to  the  pope  so  many  usurpations.  "  Favoriscono  chiunque  ad  essi  ricorre, 
et  in  questa  maniera  procurano  di  soggiogare  le  provincie  a  loro  non  soggette, 
come  la  Bretagna,  la  Provenza  e  la  Borgembrescia." 

The  parliament  also  interfered  with  the  laws  for  the  prohibition  of  books. 
The  nuncios  would  fain  have  prohibited  works  like  those  of  De  Thou  and  Richer, 
but  they  could  not.  The  new  nuncio  was  recommended  to  prevent  the  appear- 
ance of  pernicious  books,  rather  than  to  wait  till  after  they  had  appeared.  "  Le 
stampe  de'  libri  sono  il  fomite  delle  false  dottrine:  et  e  necessario  che  ella  pro- 
curi  di  tenersi  amorevoli  i  librari,  accioche  1'  avisino  di  mano  in  mano  e'  libri 
che  si  stampano:  imperoche  stampati  che  sono  porta  seco  difficolta  di  ottenere 
la  prohibitione." 

It  is  obvious  that  the  war  between  the  curia  and  Gallicanism,  which,  in  many 
of  its  phases,  had  kept  the  old  Bourbon  monarchy  in  a  constant  state  of  agita- 
tion, had  now  broken  out  in  full  force  and  extent. 


3S6       C.  CARAFFA,  RAGGUAGLIO  DI  BOEMIA.   1624. 

107. 

Insiriittione  a  V.  S^^"'  mens'''    Compeggi,  vescovo  di  Cesana,  destinato  da  N.  Sig'^^ 
suo  nuntio  al  (S™"  Sig'^   duca  di  Savoia.     1624. 

This  is  a  remarkable  instruction,  inasmuch  as  it  throws  light  on  the  conse- 
quences of  the  mission  of  Don  Tobia  Corona.  \Yb  have  seen  that  the  plan 
against  Geneva  failed  chiefly  in  consequence  of  the  spil  powrerful  opposition  of 
Luines  and  Rohan,  and  the  weight  of  the  Huguenot  p^'rty  generally;  however  it 
was  by  no  means  abandoned. 

"  Da  chi  venisse  il  motivo  di  tal  impresa,  dal  papa  o  dal  duca,  non  si  sa  bene: 
perche  il  pontefice  lascio  brevi  e  lettere  di  esortatione  al  medesimo  sig"'  duca  et 
al  principe  del  Piedmonte,  donde  poteva  farsi  congettura  che  il  papa  ne  fosse 
autore:  ma  nel  ricevere  1'  esortatione  si  mostro  tanto  pronta  1'  A.  S.  che  non  parve 

lontano  dal  vero  il  credere  che  havesse  indotto  il  papa  a  scrivergli Le  difli- 

culta  che  incontro  il  padre  Corona,  non  furono  dalla  parte  del  re  e  della  regina, 
che  piegarono  subito  alle  persuasioni  ponteficie,  ma  della  parte  del  contestabile 
Luines,  seguitato  da  principali  ministri,  o  per  proprio  interesse  o  per  adulatione, 
e  da  alcuni  grandi  del  partito  Ugonotto.  A  Luines  si  crede  che  instillassequesta 
avversione  all'  impresa  il  duca  di  Roano,  e  cercandosi  della  cagione  che  ha  potuto 
spignere  questoad  opporvisi,altra  non  se  netrovafuori  della  propria  inclinatione 
al  mantenimento  degli  eretici,  essendo  egli  tale,  ed  il  timore  di  perdere  il  seguito 
dentro  alia  Francia,  mentre  che  i  seguaci  suoi  havessero  havuto  a  soccorrere  1 
Genevrini.  II  trattato  del  padre  Tobbia  resto  a  segno  che  non  solamente  il  re 
non  rimase  ofFeso  di  questa  missione,  ma  niuno,  etiandio  di  quelli  che  1'  intend- 
essero  bene,  hebbe  ardire  di  biasimarla;  e  solamente  dissero  alcuni  che  non  era 
quello  il  tempo  di  intraprendere  un  tanto  afFare,  altri,  che  non  doveva  il  duca 
mettere  in  queste  strette  il  re  non  dopo  il  fatto,  imperciocche  allora  S.  M'*  non 
havrebbe  potuto  non  dar  lode  alia  pieta  e  generosita  del  duca,  ma  che  antece- 
dentemente  non  doveva  la  M*^  S.  violare  quella  fede  sotto  la  quale  pensano  di 
riposare  sicuri  i  Genevrini.  Dall'  bora  in  qua  si  e  creduto  che  it  sig'  duca  pensi 
a  tentare  la  via  d'  una  sorpresa,  e  adesso  non  se  ne  ha  piu  dubbj,  impercioc  che 
S.  A.  se  n'  e  dichiarata  con  la  S**  di  N.  Sig'S  supplicandola  a  volerlo  assistere. 
La  S*^  S.  ha  risposto  che  volentieri  e  con  quel  medesimo  modo  che  fece  papa 
Gregorio;  ma  perche  il  necessario  segreto  della  sorpresa  non  e  capace  di  questa 
via,  S.  A.  si  e  rivoltata  a  contentarsi  che  N.  Sig''^  gli  prometta  di  fare  tali  ufficii 
col  re  christianissimo  dopo  il  fatto  che  la  M*-^  S.  non  habbi  a  sdegnarsene." 

Some  affairs  peculiar  to  Piedmont  are  also  mentioned.  They  prepared  the 
way  for  later  disputes.  The  duke  laid  claim  to  the  nomination  to  episcopal  sees, 
while  the  pope  conceded  only  the  power  of  recommending  to  them;  and  showed 
moreover  some  displeasure  at  certain  taxes  laid  upon  the  clergy. 

108. 

Ragguaglio  dello  stato  di  religione  nel  regno  di  Boemia  e  sue  provincie  incorpo- 
rate.    i62i. 

Carlo  Caraffa  reached  Prague  in  the  month  of  May  1621,  and  proceeded  im- 
mediately to  the  business  which  pope  Gregory  XV  had  especially  entrusted  to 
hirn,  viz.,  the  restoration  of  Catholicism  in  Bohemia. 

Eighteen  months  afterwards,  as  he  himself  states,  in  November  1622,  he  sent 
to  Rome  an  account  of  his  labors,  under  the  title  of  Relatio  Bohemica,  which 
was  forwarded  to  the  newly  established  propaganda.  I  have  seen  the  original 
report  which  was  circulated  among  the  members  of  the  congregation,  viz.  cardi- 
nals Sauli,  Bandini,  Barberini  (afterwards  Urban  VIII),  Borgia  (afterwards  the 
vehement  opponent  of  Urban),  Ubaldini,  Santa  Susanna,  Valerio  Sagrato,  Zol- 
lern,  and  the  prelates  Vives,  Aggucchi  and  Scala.  Zollern  was  to  take  a  copy 
and  make  reports  from  it. 

Caraffa  made  additions  to  this  report  fourteen  months  later,  (consequently  in 
January  1624,)  and  sent  it  uuder  the  title  mentioned  above  to  Urban  VIII;  "in 


C.  CARAFPA,  RAGGUAGLIO  DI  BOEMIA.       1624.  387 

order,"  as  he  says,  "  to  inflame  his  paternal  heart  still  more  with  love  towards 
the  Bohemians." 

Tliere  is  extant  a  detailed  printed  work  by  CarafTa,  "  Commentaria  de  Ger- 
mania  sacra  restaurata;"  one  of  the  most  important  works  of  reference  for  the 
history  of  the  first  ten  years  of  the  thirty  years'  vvar.  But  he  could  not  there 
enter  so  fully  into  an  account  of  his  labors  in  Bohemia,  of  which  he  always 
thought  with  pride,  as  in  a  report  specially  directed  to  that  purpose:  moreover  a 
printed  work  required  to  be  written  vvitii  considerable  discretion  and  care, 
whereas  he  expresses  himself  in  his  report  with  complete  freedom  and  in  great 
detail. 

It  embraces  indeed  only  the  commencement  of  the  changes  effected  in  Bohe- 
mia, but  for  these  it  is  most  important. 

I  have  already  made  use  of  it  in  the  text,  but  necessarily  with  great  com- 
pression;, I  will  here  add  some  particulars,  showing  what  difficulties,  created 
chiefly  by  the  government  of  the  country,  the  nuncio  had  to  contend  with,  in 
carrying  his  views  into  execution. 

1.  The  introduction  of  the  Latin  ritual. 

"Havendo  io  tenuto  sopra  cio  proposito  col  Plateis  e  considerando  sicome 
quel  pochi  Boemi  che  erano  cattolici  frequentavano  in  ogni  modo  le  chiese  di 
nostro  rito,  dove  pure  ascoltavano  i  divini  ufficj  in  lingua  latina,  giudicai  non 
essere  disperabile  che  1'  istesso  potessero  fare  anche  quelli  che  di  nuovo  si 
convertissero,  insinuandosi  massime  loro  da  predicatori  che  questa  lingua  sia 
quasi  in  un  certo  modo  d'  essenza  ne'  divini  ufficj  in  tutti  li  paesi  cattolici  e 
particolarmente  in  quelle  chiese  che  si  comprendono  sotto  I'imperio  occidentale 
per  segno  della  superiorita  e  maggioranza  della  chiesa  Romana  sopra  tutte  le 
altre:  pero  diedi  ordine  ad  esso  Plateis,  che  quanto  prima  havesse  potuto,  usasse 
ogni  suo  studio  per  restituire  I'  uso  del  predetto  idioma  in  quelle  chiese  che  gia 
si  erano  levate  di  mano  agli  eretici:  onde  il  giorno  de'  santi  apostoli  Simone  e 
Giuda  dell'  anno  1621,  con  1'  occasione  di  essere  stata  provista  dall'  arcive- 
scovo  di  parroco  cattolico  la  chiesa  di  Santo  Stefano,  principale  parrocchia  di 
Terra  nuova,  habitata  dal  piu  minuto  volgo,  trail  quale  sonopochissimi  cattolici, 
fu  celebrata  alia  presenza  di  nuniero  grandissimo  hi  heretici  nella  predetta  chiesa 
I'immaculatissimo  sacrificio  deJla  messa  in  lingua  latina  con  I'  aspersione  dell' 
acqua  benedetta,  con  1'  invocatione  de'  santi  e  con  tutti  i  riti  Romani,  due  secoli 
dopo  che  n'  era  stata  esclusa  la  lingua  latina  e  che  per  molti  anni  non  vi  si  era 
celebrate  ne  nell'  uno  ne  nell'  altro  idioma.  II  quale  esempio  hanno  poi  seguito 
con  le  chiese  della  citta  tutti  i  luoghi  del  regno  senza  sentirsi  romore  o  strepito 
alcuno  nel  popolo:  et  io  essendo  in  Praga  ho  visto  detto  popolo  stare  con  molta 
attentione  alle  funtioni  divine." 

2.  Abolition  of  the  cup  at  the  Lord's  supper. 

"  Inteso  poi  da  me  il  senso  della  sacra  congregatione  del  santo  ufficio  per  le 
lettere  e  scritture  all'  bora  mandatemi,  risolvei  di  vietarlo  (il  calice)  onnina- 
mente  e  non  dar  piu  orecchie  alle  ciance  e  preghiere  di  detti  regnicoli,  argomen- 
tando  che  se  havessero  voluto  essere  obbedienti  figli  di  santa  chiesa,  camminereb- 
bero  cosi  in  questa  come  in  ogni  altra  cosa  di  concerto  col  restante  del  corpo  cat- 
tolico; ma  se  sfuggissero  di  ricedere  da  questo  abuse  radicato  anche  negli  animi 
de'  cattolici  per  la  pretesa  concessione  di  Pio  Quarto,  tenerlo  per  segno  di  super- 
bia  et  ostinatione  e  per  indicio  di  non  veri  cattolici:  onde  tralasciato  ogni  altro 
rispetto  e  timore  allegato  da  politici,  i  quali  da  questa  novita  immaginavano 
sollevationi  o  ruine  irremediabili,  feci  prohibire  a  tutti  li  parrochi  che  non  por- 
gessero  ad  alcuna  persona  la  specie  del  vino,  comandando  loro  che  a  chiunque  le 
domandava  ambedue,  chiedessero  se  era  cattolico,  e  confossandosi  tali  gli  enun- 
ciasserolanecessitadi  ubbedire  al  rito  Romano  il  quale  esclude  i  laici  dal  calice. 
Cosi  molti  che  non  erano  tocchi  da  vero  zelo,  sentendo  questo  si  rimanevano 
nella  loro  ostinatione,  non  communicando  ne  nell'  una  nenell'  altra  forma,  e  noi 
intanto  conseguivamo  1'  intento  nostro,  che  non  si  porgeva  il  calice:  ma  non 
fu  pero  niuno  di  quel  preti  toranti  all'  obbedienza  chehavevano  in  cura  le  chiese 
reconciliate  il  quale  havesse  1'  animo  di  porgere  la  sola  specie  del  pane  in  faccia 


8SS  C.  CARAPFA,  RAGGUAGLIO  DI  BOEMIA.       1624. 

degli  heretic!  che  frequentavanodettechiese:  sino  che  il  cancelliere  Plateis  diede 
intrepidamente  principio  a  questa  santa  impresa  nellaparrocchia  di  San  Martino, 
come  di  sopra  si  e  notato.  II  quale  uso  introdotto  poi  a  laude  di  Dio  nell'  altre 
chiese  si  osserva  con  intera  quiete,  ancorche  mi  habbiano  in  cio  dato  assai  che 
fare  i  politici.  Perciocche  vedendosi  gli  heretici  svanito  il  disegno  fatte  di 
dovere  in  ogni  modo  conseguire  da  veri  sacerdoti  cattolici  il  santissimo  Sacra- 
mento sotto  1'  una  e  1'  altra  specie,  hebbero  1'  anno  passato  1622  ricorso  da  po- 
litici: e  qualunque  maniera  con  loro  si  tenessero,  a  me  per  adesso  non  importa 
riferirlo:  basta  che  estorsero  una  lettera  del  principe  Liechtestain,  che  all'  horasi 
trovava  qui,  in  virtu  della  quale,  come  se  fosse  per  ordine  diSua  M**,  chiamando 
i  due  parrochi  delia  madonna  del  Tein  e  di  Santo  Enrico,  stati  gia  predicant!, 
coramandarono  loro  che  nella  solennita  della  pasqua  porgessero  indifferentemente 
a  ogn'  uno,  di  qualunque  rito  fosse,  la  communione  sotto  1'  una  e  altra  specie. 
Cosi  il  giovedi  in  caena  domini  per  mera  perfidia  di  detti  politici  nella  chiesa  del 
Tein  fu  commessa  grandissima  abominatione,  ricevendo  il  venerabile  corpo  del 
gignore  consacrato  sotto  le  due  specie  del  pane  e  del  vino  da  legittimo  sacerdote 

fiiu  di  mille  scellerati  heretici,  dandosi  in  tale  guisa  per  colpa  d'  huomini  catto- 
ici  il  santo  a  cani.  A  questo  non  manco  il  Plateis  di  fare  1'  oppositione  che  se  li 
aspettava,  ma  niente  pote  contro  la  temerita  loro:  onde  egli  per  sostenere  la  pro- 
hibitione  dell'  uso  del  calice  delibero  fare  animo  e  distribuire  il  sacramento, 
come  tre  giorni  dipoi  fece,  pubblicamente  sotto  la  sola  specie  del  pane,  nella 
parrocchia  di  San  Martino.  Ma  havendo  io  havuto  notitia  di  questo  empio  atten- 
tate, fui  subito  a  fame  acerba  lamentatione  con  Sua  M*^,  dolendomi  con  ogni  piii 
efficace  maniera  che  i  suoi  ministri  si  volessero  ingerire  in  quelle  cose  che  con- 
cernono  la  reverenza  verso  il  tremendo  sacramento  dell'  altare,  che  meramente 
riguardano  lo  spirituale  e  la  salute  dell'  anime,  e  che  senza  rispetto  niuno  s'  in- 
tromettevano  negli  aifari  di  religione,  non  mostrando  segno  alcuno  di  obbedienza 
verso  dio  e  la  santa  sede  Romana,  della  quale  la  maesta  Sua  si  era  sempre  mos- 
trata  tanto  ossequente.  Da  che  fuori  di  modo  commosso  1'  imperatore  diede  su- 
bito rigidissimi  ordini  a  detti  politici,  accio  lasciassero  la  cura  delle  cose  ecclesi- 
astiche  e  di  religione  agli  huomini  di  chiesa,  facendo  loro  grave  riprensione  per 
la  temerita  commessa:  onde  essi  gagliardamente  si  incitarono  contro  di  me  e  del 
Plateis,  come  quelli  daquali  si  persuasero  essere  proceduto  il  rabbuffo  fattoli  da 
Sua  M*^:  et  oltre  al  minacciare  aspramente  il  Plateis,  non  si  astennero  dal 
manomettere  anche  1'  autorita  mia,  insinuando  a  mons"'  arcivescovo  che  egli  s' 
io  non  li  mostravo  sopra  cio  special  breve  di  Sua  BeafS  non  fosse  tenuto  ad 
obbedirmi  in  una  cosa  di  tanto  rilievo  come  il  sopprimere  in  Praga  1'  uso  del 
calice;  e  non  tralasciando  di  sollevare  i  predetti  e  farli  animo,  persuadendo 
loro  che  non  havessero  timore  alcuno  di  me  ne  dell'  arcivescovo,  perche  dal 
governo  politico,  al  quale  in  quel  regno  per  antiquato  stile  devono  soggiacere  gli 
ecclesiastic!,  sariano  sempre  protetti  e  sostenuti,  operarono  che  il  curato  del  Tein 
facendo  nuova  prevaricatione  si  ridusse  in  aperta  disubbidienza,  e  prese  ardire 
di  predicare  al  popolo  che  non  volesse  tollerare  che  i  papisti,  che  miravano 
tiraneggiare  il  tutto,  li  togliessero  1'  uso  del  calice,  e  pregassero  dio  per  lu!  vero 
difensore  del  paterno  anticorito:  dimodoche  quel  volgo  fece  un  poco  di  tumulto, 
rappresentandos!  quella  sera  sino  al  numero  di  mille  alia  casa  di  detto  curato 
come  in  sua  difesa.  II  che  venuto  a  mia  notitia,  cava!  subito  da  Sua  M**  Ce- 
sarea  indignatione  e  comandamento  che  il  detto  prete  fosse  subitc  arrestato  e 
consegnato  a  mons''"  arcivescovo:  come  fu  senza  dilatione  alcuna  eseguito:  e  quel 
popolo,  che  prima  si  era  mostrato  cosi  ardente  per  la  sua  indennita,  non  fece 
motivo  alcuno,  perche  lo  vedesse  condurre  prigione  in  faccia  del  giorno  e  di  tutta 
la  gente.  Et  egli  dopo  alcune  settimane  di  carcere  se  ne  mori  dentro  di  quella, 
supplendosi  alia  cnra  di  delta  chiesa,  che  e  la  principale  di  terra  vecchia,  con 
altro  parroco  cattolico  e  con  la  predica  del  cononico  Rottua,  soggetto  insigne 
per  dottrina  e  zelo,  il  quale  amministra  tuttavia  questa  carica  con  molto  profitto 
e  con  grandissimo  concorso  cosi  di  cattolici  come  di  heretici,  i  quali  volentieri 
ascoltano  le  predichedi  questo  buon  sacerdote  per  la  sua  efficace  e  grata  maniera 
di  dire." 


C.  CARAFFA,  RAGGUAOLIO  DI  BOEMIA.   1624.       389 

3.  General  proceedings. 

"Per  decreto  di  Sua  M'*  in  conformila  delle  risolutioni  prese  nella  congrega- 
tione  prefata  tenuta  in  Vienna  si  sono  dipoi  riformate  tutte  le  citta  del  regno, 
cacciando  da  esse  e  da  loro  contorni  li  ministri  e  predicanti  heretici.  In  ciascnna 
di  esse  oltre  il  parroco  si  sono  messi  il  capitano,  il  giudice,  il  primate  del  con- 
siglio  et  un  cancelliere  cattolico,  restandone  in  eterno  bandito  1'  esercitio  here- 
tico  havendo  I'imperatore  per  prova  conosciuto,  coll'  esempio  della  fedelta  di 
Budueis  e  con  la  perfidia  di  quasi  tutte  le  altre,  qiianto  importi  che  le  citta  siano 
heretiche  o  cattoliche.  Et  ancorche  il  principe  Liechtestain  soprasedesse  gia 
daila  incominciata  riforma  rispetto  a  gran  rumori  che  si  spargevano  del  disgusto 
di  Sassonia,  poi  la  prosegui,  havendogliene  io  fatto  reiterare  I'ordine:  ma  pero 
se  li  sospese  circa  li  circoli  di  Egra  e  Culma  per  essere  contigui  alia  Sassonia 
e  pretendersi  che  la  proprieta  loro  sia  dell'  imperio  e  non  della  corona  di  Bo- 
hemia. Con  tutto  cio  resta  per  ancora  nel  regno  qualche  predicante  protetto  da 
baroni  heretici  o  da  poco  buoni  cattolici,  e  particolarmente  ne  sono  nel  circolo  di 
Leitmeriz  spalleggiati  da  un  barone  cattolico,  che  professando  grande  strettezza 
e  fratellanza  con  1'  elettore  di  Sassonia  si  persuade  farli  in  questa  maniera  cosa 
gratissima:  et  havendolo  io  esortato  a  cacciarli  e  fattogliene  parlare  ancora  da 
altri,  ha  promesso  mandarli  via,  ma  dubito  che  ritenuto  dalla  moglie,  che  e  he- 
retica,  non  vorra  farlo  se  non  forzatamente.  Ne  sonoanco  rimasti  in  quelle  citta 
neliequali  si  trovano  acquartierate  militie  heretiche,  non  havendo  voluto  li  com- 
missarj  regj  esporsi  col  riformarli  a  pericolo  di  tumulto:  ma  hora  che  i  sospetti 
di  guerra  vanno  scemando,  si  dara  licenza  alii  soldati  heretici,  ovvero  se  li  as- 
segneranno  altri  qaartieri,  accio  habbia  luogho  la  riforma.  Ne  resta  uno  ancora 
nella  citta  di  Kuttembergh,  scusando  il  principe  di  Liechestain  di  non  poter 
cacciarlo,  perche  quegli  huomini  non  vorrebbero  poi  lavorare  nelle  miniere  che 
ivi  sono:  tuttavia  col  ritorno  dell'  imperatore  a  Praga  spero  in  dio  che  si  rimedi- 
ara  da  ogni  cosa.  Ne  devo  tralasciare  che  nel  mio  passaggio  da  Ratisbona  a 
Praga,  havendo  traversato  una  gran  parte  della  Bohemia,  e  cosi  da  Praga  a 
Vienna  ho  trovato  in  ogni  luogo  la  riforma  effettuata,  eccettoche  nella  citta  di 
Jaromir,  dove  erano  in  alloggio  alcune  fanterie  del  colonnello  duca  si  Sassonia: 
ma  dipoi  ho  mandato  strettoordine  di  Sua  M%  accio  sia  riformata:  et  in  ciascuna 
di  esse  citta  s'istruiscano  i  figliuoli  nella  dottrina  Christiana,  insegnandoseli 
orare  in  lingua  latina. 

"  Sono  state  sotto  rigide  pene  prohibite  dentro  efuori  di  Praga  le  conventicole 
degli  heretici,  sotto  qualunque  pretesto  le  facessero,  la  qual  commissione  fu  data 
molti  mesti  addletro  a  mia  richiesta:  ma  non  ostante  che  io  piu  volte  n'habbia 
reclamato  col  governo  di  Praga,  non  era  stata  mai  eseguita. 

"Dal  senato  della  citta  di  Praga  si  sono  levati  tutti  gli  heretici,  supplendo  i 
loro  luoghi  di  persone  cattoliche,  e  se  li  e  tolta  ogni  essentiale  autorita,  lasci- 
andogliene  solamente  qualche apparenza  nelle  cose  che  non  sono  di  molto  rilievo, 
annullando  in  specie  tutti  li  privilegj  pregiudiciali  alia  religione  cattolica  con- 
cessi  da  re  passati,  potendo  benissimo  farlo  1'  imperatore  havendosi  per  forza 
d'  armi  riguadagnato  questo  regno  gia  apertamente  ribellatoseli.  L'accademia 
o  coUegio  di  Carlo  IV  a  gloria  divina  e  della  religione  cattolica  si  e  restituita 
alia  sua  primiera  istitutione  sotto  la  cura  de'  padri  Gesuiti,  li  quali  hanno  an- 
cora la  sopraintendenza  di  tutte  le  scuole  del  regno,  et  a'  medesimi  1'  usare  dili- 
genza  che  non  si  stampino  o  vendano  libri  contrarj  alia  verita  cattolica,  essen- 
dosi  sottoposti  alia  loro  censura  i  librarj  e  gli  stampatori.  Si  e  havuto  intorno 
alia  predetta  accademia  qualche  difficolta,  volendocisi  deputare  un  presidente 
laico,  il  che  da  me  non  veniva  bene  inteso,  ma  finalmente  spero  che  sara  lasciata 
questa  cura  a  mons'  arcivescovo,  pretendendo  egli  per  suoi  antichi  privilegj  es- 
sere cancelliero  del  regno. 

"  Alia  casa  de'  poveri  istituita  in  Praga  da  Ferdinando  Terzo  si  sono  di  piii 
assegnati  4  m.  talleri  annui:  onde  si  e  accresciuto  il  numero  loro  da  ottanta,  che 
prima  vi  sene  alimentavano,  fino  a  ducento.  A  padri  Gesuiti  si  sono  dati  per 
una  volta  20  mila  talleri  da  spendersi  nella  fabbrica  del  loro  collegio:  et  in 
questo  non  e  occorso  che  si  impieghino  li  miei  ufficj,  non  havendo  bisogno  di 
VOL.  II. — 34 


390  MONTORIO,  REL.  DI  COLONIA.       1624. 

alcun  mezzo  appresso  dell'  imperatore  1'  evldenti  utilita  che  dalle  loro  attioni 
si  traoro-ono.  Per  augumento  dell'  entrate  capitolari  della  cattedrale  sono  stati 
assegnati  beni  che  rendono  6  m.  talleri  annul,  e  per  le  archiepiscopali  24  mila: 
ma  perche  quesli  beni  sono  assai  guasti  e  rovinati,  monsignor  arcivescovo  de- 
sidera  ritenersi  per  qualche  tempo  il  mons''  d'  Ossegg,  assegnato  gia  alia  mensa 
archiepiscopale  sotto  Ridolfo  in  vece  della  pensione  camerale  che  veniva  difficil- 
mente  pagata.  Nell'  arbitrio  di  monsignor  arcivescovo  si  e  riposta  la  provincia 
delle  parrocchie  di  Praga  e  di  tutto  il  regno,  etiam  che  prima  fossero  possedute 
da  signori  particolari  che  erano  tutti  ribelli,  essendosi  risorbato  Timperatore 
questo  jus,  nientre  si  sono  venduti  li  beni  di  essi  ribelli,  havendosi  anche  ha- 
vuto  ritruardo  che  per  molte  leghe  intorno  a  Praga  siano  tutti  comprati  da  catto- 
lici."  ° 

109. 

Relatione  alia  S'a  di  N.  S'^^  papa  Urhano  VIII  della  cose  appartenenti  alia  nuntia- 
tura  di  Colonia  per  M^  Montorio  vescovo  di  Nicastro  ritornato  nuntio  di  quelle 
parti  ranno  di  N.  S^e  16-24. 

Montorio  arrived  in  Germany  in  the  midst  of  the  disorders  of  war.  He  repre- 
sents the  dangers  which  would  have  threatened  the  catholics,  if  Mannsfeld,  who 
held  the  Upper  Rhine  country  from  Slrasburg  to  Mayence,  and  the  Bishop  of 
Halberstadt,  who  had  possession  of  Westphalia,  could  have  managed  to  unite 
their  forces  to  those  of  Baden-Durlach.  All  these  leaders,  however,  were  seve- 
rally defeated.  He  then  describes  the  advantages  arising  from  these  victories, 
and  the  condition  of  the  German  church. 

The  counter  reformation  had  recommenced  in  Fulda  with  great  violence;  the 
catholic  party,  with  the  assistance  of  the  infanta  and  the  army  of  Liga,  had  en- 
tered Osnabruck;  they  had    hopes  of  making  an  archduke,  bishop  in  Minden; 
they  had  endeavored  by  special  missions  to  work  upon  the  chapter  in  Bremen 
to  elect  a  catholic  coadjutor,  but  a  Danish  prince  had  this  time  carried  the  elec- 
tion; the  nuncio  hoped,  however,  to  see  the  catholic  faith  at  least  tolerated  in  all 
the  Hanse  towns;  it  appeared  to  him  that  the  emperor  had  a  right  to  demand 
this,  as  those  towns  drew  considerable  profit  from  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese 
trade:  a  church  had  already  been  opened   in  Altona,  from  which  great  hopes 
were  entertained  for  the  north:  "  per  potere  in  qualche  tempo  fondarsi  un  semi- 
nario,  onde  possino  pigliarsi  operaj,  dopo  che  avranno  appreso  la  lingua  Danica 
e  Norvegica,  per  ridurre  al  lume  delle  vera  fede  quel  popoli  piii  settentrionali." 
Montorio  thought  that  this  progress  ought  to  be  accompanied  by  some  reform 
in  the  internal  affairs  of  the  German  church.     The  prelates  dressed  in  the  habit 
of  the  laity,  and  did  not  scruple  to  go  to  the  wars:  concubinage  prevailed 
openly,  and  the  nuncio  had  prevented  a  certain  Hornberg,  who  was  otherwise 
an  unexceptionable  candidate,  from  being  raised  to  the  See  of  Wurtzburg  on 
account  of  that  offence.     The  German  bishops  paid  little  attention  to  the  pope; 
they  appointed  to  benefices  during  the  reserved  months,  and  presumed  to  do 
many  unlawful  things  by  means  of  their  officials.     "  Dispensano  ne'  gradi  ma- 
trimoniali  prohibiti,  ad  sacros  ordines  et  beneficia  vacata,  super  defectu  natalium, 
concedono  extra  tempora,  dispensano  super  defectu  setatis,  anche  talvolta  hanno 
dispensato  con  persone  institute  in  sacris  di  prender  moglie."     They  entitled 
themselves,  "  by  the  grace  of  God,"  without  thought  of  the  apostolical  see,  and 
looked  upon  their  ecclesiastical  possessions  almost  as  private  property.     In  the 
convents,  matters  were  not  better.     The  abbots  acted  like  absolute  rulers.     In 
the  towns,  nothing  was  going  on  but  banquets,  and  assemblies  to  which  both 
men  and  women  resorted:  in  the  country  convents,  the  monks  followed  the  sports 
of  the  field,  and  nothing  was  to  be  seen  but  hounds  and  huntsmen. 

The  nuncio  w^ould  willingly  have  commenced  reforms,  but  was  prevented  by 
contao-ious  diseases,  the  turmoils  of  war,  and  political  business. 

He°treats  of  these  with  great  ability.     I  could  not  incorporate  into  my  history, 
all  that  he  says  of  the  affairs  of  the  electorate,  and  will  therefore  quote  it  here. 


INST.  A  L.  CARAFPA  PER  COLONIA,  1624.  391 

«♦  Possono  esser  note  a  S.  Beat"*  le  cose  all'  hora  occorse,  ed  io  benche  mi 
fossero  giiinti  assai  lardi  i  brevi  che  mi  mandava  papa  Gregorio,  acciocche  inter- 
venissi  alia  dieta  per  tale  effetto  adunata  in  Ratisbona,  mi  mossi  nondimeno  nel 
maggior  rigore  dell'  inverno  con  grandissime  spese,  disagi  e  pericoli  per  compa- 
rirvi:  e  condottomi  sino  ad  Herbipoli  da  ministri  di  S"^  e  da  principi  elettori  ivi 
congregati,  a  quali  avevo  dato  avviso  della  mia  mossa,  mi  fu  significato  non 
esser  piu  necessaria  la  mia  persona,  poiche  la  conclusione  del  negotio  era  ritar- 
datada  piu  alta  capione  chedal  mancamento  del  consenso  de' principi  ivi  adunati, 
e  che  il  vedersi  ivi  compariti  tanti  ministri  apostolici  havrebbe  accresciute  le 
difficolta,  mettendosi  in  gelosia  li  protestanti,  come  che  quella  traslatione  fa 
trattata  piu  tosto  come  materia  di  religione  che  di  state.  Mi  rimasi  percio  d' 
andarvi,  tanto  piu  che  il  Magontino,  che  come  degano  del  coUegio  elettorale  era 
quasi  arbitro  del  negotio,  praticato  da  me  alcuni  mesi  prima,  stava  costante  nell' 
offerta  fattami  di  voler  secondare  la  mente  del  papa  e  dell'  imperatore.  Li  de- 
putati  di  Treveri  havevano  ordine  dal  suo  principe,  datoli  a  mia  istanza,  di  non 
iscostarsi  dalla  deliberationi  del  Magontino  e  del  Colonicense.  Io  non  staro  qui 
a  divisare  a  V.  Beat"'^  le  difficolta  che  incontrai  per  disporre  il  Magontino  a  con- 
sentire  a  detta  traslatione:  perche  hora  diceva  abborrire  la  cittadi  Ratisbona  come 
d'aria  nemica  alia  sua  sanita,  hora  diceva  trovarsi  esausto  di  denari  e  da  noa 
potere  supplire  alle  spese  che  ivi  gli  saria  convenuto  di  fare,  hora  che  il  negotio 
non  era  maturo,  non  essendoci  il  consenso  di  Spagna  e  di  Sassonia,  hora  temeva 
le  minacce  del  re  d'Inghilterra,  di  Dania  e  di  altri  settarj,  hora  affermava  che 
quella  traslatione  havrebbe  accesa  nuova  e  piu  cruda  guerra  in  Germania,  con 
danno  evidente  della  religione  cattolica,  mentre,  i  principi  ecclesiastici,  che  ha- 
vevano portato  fino  all'  hora  e  dovevano  portare  per  I'avvenire  il  peso,  esausti 
per  le  contributioni  passate  alia  lega,  spogliati  d'ogni  loro  havere  dall'  insolenze 
e  rubamenti  non  meno  de'  nostri  che  de'  nemici  soldati,  non  solo  non  potevano 
ne  havevano  modo  di  apparecchiarsi  a  nuova  guerra,  ma  erano  ridotti  ad  estre- 
mita  tali  che  erano  costretti  licentiare  le  proprie  famiglie  a  vivere  quasi  priva- 
tamente:  non  lasciava  di  porre  in  consideratione  il  duca  di  Neoburgh,  come  piii 
prossimo  di  sangue  al  palatino,  la  cui  persona  non  havrebbe  recata  tanta  gelosia 
a  protestanti,  che  temeanola  grandezza  del  Bavaro,  a  cui  conforme  la  costitutioni 
imperiBli  secondo  la  bolla  aurea  come  a  piii  prossimo  doveasi  quella  dignita, 
nella  quale  il  rnedesimo  duca  haveva  protestato  non  volere  consentire  sino  all' 
ultimo  spirito  che  altri  fosse  a  se  preferito:  basta  che  in  quattro  o  cinque  giorni 
che  mi  trattenni  con  lui  in  Acciaffemburgo,  dopo  lunghi  discorsi  fatti  in  voce  et 
in  iscritto,  ottenni  la  risolutione  che  io  desiderava.  La  traslatione  fu  fatta,  et 
ancora  si  mantiene.  II  palatinato  e  in  parte  occupato  dal  Bavaro,  in  parte  da 
Spagnuoli,  ne  altro  resta  al  palatino  che  la  citta  di  Franchinthal  depositata  in 
certo  tempo  in  mano  della  serenissima  infanti  di  Fiandra  con  concerto  del  re 
Inglese. 

"  Mentre  per  detto  negotio  io  ero  in  Acciaffemburgo,  giunse  ivi  la  nuova  della 
presa  di  Adilbergh:  et  havendo  io  gia  fatto  officio  per  commissione  di  Sua  S*"  col 
sig"  duca  di  Baviera  per  la  libreria  Palatinaet  havendone  havuta  offerta,  mandai 
subito  un'  espresso  al  sig"'  conte  di  Tilly,  facendoli  istanza  per  la  conservatione 
di  essa,  poiche  mi  veniva  aflfermato  per  la  qualita  e  quantita  de'  libri  massime 
manoscritti  essere  di  valore  inestimable:  e  mi  rispose  S.  E.  che  il  tutto  era  in 
poter  suo  ben  conservato  per  eseguirne  1'  ordine  dal  sig"'  duca:  di  che  havendo  dato 
conto  a  patroni,  havendo  essi  mandata  persona  a  pigliarlo,  fu  detta  libreria  dopo 
alcuni  mesi  condotta  a  Roma." 

no. 

Jnstrutltone  a  V.  S.  Monsr  Caraffa  vescovo  di  Tricartco  destinato  da  N.  S.  suo 
nuntio  in  Colonia.     26   Giugno  1624. 

Luigi  CarafTa  succeeded  Montorio:  he  had  been  nuncio  at  Cologne  daring  the 
time  that  Carlo  Caraffa  held  that  office  at  Vienna. 

The  pope  unfolds  to  him  his  views  of  German  affairs  in  a  very  long  and  de- 


392  INST.  A  L.  CARAFFA  PER  COLONIA.       1624. 

tailed  instruction,  wherein  he  discusses  all  the  points  of  internal  church  disci- 
pline which  had  been  suggested  by  Montorio.  The  apostolical  see  had  already 
lost  much,  both  in  income,  consideration,  and  authority;  the  nuncio  was  to  en- 
deavor to  recover  what  had  been  lost.  "  V.  S.  stia  attentissima  a  tutto  quello 
che  puo  sostentare  I'autorita  apostolica  e  specialmente  a  procurare  che  da  essa 
eschino  le  dovute  provisioni  beneficiali."  It  is  remarkable  that  the  instructions 
here  given  to  the  nuncio  are  immediately  founded  upon  the  recommendations  of 
Minuccio  Minucci.  For  example,  he  was  to  send  to  Rome  a  list  of  the  German 
ecclesiastics  who  were  worthy  of  promotion.  "  De'  piii  costumati,  de'  piu  dotti, 
de' piu  nobili,  de' meglio  appoggiati  all' autorita  d' alcun  principe  cattolico..... 
Cosi  noi  aremo  notizie  tali  che  sollecitamente  la  sede  apostolica  potra  provedere 
prima  che  scorra  il  suo  tempo."  Literally  the  same  course  which  had  been  re- 
commended by  Minucci  in  1588.  Nevertheless,  time  had  suggested  other  mea- 
sures, of  which  the  most  important  was,  that  Rome  had  the  power  to  appoint  a 
catholic  coadjutor  to  a  bishop  who  was  growing  old,  even  during  liis  lifetime. 
This  had  already  been  done  with  the  greatest  success  in  Paderborn  and  Miinster. 

The  most  important  object,  however,  was  the  further  diffusion  of  Catholicism. 

The  Liga  was  to  be  supported  with  all  possible  vigor;  the  nuncio  was  to  take 
care  that  every  body  paid  his  rate  for  that  object.  An  ecclesiastical  company  was 
founded  in  Cologne  for  the  conversion  of  protestants,  in  which  the  princes  of 
Austria  and  Bavaria  took  part,  and  which  possessed  considerable  sums  of  money; 
the  nuncio  was  not  to  suffer  it  to  fall  into  decay.  Certain  princely  houses  were 
pointed  out  as  affording  some  hopes  of  conversion  to  Catholicism,  particularly 
Darmstadt  and  Saxony.  The  nuncio  was  to  foster  this  disposition,  "  so  that 
those  princes  might  not  be  able  to  resist  the  grace  which  God  was  about  to  show 
them."  He  was  more  especially  to  further  the  establishment  of  seminaries,  and 
the  introduction  of  the  Jesuits.  This  is  perhaps  the  most  important  part  of  the 
whole  instruction,  and  I  will  quote  it  at  length. 

Sara  opera  degnissima  di  S.  S™  I'impiegarsi  a  coltivare  i  seminarj  gia  fatti  et 
a  procurare  che  altri  se  ne  faccino  di  nuovo;  e  per  queste  simili  opere  chi  non 
vede  che  i  padri  della  compagnia  di  Gesii  sono  maravigliosi]  Laonde  il  prede- 
cessore  di  S.  S"^  diede  principio  a  pratticare  I'introduttione  di  quelli  in  Franch- 
fort,  scrivendo  sopra  di  cio  caldissime  lettere  a  Cesare,  e  voleva  fare  altrettanto 
I'eletlore  di  Colonia.  N.  S''^  per  sollecitare  I'effettuatione  di  questo  buon  pen- 
siero,  fece  scrivere  al  nuntio  presso  I'imperatore  che  non  si  liscaldi:  col  quale 
S.  S™  s'intendera  per  quello  che  restasse  da  fare,  avvisandone  le  speranze  e  i 
Buccessi.  L'elettore  di  Magonza  ha  fatto  rappresentare  alia  S**  di  N.  S'^'  che 
per  propagare  la  religione  cattolica,  che  col  favore  divino  piglia  piede  nel  pala- 
tinato  inferiore,  niuna  cosa  viene  giudicata  piu  spediente  quanto  I'erettione  de' 
seminarj  e  delle  case  dove  possino  convenire  i  nobili  del  Reno:  e  per  cio  fare, 
propone  a  S.  B"'  che  si  potrebbono  comodamente  applicare  i  beni  d'alcuni  mo- 
nasterj  e  specialmente  di  Germershaim,  Spanhaim  et  Odernhaim,  posti  nella 
diocesi  di  Magonza  et  altre  volte  occupati  da  principi  Palatina  del  Reno:  la 
quale  proposta  e  stata  stimata  da  S.  B"*  di  molto  rilievo,  e  prima  di  risolvere 
voleva  che  I'antecessore  di  V.  S"^  presane  diligente  informatione  avvisasse  dis- 
tintamente  lo  stato  di  detti  monasterj  col  suo  parere:  ma  perche  la  brevita  del 
tempo  non  gli  havra  permesso  eseguir  tutto,  S.  Bn'=  vuole  che  ella  supplisca  al 
rimanente  con  ogni  sollecitudine  et  accuratezza. 

"  L'elettore  di  Colonia  ancora  vuole  instituire  un'  universita  nella  sua  citta  di 
Munstero:  e  di  cio  e  stato  ragionato  nella  sagra  congregatione  de  propaganda 
fide,  inclinando  la  S*^  di  N.  S"  che  si  facci  detta  universita,  con  conditione  pero 
che  oUre  alle  scienze  vi  si  insegnino  le  leggi  canoniche  e  civili.  Serva  a  S. 
S"^  per  avviso,  accioche  ella  tratti  in  questa  forma  con  detto  elettore,  quando 
S.  A.  le  parlera  d'havere  ottenuto  per  detta  erettione  il  beneplacito  apostolico." 


PIETRO  CONTARINI,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1627.  393 

111. 

Relatione  deW  ill"^"  et  ecc^o  sigf  Pietro  Conturini  K^  ritornalo  delP  ambasceria  ot' 
dinuria  di  Roma,  presentala  alii  22  Giugno  1G27  e  letla  il  medesimu  giorno  neW 
ecc^o  senato. 

Pietro  Contarini  had  passed  more  than  three  years  and  a  half— about  forty- 
four  months — at  the  court  of  Urban  VIII,  when  he  wrote  this  report. 

He  treats  in  four  distinct  parts,  of  the  temporal  and  the  spiritual  adminis- 
tration, of  the  most  important  affairs,  and  the  most  influential  members,  of  the 
court. 

His  account  of  the  extension  of  the  spiritual  jurisdiction  is  remarkably  full 
and  instructive.  He  thinks  that  it  had  never  yet  in  Italy  been  exercised  with 
such  rigor;  that  the  court  of  Rome  had  become  very  dangerous  to  other  princes, 
from  its  double  object  of  maintaining  an  immediate  rule  over  ecclesiastical  per- 
sons, and  a  free  disposal  of  ecclesiastical  property.  Urban  VIII  often  said  that 
if  a  Venetian  nobleman  were  to  become  pope,  he  could  not  be  more  favorably 
inclined  to  the  Venetians  than  he  himself  was:  notwithstanding  these  profes- 
sions they  never  obtained  the  slightest  favor  from  him. 

Altogether  Contarini  had  a  bad  opinion  of  the  whole  system  of  the  Roman 
government,  the  main  principle  of  which  was  nepotism. 

"  L'inclinatione  dei  papi  di  far  grandi  i  nepoti  da  in  questi  tempi  il  prime 
moto  all'  attioni,  dichiarationi  e  dipendenze  con  altri  principi.  Prima  si  pensa 
ad  imprese  contra  infideli,  ad  acquisto  di  stall,  ma  come  gli  anni  son  brevi,  le 
difficolta  molte,  cosi  si  ferma  il  concetto  senz'  effettuatione  alcuna:  doppo  altra 
strada  si  prende  piu  facile,  accumulando  grandi  richezze,  comprando  stati." 

He  describes  as  follows  the  men  immediately  about  Urban. 

"Per  ordinario  si  consiglia  il  pontefice  con  il  card''  Magalotti,  cognato  del 
fratello,  e  che  tiene  anco  il  carico  di  segretario  di  stato,  per  le  cui  mani  passano 
tutte  r  espeditioni.  E'  cardinale  d'  ingegno  grande,  vivace:  lo  stima  assai  il 
papa:  1'  ha  voluto  sempre  appresso  di  se,  et  in  particolare  nella  legatione  di  Bo- 
logna, dove  le  diede  la  viceregenza  di  quel  governo.  E  se  vi  e  alcuno  che  arrivi 
ad  havere  predominio  nell'  animo  della  S'*  Sua,  quest'  e  1'  uno,  ne  si  sa  se  per 
proprio  afletto  et  inclinatione  di  lei  o  se  per  la  grande  accortezza  del  cardinale, 
che  bene  conoscendo  il  genio  di  chi  cosi  lungamente  si  e  servito  di  lui  sa  valersi 
delli  mezzi  proprj  per  condursi  a  questo  segno:  e  puo  dirsi  che  negli  affari  di 
momento  di  esso  solo  si  vale.  Egli  pero  s'affatica  d'  aggiuslarsi  alle  inclina- 
tioni  del  pontefice,  le  contradice  meno  che  puo,  e  nelli  suoi  sensi  procura  d'  in- 
camminare  le  proprie  attioni  per  conservare  il  posto,  la  confidenza  e  la  riputa- 
tione  che  le  apporta  1'  esser  adoperato  nelli  maneggi  piii  gravi.  Procura  con 
allontanarsi  da  tutte  le  apparenze,  fuggendo  1'  audienze  ordinarie  de'  ministri  di 
principi,  de'  cardinali  e  quasi  d'  ogni  altro  (ma  solo  tratta  i  negotii  ch'  espressa- 
mente  gli  sono  incaricati)  di  non  acquistar  1'  odio  che  per  1'  ordinario  suole  cader 
sopra  quelli  che  si  veggono  piii  vicini  e  partecipano  dell'  autorita.  o  gratia  del 
principe:  e  lo  fa  maggiormente  per  non  ingelosire  il  card'^  Barberino,  che  da 
principio  non  mostro  di  ricevere  intiero  gusto  di  vederlo  avanzarsi  tanto,  e  piii 
valersi  il  pontefice  di  lui  che  della  sua  persona:  e  percio  bene  spesso  per  questa 
causa  s'udirono  da  Barberino  parole  che  dinotavano  il  suo  sentimento.  Hora 
nondimeno  lascia  correr  le  cose  come  vanno,  e  mostra  confidar  nel  zio,  o  per  sol- 
levarsi  del  peso  degli  aflfari,  o  perche  non  sa  o  conosce  di  non  poter  fermare  il 
corso  alia  fortuna  di  questo.  II  tutto  pure  si  partecipa  col  medesimo  cardinal 
Barberino,  con  S.  Onofrio  e  Don  Carlo. 

"  II  primo,  come  nipote,  e  veramente  amato.  Vorrebbe  la  S'n  Sua  che  non 
pill  applicatione  attendesse  alii  negotii:  ma  egli  v'  apparisce  alieno  assai,  ne  il 
suo  naturale  punto  si  vede  inclinato,  et  pare  che  quasi  a  forza  assista  solo  dove 
per  il  carico  che  tiene  non  puo  far  altrimenti,  scaricando  il  peso  degli  aflfari  piu 
gravi  sopra  1'  istesso  card''  Magalotti,  contentandosi  di  spogliarsi  di  quello  che 
dovrebbe  esser  suo  particolare  per  vestirne  il  zio,  contro  la  pratica  degli  passati 
pontefici,  sia  o  per  propria  debolezza,  o  per  non  saper  volersi  di  quella  autorita 

34* 


394  PIETRO  CONTARINI,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1627. 

che  gode  chi  arriva  a  posto  tanto  eminente.  E'  di  ottimi,  virtuosi  e  lodevoli 
costumi,  di  soave  natura,  e  con  esempio  unico  non  vuole  ricever  donativi  o  pre- 
sente  alcuno.  Sara  nondimeno  vivendo  il  pontefice  al  pari  d'  ogni  altro  cardi- 
nals grande  e  ricco.  Hor  deve  haver  intorno  80  m.  scudi  d'  entrata  di  beneficj 
ecclesiastici,  e  con  li  governi  e  legationi  che  tiene  deve  avvicinarsi  a  500  m. 
scudi,  e  tutto  il  meglio  che  cava,  sard  suo,  principiando  a  farsi  delle  inveslite  di 
raomento.  E  poco  spendendosi  in  breve  tempo,  verrassi  ad  accumular  ricchezze 
immense. 

"  11  card'  S.  Onofrio  essendo  vissuto  del  continue  nei  Cappuccini,  sequito  tut- 
tavia  in  una  vita  religiosissima,  non  s'  ingerisce  se  non  in  quelle  le  viene  com- 
messo,  e  degli  affari  del  mondo  poco  ne  sa  e  meno  n'intende;  e  bene  si  e  conos- 
ciuto  la  sua  inabilita  in  questo  nell'  absenza  di  Barberino,  mentre  fu  necessario 
di  trattare  e  negotiar  seco.  Hora  si  ritrova  alia  residenza  della  sua  chiesa  di 
Sinigaglia. 

"  Jl  sig''  Don  Carlo  pure,  fratello  del  pontefice,  e  generale  di  santa  chiesa,  e 
tutto  quello  che  appartiene  alia  militie,  alle  fortezze,  alle  galere,  e  sotto  il  suo 
comando.  E'  signore  d'  intelligenza,  prudente,  cauto  nello  dlscorrere  e  trattare, 
6  la  cura  dell'  entrate  e  maneggi  della  camera  ottimamente  1'  intende,  essendo 
stato  huomo  di  negotio  e  versato  in  queste  materie.  Qualche  cosa  ha  rilasciato 
dalla  sua  prima  applicatione  agli  affari,  per  non  aggravar  maggiormente  li  suoi 
anni,  essendo  il  piu  vecchio  delli  fratelli  e  per  qualche  sua  dispositione  ancora. 

"  Due  altri  nipoti  tiene  la  S''  Sua.  II  sig''  Don  Taddeo,  nel  quale  si  pensa 
di  stabilire  la  casa,  giovane  di  anni  23  incirca,  di  nobilissime  maniere,  di  grande 
ingenuita,  et  e  sommamente  amato  da  tutta  la  corte.  Qualche  disegno  vi  e  nel 
pontefice  di  farlo  prefetto  della  citta  dopo  la  morte  del  duca  di  Urbino,  che  hora 
gode  questo  titolo,  carico  degnissimo,  che  a  tutti  precede  e  dura  in  vita  e  dopo 
la  morte  anco  del  pontefice  tiene  luogo  nel  solio.  E  Don  Antonio,  commenda- 
tore  di  Malta,  di  anni  18.  Ha  intorno  14  m.  scudi  di  commende.  E'  di  uno 
spirito  pronto,  vivace,  et  a  suo  tempo  vi  vorra  esser  per  la  sua  parte:  desidera 
egli  parimente  il  cardinalato,  e  si  crede  lo  compiacera  la  S**  Sua.  Molti  che  non 
amano  il  card'^  Magalotti,  lo  vedrebbono  volentieri  quanto  prima  promosso  a 
quella  dignita,  con  opinione  possa  egli  arrivar  dove  non  giugne  il  fratello  a  farle 
contrasto  et  oppositione." 

The  affairs  of  the  Valtelline  are  here  discussed  in  all  their  relations. 

"L' altro  importante  negotio  e  quello  della  Valtellina,  intorno  al  quale  pure 
grandemente  vi  travaglio  la  Santita  Sua,  ma  con  fortuna  diversa,  se  bene  nel 
principio  vogliono  che  potesse  applicarvi  maggiori  e  piu  risoluti  rimedj.  L' 
esser  entrato  in  affare  tanto  arduo  li  primi  giorni  del  ponteficato,  uscito  e  non 
ben  ancora  rimesso  da  una  grave  indispositione,  con  il  pensiero  piii  applicato  al 
primo  che  a  questo  negotio,  causo  forse  che  si  lascio  correr  molte  cose  che  allora 
il  provedervi  non  era  difficile,  sicome  il  remediarvi  poi  dopo  riusci  impossibile. 
Fu  il  deposito  della  Valtellina  fatto  dai  Spagnoli  in  mano  di  Gregorio  XV,  e 
Chiavenna  con  il  suo  contado  la  consegnarono  con  le  medesime  conditioni  al 
presente  pontefice.  Le  prime  negotiationi  passarono  per  mano  del  commenda- 
tore  Silleri  con  tanta  cautela  e  secretezza  che  il  certo  d'  esse  non  solo  si  comu- 
nicava  alii  ministri  di  V.  Serenita,  che  pure  ne  doveano  aver  tanta  parte  ma  con 
fatica  veniva  a  loro  notitia  il  vero  di  quanto  si  trattava.  In  niuna  altra  cosa 
premeva  il  pontefice  che  nel  ricevere  soddisfattione  per  il  pagamento  delli  pre- 
sidj  ch'  egli  teneva  nelli  forti  della  Valle,  e  dopo  infinite  doglianse  et  instanze 
consegui,  credo, fra  1'  uno  e  1'  altro  re  intorno  200  m.  scudi.  Questo  danaro  and 
6  diminuendo  il  dispiacere  del  deposito,  che  prima  e  dopo  anche  danno  sempre 
grandemente,  slimando  non  esser  soUevato  dall'  interesse,  niuno  pregiudicio 
potesse  apportarle  la  longhezza  et  irresolutione  di  tal  meneggio. 

"Quelli  del  Valtellina  s'  offerivano  al  papa  per  vassalli,  assicurandolo  che  li 
datii  che  potrebbe  imporre  sopra  li  vini  e  formaggi  basterebbono  a  mantener  li 
presidj  ordinarj  per  difesa  di  quella  Valle.  Molti  consideravano  al  pontefice 
che  il  ritornar  la  Valtellina  alii  Grisoni  e  rimetter  in  mano  degli  heretici  li  cat- 
tolici  non  si  poteva  da  esso  ne  si  dovea  se  non  con  grandissimo  scandalo  e  danno 


PIETRO  CONTARINI,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1627.  395 

eseguire,  che  darla  ai  Spagnoli  niiino  n'  havrebbe  assentito,  et  ai  Francesi  o  ad 
altri  quelli  non  lo  permetterebbono;  ne  meglio  vi  fosse  che  si  conservasse  alia 
cliiesa  la  Valtelllna,  non  contenendo  alcun'  altra  condilione  di  momemto  quel 
paese  che  del  passi,  che  si  possono  havere  o  pretender  per  venirsene  et  andar- 
sene  oltre  ai  monti:  questi  restando  in  potesta  del  pontefice  patre  comune,  gli 
havrebbe  aperti  e  concessi  sempre  secondo  il  bisogno  e  necessita  d'  ogn'  uno. 
Le  ragioni  se  bene  poco  fondate  non  lasciano  di  far  impressione,  e  talvolta 
anche  persuadono  dove  apparisce  alcuna  speranza  di  comodo  et  utile.  Del  con- 
cetto se  ne  lascio  intender  la  S'»  Sua,  et  aggiunse  anco,  quando  vi  fosse  qualche 
difficolta  nel  restar  alia  chiesa,  ne  si  potrebbe  investir  un  suo  nipole.  Era  pro- 
mosso  dai  Spagnoli  il  partito,  a  loro  pero  ne  ai  Francesi  piaceva:  in  fine  si 
fermo  da  Silleri  il  trattato  ben  noto  a  V.  Serenita  che  non  fu  in  Francia  appro- 
vato  dal  re,  in  particolare  nella  parte  che  Spagnoli  avessero  il  passo  per  le  genti 
che  andassero  in  Fiandra  e  per  le  raedesime  solo  che  ritornassero:  poiche  il 
forinar  della  Valtellina  una  quarta  lega,  che  tanto  pretesero  Spagnoli,  meno  il 
pontefice  v'  assenti.  Fu  mutato  per  questa  causa  1'  ambasciatore,  o  fosse  per  la 
caduta  del  cancelliere  e  di  Puysieux  segretario,  1'  uno  fratello  e  1'  altro  nipote 
del  medesimo  Silleri.  E  giunse  in  Roma  mons'  di  Bettune,  ministro  di  rniglior 
consiglio,  di  piii  generosi  e  risoluti  partiti,  disautorrizzo  il  negotiato  del  suo 
precessore,  insiste  e  parlo  sempre  per  il  trattato  di  Madrid,  nego  assolutamente 
il  permettere  per  qualsivoglia  maniera  a'  Spagnoli  il  passo,  e  sollecito  in  fre- 
quenti  audienze  il  pontefice  a  risolvere  alcuna  cosa  poiche  ne  a  maggiori  lung- 
hezze  ne  a  piii  tarde  dilationi  potea  la  lega  assentire. 

II  pontefice,  che  non  stimo  mai  tanta  risolutione  nelli  coUegati  ne  da  questa 
causa  fossero  per  condursi  all'  armi,  massime  che  1'  suo  nuntio  in  Francia  e 
quello  di  Suizzeri  affermarono  del  continuo  alia  S"^  Sua  con  lettere  che  '1  mar- 
chese  di  Covre  mai  havrebbe  presentate  1'  armi  del  re  dove  vi  fossero  le  insegne 
della  Beat°«  Sua,  s'  ando  pure  conlinuando  nelle  irresolutioni,  e  quanto  piii  ac- 
crescevano  et  apparivano  le  difficolta,  tanto  maggiormente  veniva  ell^  a  per- 
suadersi  (ne  vi  mancava  chi  la  confermava  in  questo)  che  in  fine  nelle  contese 
essa  ne  restarebbe  posseditrice.  E  benche  Bettune  per  ultimo  significo  al  papa 
che  il  re  e  la  lega  insieme  la  supplicavano  di  rimettere  ai  Spagnoli  li  forti  con- 
forme  alio  obbligo  del  deposito,  accioche  essendovi  necessita  di  mover  1'  armi 
non  s'  attribuisca  a  poco  rispetto  1'  andar  contro  quelle  della  S'*  Sua,  e  se  all' 
hora  il  pontefice  si  risolvea  e  prendea  partito  come  dovea,  offerendo  ai  Spagnoli 
li  forti,  il  tutto  veniva  ad  aggiustarsi  con  la  riputatione  sua  e  soddisfatione  degli 
altri,  poiche  non  gli  havrebbono  ricevuti  li  Spagnoli  non  trovandosi  in  termine 
di  poterli  difendere,  e  cessava  la  causa  di  dolersi  mentre  in  tempo  eseguiva  il 
pontefice  le  condition!  del  deposito,  ne  poteva  alcuna  contradire  lasciandoli  a 
Grisoni;  corsero  alcuni  giorni:  in  fine  surprese  il  marchese  di  Covre  Plata  Mala: 
allora  il  pontefice  pretese  et  adimando  tre  mesi  di  tempo,  e  dopo  si  ristrinsc  a 
tanto  che  bastasse  di  scriver  in  Spa^na  e  fame  1'  eshibitione,  dicendo  che  11 
ministri  d'  Italia  non  tenevano  facolta  di  ricever  li  forti.  Ma  essendo  di  gia 
avanzate  et  ogni  giorno  procedendo  di  bene  in  meglio  1'  intraprese  di  Covre, 
non  fu  stimato  a  proposito,  anzi  sarebbe  riuscito  dannoso  il  suspender  i  pro- 
gress!, per  attender  poi  di  Spagna  risposte  incerte:  a  cosi  ando  il  pontefice  a 
poco  a  poco  perdendo  tutto  quello  teneva  in  deposito,  solo  restandole  Riva  e 
Chiavenna,  che  sole  furono  succorse  dai  Spagnoli.  Si  doleva  S'»  Sua  che  questi, 
se  ben  ricercati  alle  prime  difese,  mai  vennero  al  soccorso,  et  essi  di  non  essere 
stati  chiamati  in  tempo,  di  modo  che  mai  soddisfatti  Spagnoli,  non  content! 
Francesi,  ella  sommamente  disgustata  stimando  poco  rispetto  s'  havesse  portato 
alle  sue  insegne,  del  continuo  e  grandemente  con  ognuno  se  ne  querelava:  ne 
altrimenti  facevano  Spagnoli,  mentre  altribuivano  tutti  gl'  inconvenienti  a  lei,  e 
di  lei  piu  d'  ogni  altro  si  dolevano:  et  ancorche  dopo  spedisse  il  nipote  legato  in 
Francia  et  in  Spagna  col  fine  ben  noto  a  V.  Serenita,  e  conoscendo  haver  preso 
altra  maggior  mossa  le  armi  d'  Italia,  piu  gravi  si  rendessero  i  pericoli  se  vi  ap- 
plicasse  da  dovero,  con  tutto  cio  non  si  e  pytuto  levare  il  primo  concetto  che 
dagli  antecedenti  mai  incamminati  principj  non  siano  derivati  gl'  inconvenienti 


396  C.  CARAFFA,  REL.  BELLA  GERMANIA.       1628. 

die  si  sono  dopo  visti.  Ugualmente  Frances!  come  Spagnoli  attribnivano  le 
durezze  e  difficolta  che  si  sono  incontrate  in  questa  negotiatione,  alle  pretensioni 
del  pontefice,  volendo  che  ad  esso  fossero  consignati  li  forti,  senza  dichiararsi 
quello  che  n'  havrehbe  fatto,  negando  pero  assolutamente  di  volerli  demolire. 
Da  che  si  ha  reso  sopramodo  difficile  il  trovar  ripiego  conveniente,  si  e  consu- 
mato  tanto  tempo,  falle  tante  speditioni,  et  in  fine  portato  il  negotio  in  Spagna, 
che  in  Roma  difficilmente  s'  havrebbe  terminato." 

112. 

Relatione   dello  stato  delP  imperio  e  della  Ger mania  fatta  da  mons^  Caraffa  nel 
tempo  che  era  nuntio  alia  corle  deW  imperatore  /'  anno  1628. 

The  most  circumstantial  report  which  has  ever  come  in  my  way,  consisting  of 
1080  folio  pages  in  a  Roman  copy.  It  is  not  rare  in  Germany,  for  I  bought  one 
at  Leipsic,  and  another  copy  exists  in  a  private  library  at  Berlin  in  a  beautiful 
folio  volume,  which  a  certain  VVynman  presented  in  1655  to  the  bishop  of  Eich- 
stadt,  with  a  pompous  dedication. 

It  consists  of  four  parts,  in  the  first  of  which  the  disturbances  in  Germany 
generally  are  described;  in  the  second,  the  condition,  possessions  and  relations 
of  Ferdinand  II ;  in  the  third,  the  German  principalities  according  to  the  circles; 
and  in  the  fourth,  the  more  recent  alliances  which  had  been  formed  in  Germany. 

The  author  declares  that  he  will  write  nothing  but  what  he  has  himself  seen, 
or  learned  from  some  trustworthy  source.  "  Protestandomi  che  tutto  quello  che 
scrivero,  parte  n'  ho  pralicato  e  visto  io  stesso  per  lo  spatio  di  8  anni  che  sono 
stato  in  Germania,  parte  n'  ho  inteso  di  persone  degne  di  fede,  parte  n'  ho  cavato 
della  lettura  de'  libri  communi  e  delle  lettere  e  cancellarie  tanto  d'  amici  quanto 
d'  inimici,  che  sono  state  intercette  in  diversi  tempi,  de'  quali  alcune  sono  date 
alle  stampe,  altre  no." 

We  see  that  he  had  in  view  from  the  first  a  systematic  compilation  of  his 
materials. 

The  printed  Commentaries  of  Caraffa  are  arranged  in  chronological  order, 
whereas  the  work  now  before  us  is  composed  more  in  the  form  of  a  report;  it  is 
only  in  the  first  part  that  the  events  are  chronologically  arranged. 

I  cannot  conceal  that  I  have  often  had  doubts  as  to  the  genuineness  of  this 
document. 

The  connection  is  excessively  loose.  We  first  meet  with  the  report  on  Bohe- 
mia again  with  some  few  omissions;  we  then  find  a  very  remarkable  statement 
concerning  the  election  of  a  king  of  Hungary  in  1625,  but  inserted  in  its  wrong 
place;  and  lastly,  what  indeed  is  more  important,  a  report  of  the  year  1629  (but 
in  which  there  is  no  trace  that  it  is  Caraffa's,)  concerning  Germany,  the  em- 
peror, and  the  princes,  is  here  given,  somewhat  amplified,  but  otherwise  literally 
copied.  Many  other  portions  of  this  work  are  evidently  stolen.  King  James  I 
of  England  is  mentioned  as  the  "  presente  red'Inghilterra,"  which  could  not  be 
said  in  1628. 

We  should  guess  that  some  compiler  had  put  together  these  documents  with- 
out any  system  or  design;  but  after  further  consideration  this  conjecture  does 
not  appear  to  be  probable. 

Most  important  and  striking  facts  relating  to  recent  times,  of  which  no  com- 
piler would  have  dreamt,  are  here  added  to  the  Ragguaglio  of  Caraffa. 

Circumstances  are  related  which  could  only  be  known  to  the  initiated.  For 
example,  the  author  appears  conversant  with  those  negotiations  of  Urban  VIII 
with  England  through  the  agency  of  the  capuchin  Rota,  which  were  kept  so 
profoundly  secret. 

The  nuncio  also  occasionally  speaks  in  the  first  person. 

I  conclude,  therefore,  that  this  work  really  proceeded  from  Caraffa,  but  was 
not  completed  by  him,  owing  either  to  want  of  time  or  inclination,  or  perhaps, 
of  power  to  do  so;  for  his  Bohemian  report  has  somewhat  of  the  same  diffuse 


C.  CARAFFA,  REL.  DELLA  GERMANIA.       1628.  397 

and  formless  character.  He  probably  intended  on  his  return  to  Aversa  to  fill 
up  some  of  his  leisure  hours  with  the  arrangement  of  his  materials. 

Under  all  circumstances,  this  work  eminently  deserves  our  attention,  even  in 
the  form  it  wears. 

The  reports  which  are  herein  contained,  and  more  or  less  worked  out,  are  of 
the  highest  value.  The  historical  remarks  also  differ  materially  from  those  con- 
tained in  the  printed  commentaries. 

I  extract  two  passages  which  appear  to  me  most  remarkable. 

I.  The  decay  of  the  German  principalities; — for  of  course  much  more  atten- 
tion is  here  devoted  to  German  and  Austrian  affairs  than  to  those  of  Rome  or 
the  church. 

"  Per  il  passato  era  tanta  1'  abbondanza  che  li  principi  di  Germania  a  pena 
potevano  saper  la  quantita  de  regali,  datii,  argenti,  et  altre  dovitie  venute  da 
ogni  parte,  et  hora  a  pena  ritrovano  il  principio  per  haverle,  e  pare  che  vivano 
solo  alia  giornata,  e  quello  che  da  una  giornata,  1'  altra  lo  consuma.  Non  vi  e 
raccolta  grande  di  danaro,  se  non  di  cose  refiutate  da'  creditori  e  che  sono  piii  di 
titolo  che  di  realta.  Di  tal  negligenza  e  si  poca  economia  e  di  si  fatto  errors 
varie  s'  assegnano  le  cause:  chi  dice  cio  venire  per  la  liberalita  de'  principi,  chi 
per  le  condititioni  de'  tempi  iniqui,  chi  per  le  frequenti  guerre,  chi  per  le  sedi- 
tioni  de'  cittadini,  altri  finalmente  assegnano  la  causa  a'  ministri,  prefetti  e  vi- 
carii:  veramente  si  vede  tali  officii  haver  voluto  abbracciare  piii  di  quello  che 
potevano  stringere  et  essere  arrivate  troppo  oltre  le  comodita  prese  da  governa- 
tori:  con  questo  il  poco  consiglio,  1'  interesse  proprio  anteposto  al  commune, 
cose  che  poterono  estinguere  il  gran  Romano  imperio,  perche  non  ponno  estin- 
guere  il  Germane"?  Nasce  anco  la  rovina  di  Germania  dall'  otio  de'  principi  e 
dal  loro  troppo  delitiare,  o  dalla  poca  forza  d'  ingegno,  o  da  una  precipitosa  vec- 
chiaja,  o  pure  per  esser  tanto  nemici  del  governo  che  piu  si  contentano  di  dare 
in  mano  d'  un'  altro  il  maneggiodelle  cose  publiche,  benche  riconoschino  spesso 
la  poca  idoneita  di  colui,  e  quasi  a  foggia  di  alcuni  antichi  Eritrei  farli  secondi 
principi,  da  loro  solo  differenti  per  nome,  ma  pari  nel  total  maneggio,  come  fu 
Joab  appresso  David  et  altri  appresso  altri  principi.  I  quali  maneggiatori,  come 
presi  dalla  plebe,  abusavano  et  abusano  la  loro  data  potesta,  e  piii  con  la  pas- 
sione  che  con  la  moderatione  della  virtu  governandosi|e  dati  in  predad  parasiti  et 
adulator!  constituivano  e  constituiscono  altri  sottoministri  indegni,  che  con  prezzo 
e  ragione  di  parentela  et  ambitione  corrompevano  e  corrompono  la  giustitia,  et  a 
tale  esempio  dietro  e  se  tirando  altri  principi  circonvicini  facevano  commune 
giustitia  cio  ch'  era  proprio  interesse." 

II.  The  election  of  a  king  of  Hungary. 

"  Sopragiungendo  alia  dieta  li  voti  del  regno  di  Schiavonia  e  di  Croatia,  che 
erano  quasi  tutti  cattolici,  e  superando  con  questa  giunta  la  parte  de'  cattolici  et 
adherenti  di  Sua  Maesta  di  non  poco  la  parte  degli  heretici  e  non  confidenti,  la 
voce  sparsa  della  volonta  di  S.  M'*  dell'  elettione  veniva  giornalmente  meglio 
intesa.  Tuttavia  li  deputati  dell'  imperatore,  per  meglio  assicurarsi  delli  voti 
della  dieta,  volsero  prima  di  proporre  1'  elettione  dell'  arciduca  fame  esperienza 
con  r  elettione  del  palatine,  che  si  doveva  fare  per  la  morte  del  Thurzo,  desider- 
ando  S.  M*^  che  si  facesse  un  cattolico  e  particolarmente  il  sopradettoconte  Ester- 
hasi,  ancorche  secondo  le  leggi  e  costitutioni  di  quel  regno  havesse  proposto  alii 
stati  quattro  soggetti,  due  cattolici  e  due  heretici:  et  il  negotio  riusci  felicissi- 
mamente,  poiche  detto  conte  fu  eletto  con  150  voti,  non  havendo  havuto  il  con- 
trario  piii  che  60.  Fatta  questa  prova  e  con  essarincorati  inaggiormente  li  con- 
fidenti et  amici  dell'  imperatore,  parve  nondimeno  alii  ministri  di  S.  M'*  che  oltre 
alii  sopradetti  voti  150  saria  stato  bene  a  superare  qualche  buona  parte  delli  60 
contrarj  con  present!  e  con  doni  accio  riuscisse  I'  elettione  con  maggior  sodis- 
fattione  del  regno,  e  collo  spendere,  per  quanto  fu  detto,  da  20  m.  fiorini  si  hebbe 
I'intento  della  maggior  parte  di  loro,  come  si  esperimentonell' altri  negotii  della 
dieta.  Li  Betleniani  e  suoi  adherenti,  ancorche  non  fosse  all'  hora  pubblicata  la 
volonta  deir  imperatore,  sebbene  si  teneva  per  sicuro  che  volesse  fare  eleggere 
re  1'  arciduca,  non  mancavano  di  contrariare  al  possibile. 


398  REL.  STATUS  ECCL.  ATGUSTANJE.       1629. 

"Soggiungero  un' esempio  dell' ardire  di  una  donna  in  questo  proposito,  dal 
quale,  si  come  e  staordinario,  si  conosceranno  le  forze  di  detti  contrarii.  La 
inadre  del  barone  Balhiani,  che  e  de'  piu  principali  signori  di  qualita  e  di  state  e 
di  adherenza  d'  Ungaria,  hebbo  ardire  di  mettere  in  consideratione  all'  impera- 
trice  che  non  doveva  pertnettere  che  si  facesse  questa  elettione,  perche  si  veniva 
a  pregiudicare  a  S.  M'*  stessa,  poiche  se  fosse  venuta  qualche  disgratia  alia  vita 
dell' imperatore,  lei  per  I'interegno,  come  coronata  regina  d' Ungaria,  finche 
fosse  stato  eletto  un  nuovo  re,  haveria  governato  quel  regno.  Ma  1'  imperatrice, 
con  somma  prudenza  dissimulando,  le  rispose  che  la  ringratiava  dell'  affelto,  ma 
che  lei  doppola  mortedell'  imperatore,  se  fosse  sopravissuta,  non  voleva  pensare 
ad  altro  che  all'  utile  delli  figli  di  Sua  M'»  suo  marito:  al  quale  subito  diede  parte 
della  sopradetta  proposta. 

"  Ma  ancorche  il  negotio  dell'  elettione  si  stimasse  gia  sicuro,  1' impedi  tut- 
tavia  molti  giorni  il  contrasto  grande  nato  tra  ministri  piii  supremi  di  Sua  M'S 
includendosi  ancora  mons''  arcivescove  di  Strigonia  et  il  nuovo  palatino  con  mons"' 
cancelliere  et  altri  che  vi  havevano  interessi,  come  era  1'  ambasciatore  di  Spagna 
et  io  come  indegno  rninistro  apostolico.  II  contrasto  fu  se  seguita  detta  elettione 
si  doveva  far  subito  la  coronatione.  Alcuni  dicevano  di  si:  perche  con  questa 
veniva  1'  arciduca  ad  assicurarsi  totalmente  nel  regno,  il  che  non  saria  stato  se 
fosse  stato  solamente  eletto,  per  1'  accennata  di  sopra  elettione  del  Gabor,  essendo 
gli  Ungari  huomini  volubilissimi  e  per  lo  piii  infedeli:  2°  dicevano  che  la  coro- 
natione, se  si  fosse  fatta,  haveria  giovato  assai  nella  prima  dieta  imperiale,  se  1' 
imperatore  havesse  voluto  far  eleggere  Sua  Altezza  in  re  de'  Romani:  3°  per  il 
matrimonio  dell'  infanta  di  Spagna,  essendosi  cola  dichiarato  di  volere  1'  arci- 
duca prima  eletto  e  coronato  re  di  Ungaria.  Altri  per  il  contrario,  tra  quali  ero  io 
et  il  padre  confessore  dell'  imperatore,  dicevano  che  questa  coronatione  non  si 
doveva  fare  all'  hora,  perche  li  stati  di  quel  regno  non  haveriano  mai  permesso 
che  seguisse  detta  coronatione  se  Sua  Altezza  non  havesse  promesso  loro  e  giu- 
rato,  tanto  nelli  punti  politici  come  di  religione  tutto  quelle  che  promise  il  padre 
stando  nelli  maggiori  pericoli;  onde  non  vi  essendo  all'  hora  detti  pericoli  e  potendo 
con  il  tempo  migliorarsi  assai  le  cose  di  S.  A.,  o  per  la  morte  del  Gabor  o  per  li 
felici  successi  dell'  imperio  o  per  altro,  non  era  bene  intrigare  la  conscienza  di 
questo  principe  giovane  con  serrarli  la  porta  a'  progressi  della  religione  et  impe- 
dirgli  insieme  1'  acquisto  di  rnaggiore  autorita  politica  e  dominio  nel  regno:  2° 
dicevano,  e  questo  per  lo  piii  li  camerali,  che  nella  coronatione  vi  saria  andala 
una  buona  spesa,  come  ancora  nell'  accrescimento  della  corte  di  Sua  Altezza, 
onde  stando  all'  hora  imminente  la  spesa  grossa  del  viaggio  d'Ulma,  si  saria  po- 
tuto  differire  in  altro  tempo,  non  potenda  probabilrnente  apportare  alcun  detri- 
mento  detta  dilatione,  perche  se  il  Gabor  havesse  voluto  pigliare  pretesti,  ve- 
nendo  qualche  accidente  di  morte  all'  imperatore,  tanto  1'  haveria  pigllato  an- 
corche 1'  arciduca  fosse  stato  coronato,  come  fece  contro  1'  imperatore  ancorche 
fusse  eletto  e  coronato;  che  per  eleJtione  in  re  de'  Romani  e  per  il  matrimonio 
dell'  infanta  di  Spagsa  bastava  che  1'  arciduca  fusse  vero  re  d'  Ungaria,  e  come 
tale  si  potesse  intitolare  per  la  sola  elettione.  Standosi  dunque  in  questo 
contrasto,  ancorche  I'  ambasciatore  di  Spagna  facesse  nuove  instanze  per 
la  coronatione,  dicendo  che  in  Spagna  non  haveriano  fatto  il  matrimonio  dell' 
infanta  con  I'  arciduca,  stimandosi  altrimenti  la  successione  nel  regno  non  sicura, 
Sua  M*^  con  lasolita  sua  pietasi  dichiaro  che  non  voleva  che  si  facesse,  stimando 
secondo  il  consiglio  del  suo  padre  confessore  che  fosse  contro  conscienza  se  1' 
arciduca  havesse  giurato,  come  non  poteva  far  di  meno,  quelle  che  era  stata 
forzata  giurare  Sua  M**  nelli  pericoli  grandi,  quali  all'  hora  non  vi  erano." 

113. 

Relatio  status  ecclesiae  et  totius  dioecesis  Jlugustanae,  1 622. 

This  report  is  of  no  particular  importance,  and  is  chiefly  taken  up  with  the 
affairs  of  the  city  of  Augsburg. 

The  labors  and  final  expulsion  of  the  protestant  "  pseudo-doctors"  from  Augs- 
burg is  the  author's  main  topic. 


LEGATIO  P.  ALOYS.  CARAFE.       1624-34.  399 

He  expresses  a  hope  that,  after  this  had  been  effected  by  the  emperor,  chiefly- 
through  the  instrumentality  of  Hieronymus  Imhof  and  13ernhard  Rehlingen, 
Catholicism  would  again  become  universal. 

114. 

Legatio  apos'^'^  P.  Aloys.  Carafac  episcopi  Tricaricensis  sedente  Urhano  VIII,  Pont. 
M.  ad  trndum  Rheni  et  ad  prov.  inferiorin  Germanise  obita  ab  anno  1624  usque 
ad  annum  1634.     Ad  C*™  Franc.  liarberinum. 

This  is  a  very  curious  report,  consisting  of  104  pages:  it  is  rather  prolix,  but 
contains  some  good  things. 

First  comes  the  account  of  the  journey,  in  which  much  space  is  occupied  by 
insignificant  details.  The  nuncio,  among  other  places,  goes  to  Fulda.  He 
makes  a  great  merit  of  having  reduced  the  number  of  quarterings  requisite  as  a 
qualification  for  the  dignity  of  abbot  of  Fulda,  from  sixteen  to  eight. 

The  acco\mt  he  gives  of  the  disputes  between  the  Liegeoisand  their  bishop  is 
very  minute:  he  took  an  active  share  in  them,  and  transferred  the  nunciatura 
from  Cologne  to  Liege. 

The  most  important  part  of  his  report  is  unquestionably  a  description  of  the 
existing  catholic  universities  within  the  district  of  his  nunciatura. 

We  learn  from  it  how  completely  the  higher  branches  of  instruction  were  then 
in  the  hands  of  the  Jesuits.  They  predominated  in  Treves  and  Mayence;  Pader- 
born,  Miinster,  and  Osnabriick,  where  a  high-school  had  been  lately  established, 
were  absolutely  in  their  power;  but  they  taught  only  the  humaniora,  philosophy 
and  theology.  Jurisprudence  was  altogether  neglected.  In  Cologne,  which 
was  always  the  first  of  the  universities,  medicine  was  only  taught  by  two  pro- 
fessors, and  their  lectures  were  attended  by  few  pupils.  The  chief  misfortune 
in  Cologne  had  been  that  the  teachers  were  too  well  provided  for  by  rich  pre- 
bendal  stalls.  "  Earum  opibus  ad  vitam  clementem  et  suavem  instrucli,  raro 
autnunquam  ipsi  sacram  doctrinam  tradebant,  sed  aliorura  vicaria  opera  passim 
utebantur.  Hinc  sine  pondere  et  methodo  instruebantur  academici,  et  anni 
quindeni  facile  circumagi  solebant  priusquam  universamilli  theologiam  audirent. 
Ea  res  vero  antehac  non  parum  incommoda  fuerat  archidicecesi  Coloniensi  et 
praesertim  ditionibus  Juliae  Clivias  ac  Montium,  quod  proadeunda  in  iis  anima- 
rum  procuratione  reparandisqne  religionis  catholicae  ruinis  parochi  et  sacerdotes 
idonei  hoc  pacto  nisi  post  longissimum  diem  non  instituebantur."  The  Jesuit 
fathers  reformed  that  abuse.  The  college  of  the  Three  Crowns  at  Cologne, 
which  was  placed  under  their  charge,  enjoyed  considerable  reputation,  and  con- 
tained in  1634  about  twelve  hundred  pupils.  The  love  ef  ease  and  enjoyment, 
however,  was  not  so  easily  eradicated.  The  feasts  of  the  masters  increased 
luxury  and  the  expenses  of  promotion.  "Tota  quadragesima  sunt  quotidie 
academicorum  symposia."  Caraffa's  description  of  the  Catholicism  and  good 
living  of  the  Cologne  people  is  very  amusing.  "  Populus  Coloniensis  religionis 
avitae  retinentissimus  est,  quam  utique  semel  susceptam  nunquam  deseruit. 
Tolerantur  quidem  in  civitate  familiae  aliquae  sectariorum,  sed  vetitum  eis  est 
exercitium  omne  sectarum  suarum,  et  a;re  gravi  mulctantur  si  qui  clam  habere 
privates  conventus  et  audire  Lutheri  aut  Calvini  buccinatores  deprehendantur. 
In  senatum  ipsum  nulli  cooptantur  qui  catholici  non  fuerint,  et  quotquot  in  eo 
conscripti  ad  curiam  veniunt,  sententiam  dicere  aut  ferre  suffragium  non  possunt 
nisi  prius  eodem  die  intervenerint  rei  sacrae  in  proximo  palatii  senatorii  sacello. 
Noctu  ipsi  cives  excubias  habent  in  potioribus  plateis  civitatis,  nee  vis  aut  injuria 
metui  potest,  quia  strepitu  quovis  exciti  adsunt  et  opitulantur,  grassatores  vero 
ac  sicarios  in  vincula  conjiciunt.  Sed  et  plateae  omnes  catenis  ferreis  noctu  vin- 
ciuntur,  ne  pateant  liberis  excursionibus,  ideoque  populus  maxime  in  tranquillo 
agit.  Inter  alia  plebis  commoda  illud  imprimis  commemorari  debet,  licere 
cuique  ineunte  hieme  boves  et  sues  emere  eosque  fumo  arefacere  ac  in  escam 
anni  consequentis,  qua  vescuntur  avide,  domi  servare.  Spatium  vero  ejusdem 
anni  eis  concedi  solet  ad  pretium  repraesentandum,  dum  interim  alqui  a  senata 


400  ALUISE  CONTARINI,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1632-35. 

conslituti  mercatoribus  solvunl:  nee  unquani  opifices  ulli,  quamvis  inopes, 
patiuntur  suam  fidem  in  ea  re  desiderari,  quia  deinceps  baud  foret  integrum  eis 
rursus  ejusmodi  annonam  rei  cibariee  illo  tarn  insigni  subsidio  seris  publici 
coemere.  Sunt  et  triclinia  tribuum  communia,  in  eisque  possunt  omnes  iis 
diebus  quibus  feriantur  in  hebdomade,  constitute  pretio  admodum  facili,  con- 
vivari." 

Not  only  towns  and  universities,  but  princes  and  events  are  described;  Ferdi- 
nand of  Cologne,  "gravitate  morum,  professione  pietatis  et  ingenii  maturitate 
nulli  secundus;"  Frederic  of  Wurzburg,  "  linguarum  etiam  exterarum  peritia, 
morum  suavi  quadam  gravitate,  prudentissima  dexteritate  omnibus  carus;" 
Casimir  of  Mayence,  "eloquens  vir  in  Germanico  idiomate,  legationibus 
functus." 

L.  Caraffa  also  records  many  of  tbe  remarkable  events  of  that  period.  I  know 
not  what  was  the  foundation  for  the  opinion  that  Wallenstein  could  have 
taken  Stralsund:  "  si,  quod  multi  existimant,  pecuniam  quam  urbem  capere  non 
maluisset." 

He  regards  it  as  a  great  misfortune  that  Tilly  did  not  venture  to  throw  his 
troops  into  Saxony,  on  the  first  breaking  out  of  disturbances  in  that  country. 
His  description  of  the  state  of  Cologne  after  the  battle  of  Leipsic,  and  of  the 
views  which  France  manifested  at  that  moment,  are  also  very  remarkable. 

"  Ex  accepta  clade  ad  Lipsiam  fractae  vires  fuerant  et  fracti  catholicorum 
animi,  et  tunc  repente  imperilia  vel  metus  in  propugnandis  arcibus  aditum  hosti 
victori  magnum  aperuerunt,  ut  viscera  imperii  mox  infestis  armis  invaderet,  ex 
quo  Fulda,  Herbipolis,  Bamberga,  Moguntia,  Wormatia,  Spira  aliseque  urbes 
atque  oppida  fuerunt  exiguo  tempore  vel  expugnata  vel  dedita.  Colonia  super- 
fuil  principum  exulura  perfugium,  et  hi  thesauros  qua  sacros  qua  laicos  in  eam 
civitatem  importaverant,  si  quibus  licuerat  tamen  illos  avehere  antequam  ingru- 
eret  ea  belli  vehemens  et  subita  tempestas.  Ibidem  anxiae  curse  principum  et 
dubia  consilia  erant,  an,  sicut  proposuerat  orator  Gallus,  expediret  deinceps 
neutri  parti,  seu  Caesaris  seu  Gustavi  regis,  tam  arma  principum  eorumdem 
quam  arma  ipsiusmet  civitatis  Coloniensis  favere.  Id  Colonise  suadebat  orator 
christianissimi  regis;  sed  necessarium  fore  affirmabat  ut  in  eam  urbem  pariter 
atque  in  alias  ditiones  principum  electorum  cohortes  prsesidiariorum  ex  regis 
sui  legionibus  introducerentur:  tunc  enim  reveritus  Coloniam  Gustavus  rex  alio 
arma  convertisset,  aut  si  venire  hostis  nihilominus  deliberasset,  provocasset 
raerito  christianissimum  regem,  ac  foedere  exstincto  inimicitiam  et  iram  ejus 
experiri  coepisset.  Gravis  nimirum  videbatur  ea  conditio  admittendi  cohortes 
praesidiarias  regis  externi  in  civitates  ac  ditiones  imperii;  sed  graviores  multo 
erant  conditiones  aliae,  quibus  ut  neutri  parti  faverent  deinceps  proponebatur, 
quia  in  bello  tam  ancipiti  Caesarem  non  juvare  sed  quasi  deserere  videbatur 
maxime  alienum  a  professione  pervetere  civitatum  ac  principum  ipsiusmet  im- 
perii. Hoc  superesse  tamen  consilii  et  eum  portum  securitatis  unice  adeundum 
esse  judicabat  pariter  apostolicus  nuntius  Parisiensis,  ad  quem  scripseram  de 
ingenti  clade  religion!  catholicae  templisque  et  aris  illata  per  Gustavum  regem." 

This  is  followed  by  a  minute  account  of  the  tragical  end  of  Wallenstein, 
which  I  shall  give  elsewhere. 

115. 

Relatione  delta  corte  di  Roma  del  Sig^  K^  Aluise  Coniarini  delV  anno  1632  al  1635. 

{Arch.  Fen.) 

This  is  a  very  full  report,  in  thirty-five  chapters,  written  upon  one  hundred 
and  forty  pages,  and  doubly  important,  as  Aluise  Contarini  came  immediately 
from  France  to  Rome,  and  was  therefore  better  enabled  to  judge  of  the  peculiar 
political  station  assumed  by  Urban  VIII  in  those  times. 

He  begins  by  describing  the  spiritual  and  temporal  government  of  the  pope. 

This  he  esteems  thoroughly  monarchical.  Of  all  the  old  congregations  one 
only,  that  of  the  inquisition,  met  regularly.    The  cardinals  have  no  other  privi- 


ALUISE  CONTARINI,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1632-35.  401 

leges  (except  that  the  carriages  of  individuals  stopped  when  they  met  them) 
than  the  purple,  and  a  vote  in  the  election  of  pope:  the  pope  liked  them  so  little 
that  in  important  matters  he  generally  employed  inferior  prelates,  vi^ho  had  more 
to  hope  from  him  than  the  cardinals,  who  were  more  independent. 

But  the  tighter  the  rein  is  drawn,  the  more  do  real  authority  and  influence 
decline.     "  L'  antica  veneratione  sta  oggidi  molto  diminuita." 

The  inhabitants  of  Urbino  were  exceedingly  discontented.  "  Quei  sudditi  si 
aggravano  molto  della  mutatione,  chiamando  il  governo  di  preti  tirannico,  i  quaii 
altro  interesse  che  d'  arricchirsi  e  d'  avanzarsi  non  vi  tengono."  The  author 
always  laments  that  Urbino  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  pope,  as  being  a 
great  disadvantage  both  to  Spain  and  Venice. 

In  a  second  part  he  describes  the  principal  actors.  "  Nacque  il  papa  Urbane 
VIII  del  1567"  (others  say  68)  "d'  Aprile,  onde  cammina  per  li  69  di  sua  eta, 
conservato  dal  vigore  della  complessione  non  soggetta  a  qualsivoglia  malatlia, 
e  dalla  vivacita  dell'  ingegno.  La  statura  mediocre,  il  color  bruno,  il  pelo  bi- 
anco, 1'  occhio  vivo,  il  parlar  pronto,  la  temperatura  sanguigna  e  biliosa.  Vive 
con  gran  regola.  Regola  in  gran  parte  le  sue  attioni  coi  moti  del  cielo,  dei  quali 
e  molto  intelligente,  ancorche  con  censure  grandissime  a  tutti  gli  altri  n'habbia 
prohibito  lo  studio.  Li  suoi  moti  sono  subiti  e  vehementi,  tali  che  alcuna  volta 
confinano  con  la  pazzia,  non  potendo  con  la  patienza  frenarli,'se  ben  egli  dice  che 
questa  commotione  della  bile  di  quando  in  quando  vaglia  molto  eccitando  il  ca- 
lore  alia  preservatione  di  sua  salute.  Cavalca,  villeggia,  cammina,  ama  1'  eser- 
citio.  Non  s'  afflio-ge  per  le  cose  moleste:  e  tutte  queste  parti  concorrono  a  pre- 
dirli  qualche  anno  di  vita  ancora,  non  ostante  che  nel  tempo  del  mio  soggiorno 
assai  decaduto  sia. 

"  E'  arrivato  al  papato  con  nn  servitio  continue  di  30  e  piu  anni  alia  corte. 
Fu  prima  prelato  di  segnatura  e  poi  governatore  di  Fano.  Poco  appresso,  per 
opera  di  Francesco  Barberini  suo  zio  paterno,  prelato  pi  poco  grido  ma  di  gran 
richezze  accumulate  con  parsimonia  Fiorentina,  compro  ufficii  in  corte  e  final- 
mente  il  chiericato  di  camera.  Clemente  VIII  lo  impiego  in  diverse  cariche, 
ma  parlicolarmente  sopra  quella  del  novo  taglio  del  Po,  dacche  sono  arrivate  in 
gran  parte  le  differenze  presenti  dei  confini  con  la  republica,  per  la  cognitions 
che  professa  di  quell'  affare  e  per  il  disgusto  che  allora  non  si  eseguisse  a  modo 
suo.  Fu  poi  dall'  istesso  Clemente  mandato  nuntio  in  Francia,  prima  estraordi- 
nario  per  tenere  a  battesimo  il  re  presente,  e  poi  ordinario  di  Enrico  IV  suo  pa- 
dre, dove  si  mostro  zelantissimo  dell'  immunita  ecclesiastica.  Paolo  V  succes- 
sore  di  Clemente  lo  confermo  nella  medesima  legatione  di  Francia:  poi  lo  fece 
cardinale,  legato  di  Bologna,  e  ritornato  a  Roma  prefelto  della  signatura  di  gius- 
litia,  carico  d'onore  et  impiego  ben  grande.  Finalmente  del  1623  fu  in  luogo  di 
Gregorio  XV  con  pratiche  molto  artificiose  assonto  al  pontificato  nell'  eta  sua  di 
56  anni:  et  oggi  corre  il  XIII  anno:  con  disgusto  di  tutta  la  corte,  alia  quale  non 
meno  che  ai  principi  torna  conto  i  pontificati  brevi,  perche  tanto  piii  tengono 
conto  di  tutti,  abbondano  nelle  gratie,  non  temporalizzano  come  se  fossero  here- 
ditarj  del  papato:  e  finalmente  la  corte  in  generale  trova  impiego  e  fortuna  nella 
frequenza  delle  mutationi. 

"  In  ogni  state  hebbe  il  papa  di  se  stesso  grande  opinione  con  affetti  di  dominio 
sepra  gli  altri  e  disprezzo  al  consiglio  di  tutti.  Par  ch'  egli  esercita  oggidi  tanto 
piu  liberamente  quante  che  si  ritrova  in  posto  sopra  a  tutti  eminente.  Ha  in- 
gegno grande,  ma  non  giudicio:  ingegno,  perche  nelle  cose  che  da  lui  sole  di- 
pendono  e  che  riguardano  la  sua  persona  e  casa,  si  e  sempre  condotto  eve  ha 
desiderate,  senza  omettere  gl'  inganni  e  gli  artificii  di  lui  molto  connaturali, 
come  si  vide  particelarmente  nelle  pratiche  del  suo  papato,  nelle  quali  seppe  far 
cenvenire  nella  sua  persona  le  due  fattioni  contrarie  di  Borghese  e  Ludovisio, 
sole  col  far  credere  all'  una  d'  esser  inimico  dell'  altra  negli  affari  poi  general!, 
nei  quali  si  richiede  il  giudicio  di  saper  ben  congiungere  gl'  interessi  della  sede 
apostolica  con  quelli  degli  altri  principi,  si  e  osservato  il  papa  esserne  per  sem- 
pre state  manchevele.  Tale  lo  dichiarano  il  negotio  di  Valtellina;  la  guerra  di 
Mantova,  che  nen  sarebbe  seguita  se  il  papa  si  fosse  dichiarito  contro  il  prime 
VOL.  II. — 35 


402  ALUISE  CONTARINI,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1632-35. 

innovatore;  la  perdita  di  Mantova,  attribuita  ai  viveii  die  riceverono  gli  A]emani 
dallo  stato  ecclesiastico,  senza  quali  conveniva  loro  o  disassediarla  o  movirsi;  la 
prefettura  di  Roma  data  al  nipote,  privando  la  sede  apostolica  dell'  assistenzadi 
tanti  ministri  di  principi  che  sono  il  piu  bel  fregio  di  lei,  et  ag-gravando  lo  stesso 
nipote  d'  invidia,  di  riguardi  e  d'  un  posto  assolutamente  insostenabile  dope  la 
morte  del  pontefice;  il  mal  termine  usatosi  contro  1'  ainbasciatore  di  V  Serenita 
mio  precessore,  lasciandolo  partire  senza  soddisfatlione;  1'  ultima  comprotettione 
di  Francia  nel  cardinale  Antonio  nipote  prima  persuasa  et  acconsentita,  poi  ri- 
trattata  e  prohibita,  con  nota  appresso  il  mondo  di  grande  artificio,  per  non  dire 
inganno,  e  con  divisions  della  propria  casa.  Tralascio  il  gran  detrimento  che 
sotto  il  presente  pontefice  ha  fatto  la  religione  cattolica  in  Fiandra  et  Alemagna; 
i  pericoli  all'  Italia  per  la  negata  dispensa  al  duca  di  Mantova,  e  molto  piu  per 
aversi  portato  il  papa  in  modo  che  ha  disgustato  tutti  i  principi  grandi  e  piccioli, 
che  nessuno  gli  e  amico:  onde  si  e  reso  incapace  di  poter  esercitar  con  essi  loro 
quelle  parti  di  autorita  e  di  paterno  consiglio  che  potrebbe  pacificarli  et  unirli 
insieme  alia  difesa  della  religione:  parti  che  sono  state  cosi  esattajnente  maneg- 
giate  e  couosciute  proprie  de'  pontefici  che  per  sostenere  il  nome  di  padre  co- 
mune,  dal  quale  proviene  loro  ogni  veneratione,  e  per  mantenere  1'  unione  tra  i 
principi  christian),  che  cagiona  in  essi  molta  autorita,  si  sono  esposti  ad  azzardi, 
a  viaggi,  a  pericoli,  non  militando  nel  nome  di  padre  quel  puntigli  che  nell'  in- 
tromissione  degli  altri  principi  possono  facilmente  incontrarsi. 

"  Si  e  sempreprofessato  il  papa  presente  neutrale,  attribuendo  a  sua  gloria  1' 
aver  arricchita  et  ingrandita  la  sua  casa  senza  comprar  stati  in  regno  di  Napoli 
ne  sottomettersi  a  favori  dei  principi  grandi.  Nell'interno  peru  suo  egli  e  afFet- 
tionato  a  Francesi,  le  loro  prontezze  e  risolutioni  essendo  piu  confornii  al  genio 
di  S.  S'%  in  ordine  di  che  ha  fatto  le  maggiori  dimostrationi  quando  segui  1'  ac- 
quisto  della  Roscella.  Persuase  la  pace  con  Inglesi,  affinche  la  Francia  potesse 
accorrer  al  soccorso  di  Casale  allora  assediata  dai  Spagnoli:  consiglio  ai  mede- 
simi  1'  acquisto  e  la  conservatione  di  Pinarolo  per  necessario  equilibrio  alle  cose 
d'  Italia:  trovo  sempre  pretest!  di  diferir  o  diminuir  i  soccorsi  in  Alemagna,  con 
opinione,  la  qual  vive  tuttavia,  che  a  S.  S*-^  sia  dispiacciuta  la  morte  del  re  di 
Suezia  e  che  piu  goda  o  per  dir  meglio  manco  tema  i  progress!  de'  protestanti 
che  degli  Austriaci.  Anzi  e  opinion  comune  che  quando  anche  fosse  portato  il 
papa  dal  card'  Barberino  tutto  Spcgnolo,  a  qualche  unione  con  essi  ternerebbe 
facilmente  a  maggior  rottura  di  prima.  E  la  causa  e  questa:  perche  governan- 
dosi  il  papa  con  artificio  e  credendo  che  Spagnoli  facciano  il  madesimo,  saranno 
sempre  tradi  loro  anzi  gelosie  d'  inganni  che  coufidenza  di  ben  vera  unione." 

It  is  net  necessary  to  quote  the  description  of  the  pope's  nephews,  which 
Aluise  Contarini  here  gives.  Even  Francesco  Barberino  depended  completely 
on  his  uncle,  although  the  pope  loved  him  the  best,  and  he  devoted  his  whole 
energies  to  business.  "  Nessuno  nipote  di  papa  fu  giamai  alle  fatiche  del  nego- 
tio  assiduo  come  egli  e,  non  avendo  minimo  divertimento:  ma  egli  e  ancho  vero 
che  nessuno  manco  di  lui  ha  operato." 

He  gives  up  describing  the  cardinals  individually,  only  observing  that  hypo- 
crisy prevails  through  the  whole  body.  "  Sara  tal  card'"  sanissimo  che  per  facili- 
tarsi  il  papato  vorra  esser  creduto  infermo:  caminando  zoppica:  discorrendo 
tosse:  uscendo  si  sta  tutto  in  una  seggietta  racchiuso.  Tal  altro  che  sara  buon 
politico,  si  mostrera  lontano  da  ogni  negotio,  nei  discorsi  s'  ammutisce,  ne' 
quesiti  si  stringe  le  spalle,  nelle  risposte  generalizza."  In  reading  this,  the 
thought  occurs  to  one  that  it  must  be  the  origin  of  the  fable  which  was  invented 
concerning  the  promotion  of  Sixtus  V  to  the  papacy. 

The  third  part  is  devoted  to  the  political  relations  of  Rome,  and  contains  most 
important  and  vivid  descriptions  of  events:  it  is,  as  I  have  said,  by  far  the  most 
important  for  our  purpose. 

Although  Urban  was  decidedly  favorable  to  the  French  party,  he  did  not 
always  accede  to  their  demands  in  ecclesiastical  matters.  "  Bisogna  anche  con- 
fessare,  ch'  essi  hanno  addimandato  delle  gratie  difficili,  come  la  dispositione 
dell'  abbazie  di  Lorena,  la  nullita  de'  matrimonj  tanto  del  duca  Carlo  di  Lorena 


DISCORSO  DELLA  MORTE  d'ALDOBRANDINO.  403 

come  di  monsieur  et  altre  simili."  Francesco  Barberini  was  not  so  complete  a 
partisan  of  the  French  as  his  uncle.  Thoug;h  the  French  no  longer  expected  an 
open  declaration  in  their  favor,  they  were  well  aware  that  the  pope  would  not 
declare  himself  against  them:  it  was  a  great  advantage  to  them  even  that  he  vvas 
believed  to  be  favorable  to  their  views,  and  that  the  opposite  party  did  not  trust 
him. 

The  Spaniards  on  the  other  hand  were  highly  displeased,  and  made  it  matter 
of  reproach  to  cardinal  Borgia  that  he  had  permitted  Urban  VIII  to  be  elected 
pope,  affirming  that  he  had  been  gained  over  by  the  promise  of  future  favors. 
They  perceived  the  influence  of  the  pope's  dislike  towards  them,  in  the  negotia- 
tions concerning  the  Valtelline,  in  the  policy  of  the  French,  and  in  the  position 
maintained  by  Bavaria.  On  the  other  hand  Barberino  alleged,  that  the  conces- 
sions which  he  made  to  the  Spaniards  excited  no  gratitude  among  them.  We 
see  therefore  that  the  misunderstanding  was  mutual. 

Contarini  enters  into  the  greatest  detail  respecting  the  relations  existing  be- 
tween Rome  and  Venice,  and  attributes  their  differences  chiefly  to  this  cause, — 
that  other  powers  were  feared  by  Rome  as  being  greater,  or  were  treated  with 
indifference  as  being  inferior,  whilst  Venice  was  looked  upon  and  treated  as  an 
equal. 

Some  discontent  prevailed  at  Rome  because  the  English  and  the  Dutch  enjoyed 
certain  privileges  there.  When  however  the  temporal  authorities  ventured  to 
touch  any  ecclesiastic,  a  general  storm  was  sure  to  arise. 

Contarini  advises  his  countrymen  not  to  allow  themselves  to  be  duped.  The 
nuncio,  he  says,  was  directed  to  maintain  the  best  understanding  with  the  most 
popular  Venetian  priests,  and  such  as  had  most  penitents  to  shrive.  "  E  V.  V. 
E.  E.  tengano  per  constante,  che  col  mezzo  di  questi  tali  vengono  i  nuncii  a 
risapere  il  midollo  delli  arcani."  On  that  account  it  was  the  more  necessary  not 
to  relinquish  the  authority  of  the  republic  over  them. 

There  likewise  existed  constant  disputes  about  the  boundaries.  Urban  VIII 
was  in  no  respect  favorable  to  the  Venetians;  and  especially  endeavored  to  raise 
Ancona  at  the  expense  of  Venice. 

116. 

Discorso  della  malattia  e  morte  del  cardl  Ippolyto  Aldohrandlno  camerkngo  di  /S*« 
Chiesa  col  fine  della  grandezza  del  papa  Clenieiiie  VIII.     1G38. 

The  sudden  extinction  of  the  newly-founded  family  of  the  Aldobrandini  made 
an  extraordinary  impression  at  Rome,  and  this  feeling  pervades  the  work  under 
review.  "  E'  stato  superato  della  morte  quel  gran  ingegno!"  are  the  words  with 
which  it  commences.  The  daughter  of  Giov.  Giorgio  Aldobrandino  was  the 
only  surviving  member  of  the  family,  and  would  naturally  inherit  enormous 
wealth. 

The  following  passage  gives  a  tolerable  idea  of  the  state  of  Roman  society  at 
that  period:  "  II  marchese  Lodovico  Lanti,  il  conte  Gio.  Francesco  da  Bagni, 
Berlingieri  Gessi  e  Bernardino  Biscia,  aspettando  tutti  quattro  a  gara  il  pontifi- 
cate de'  loro  zii,  ambivano  le  nozze  della  principessa  Aldobrandina."  Each  of 
these  nephews  presumptive  strove  to  gain  the  hand  of  the  richest  heiress  of 
Rome,  by  means  of  his  uncle's  expectations  of  the  tiara. 

Nevertheless  they  neither  gained  the  heiress  nor  the  power  of  a  nepos.  Ippo- 
lyta  married  a  Borghese,  to  the  great  astonishment  of  our  author,  since  Paul  V 
had  persecuted  the  Aldobrandini,  and  imprisoned  the  father  of  Ippolyta.  Never- 
theless she  married  his  pronepos.  Later  in  life,  however,  she  married,  as  we 
know,  the  nephew  of  a  reigning  pope,  Innocent  X;  a  circumstance  which  was 
brought  about  by  the  peculiar  position,  and  for  the  interests,  of  the  Roman  court. 


404  ZUANNE  NANI,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1641. 

117. 

Relatione  di  q.  Zuanne  Nani  K^  ProC^  rilornato  di  ambasciatore  estraordinario  da 
Roma,  1641,  10  Luglio.    {Arch.  Ven.) 

Various  misunderstandings  continually  existed  between  Rome  and  Venice; 
and  one  of  a  most  singular  nature  arose  in  the  year  1635. 

A  pompous  inscription  in  grandiloquent  words,  in  the  sala  regia  of  the  Vatican 
of  Pius  IV,  recorded  an  action  of  the  Venetians  famous  in  their  annals,  and  one 
upon  which  they  always  prided  themselves:  viz:  their  victory  over  Frederic 
Barbarossa,  by  which  they  maintained  that  they  saved  pope  Alexander  III  from 
destruction. 

But  by  degrees  the  expression  of  this  inscription  came  to  be  considered  in 
Rome  as  inadmissible.  The  increasing  rigor  of  Romam  orthodoxy  pronounced 
the  words,  "  Pontifici  Venetae  reipublicae  beneficio  sua  dignitas  restituta,"  to  be 
insulting.  The  spirit  of  contention  for  precedence  which  then  ruled  the  world, 
was  directed  towards  this  absolute  and  half- forgotten  incident.  In  addition  to 
this,  doubt  was  thrown  upon  the  truth  of  the  incident  as  related  in  the  Venetian 
histories.  Pamphlets  were  written  on  both  sides  of  this  question,  which  has 
been  revived  at  tlie  present  day. 

I  cannot  believe  that  it  can  be  doubtful,  to  any  one  at  all  versed  in  historical 
criticism. 

However,  it  was  not  alone  historical  conviction,  but  political  jealousy  also, 
which  induced  Urban  VIII  first  to  alter,  and  eventually  to  erase,  the  above- 
mentioned  inscription. 

The  republic  took  the  matter  up  in  the  same  spirit;  and  as  the  disputes  con- 
cerning the  boundaries,  and  the  precedence  of  the  new  prefetto,  became  daily 
more  bitter,  Venice  for  some  time  did  not  send  any  regular  minister  to  Rome. 

Nani,  who  went  thither  in  the  year  1638,  was  only  in  the  capacity  of  ambas- 
sador extraordinary.  He  remained  there  about  three  years  and  a  half,  and  his 
report  proves  that  he  had  acquired  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the  Roman  court. 

The  principal  object  of  his  mission  was  to  induce  the  pope  to  render  some 
assistance  to  the  republic  in  the  event  of  any  attack  from  the  Turks,  which  was 
at  that  time  not  improbable. 

It  is  a  curious  fact,  that  this  request  of  the  Venetians  came  at  an  opportune 
moment,  as  it  enabled  the  pope  to  oppose  the  necessities  of  the  republic  to  the 
incessant  claims  for  assistance  made  by  Austria,  which  was  then  so  hardly 
pressed  by  the  protestants  and  the  French. 

Nani  would  willingly  have  prevailed  upon  the  pope  to  mediate  between  the 
belligerent  powers,  but  Urban  did  not  possess  the  general  confidence  which 
would  have  been  requisite  to  qualify  him  for  that  otfice.  "Pullulando  tante 
amarezze  colle  corone,  restava  fiacca,  per  non  dir  quasi  odiosa  I'autorita  del  pon- 
tefice. 

In  conclusion,  the  Venetian  minister  mentions  the  desire  of  Urban  to  appear 
strong  in  a  military  point  of  view.  Those  who  wished  to  be  in  his  good  graces 
turned  the  conversation  on  his  fortifications.  He  himself  frequently  alluded  to 
them.  He  said  that  within  twenty  days  he  could  bring  together  more  than  twenty 
thousand  men.  He  reckoned  up  the  treasure  which  he  possessed;  for  immediate 
necessities  he  had  laid  by  400,000  scudi,  and  it  was  believed  that  there  still 
remained  in  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo  three  out  of  the  five  millions  accumulated 
by  Sixtus. 

We  will  now  refer  to  what  Nani  relates  of  the  person  and  government  of  Urban 
VIII. 

"  II  pontefice  e  nel  principio  del  settantesimo  terzo  della  sua  eta  nel  fine  del 
XVII  del  pontificato,  dopo  un  spatio  di  324  anni  che  altro  papa  non  ha  goduto 
cosi  longo  governo.  E'  di  forze  robusto  e  gagliardo,  e  per  tale  li  place  di  esser 
creduto:  et  in  eflfetto,  levato  qualche  dubbio  di  flussioni  e  d' accident!  improvisi 
ai  quali  pare  sottoposto,  e  in  tale  costitutione  di  buona  salute  che  puo  mantenersi 
piu  anni.    Usa  governo  esquisito  nella  sua  cura.     Al  presente,  ch'  e  piu  grave  1' 


ZITANNE  NANI,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1641.  405 

eta,  manco  s'appHca  alle  faccende,  delle  quali  non  snole  pero  prendersi  piii  dis- 
turbo  di  quello  che  vuole.  La  mattina  e  dispensata  in  audienze  et  in  negotii,  il 
dopo  pranzo  e  riservato  alia  quiete  et  alia  conversatione  donieslica,  nella  quale  e 
allegro  e  faceto,  come  in  ogni  altro  discorso  erudito  e  facondo,  e  nelle  audienze 
stesse  passa  volentieri  dal  negotiare  al  parlare  di  cose  piacevoli  e  di  studio,  al 
quale  e  dedito  assai.  Possede  gran  talenti  e  gran  qualita.  Ha  memoria  niera- 
vigliosa,  petto  e  vigore  che  lo  rende  alle  volte  troppo  costante  nelli  suoi  sens!. 
Ha  spiriti  grandi  accresciati  dall'  esperienza  del  governo  e  dei  negotii.  De- 
ferisce  assai  al  suo  proprio  parere,  percio  non  ama  di  consultare  ne  cura  le 
qualita  dei  ministri,  clie  possino  maggiormente  far  risplendere  le  sue  riso- 
lutioni.  Non  molto  inclina  al  gratiare.  E'ardente,et  alle  volte  con  li  ministri 
medesimi  dei  principi  non  ha  potuto  dissimulare  il  suo  fervore.  Ama  che  sia 
trattato  seco  con  destrezza  e  soavila:  e  se  vi  e  strada  di  poter  far  declinar*  dai 
suoi  sensi  1'  animo  di  Sua  S*%  questa  e  sola,  la  quale,  se  pure  alle  volte  non  pud 
profittare,  avanza  certo,  clie  se  non  si  spiega,  almeno  non  si  rompe 

"  Nel  governo  presente  e  desiderata  maggior  e  miglior  consulta,  perche  dove 
manca  il  discorso,  suole  mancar  la  ragione:  e  veramente  pochissimi  sono  li  min- 
istri e  pochi  quelli  che  habbino  autorita  e  confidenza  a  palazzo.  Appresso  il 
pontefice  non  si  sa  alcuno  che  possi,  e  preponendo  S.  S'*  il  proprio  parere  a  quello 
di  tutti,  sogliono  li  altri  o  lodorlo  o  secondarlo.  Si  uso  in  altri  tempi  che  have- 
vano  i  papi  appresso  di  se  tre  e  quattro  cardinali  e  con  la  loro  discussione  risolve- 
vano  i  pin  gravi  negotii,  e  si  teneva  per  arcano  dei  nepoti  medesimi  introdurre 
suoi  dipendenti  nella  confidenza  del  zio,  per  condurlo  poi  e  guadagnarlo  dove  o 
non  potevano  essi  spuntare  o  non  volevano  scoprire  gli  affetti  loro  proprj. 

"  Barberino  non  ha  voluto  circuire  in  tal  modo  la  liberta  del  papa:  ma  riservando 
a  se  solo  il  postu  piu  vicino  alle  orecchie  di  S.  S'%  obbliga  gli  altri  a  stare  retirati 
et  al  solo  parer  di  lui  sottoponere  le  proprie  opinion!,  non  mostrando  gusto  che. 
da  chi  si  sia  parli  al  pontefice  di  negotio  senza  sua  precedente  participatione. 
Non  si  serve  pero  ne  anco  di  questa  autorita,  che  gode  solo  con  quella  liberta  che 
per  avventura  complirebbe  al  ben  publico  et  al  suo  proprio  interesse:  ma  non 
osando  respirare  contro  le  risolutioni  e  li  sensi  del  papa,  prende  molte  volte  1' 
habito  della  costanza  rnedesima  di  S.  S'%  essendosi  in  tal  maniera  sottoposto  al 
disgusto  delle  corone  e  d'  altri  principi  e  di  loro  ministri  per  non  divertire  e  non 
sopire  molti  strani  accidenti. 

"  Appresso  di  questo  li  cardinali  pur  si  dogliono  e  massime  le  creature  di  non 
haver  apertura  ne  confidenza.  Di  pochissimi  ministri  si  serve  il  sig""  card'%  men- 
tre  la  mole  dei  negotii  et  altre  circostanze  di  molti  lo  possono  render  bisognevole. 
Pancirola  e  Ricclii,  auditori  di  rota,  sono  li  piii  domestici  e  li  piu  adoperati. 

"  Pancirola  e  soggetto  maturo  e  di  molta  esperienza,  clie  fu  irapiegato  in  Pie- 
monte  per  la  pace  sin  nel  principle  delle  guerre  di  Mantova.  Serve  per  li  negotii 
del  governo  dello  state  ecclesiastico,  e  non  havendo  havuto  che  trattar  meco,  non 
mi  resta  che  dire  delle  sue  condilioni. 

"  Ricchi  e  di  gran  spirito,  pronto  et  sagace:  dirige  quasi  tutti  li  negotii  dei  prin- 
cipi e  particolarmente  ha  in  mano  quelli  della  republica.  E'  dipendentissimo  da 
Barberino,  qualita  che  lo  rende  oltre  modo  grato  al  sig''  cardinale.  Ha  inconlrato 
disgusto  di  molti  ministri  de'  principi,  nemeno  e  amato  dall'  universale.  Non 
ha  altra  esperienza  che  quella  che  li  concede  1'  impiego  presente,  che  e  grande. 
Ha  egli  sempre  trattato  meco,  e  nelle  mie  lettere  e  nella  forma  dei  suoi  officii  1' 
averanno  piu  volte  veduto  descrito  V.V.  E.E.  Tratta  con  destrezza  e  con  flemrna 
e  con  altrettanto  ingegno  e  solertia.  Della  serenissima  republica  parla  con  tutte 
le  espressioni  di  riverenza  e  divotione.  Tiene  a  cuore  certo  interesse  di  pensioni 
del  cardinal  suo  fratello,  del  quale  ho  scritto  altre  volte. 

"  A  questi  aggiungero  mens''  Cecca,  segretario  di  state,  perche  assiste  al  pre- 
sente alia  trattatione  della  lega.  Non  ha  egli  talenti  piu  che  ordinarj:  ma  per  la 
lunga  esperienza  della  sua  carica  tiene  buona  informatione  de'  negotii.  E'  vec- 
chio  assai,  e  si  crede  vicino  al  cardinalato,  se  ben  dalli  nepoti  e  poco  amato,  ma 
molto  rispettato  per  1'  affetto  che  li  porta  la  S"^  Sua.  Servi  il  segretario  del 
pontefice  mentre  fu  nuntio  in  Franchia,  e  con  passaggio  mostruoso  di  fortuna  ma 

35* 


406  GIO.  BATT.  SPADA,  RACCONTO  DI  ROMA. 

solito  della  corte  occupo  il  luogo  del  padrone  medesimo,  e  mentre  questo  vive 
ancora  con  poco  buona  sorte,  Cecca  gode  carico,  rendite  e  speranze  piii  che  or- 
dinarie.  Appresso  Barberino  non  vi  sono  altridi  credito  e  di  talenti  che  meritino 
d'  esser  osservati. 

"  Per  il  governo  dello  stato  vi  e  consulta  dei  cardinali  e  dei  prelati,  die  in  due 
giorni  della  settimana  discute  diverse  occorrenze.  Altre  congregationi  sono  dell' 
inquisitione,  de  propaganda  fide,  del  concilio,  de'  regolari  de'  riti  e  d'  altri  simili  in- 
teressi.  Tutto  pero  serve  a  discorso,  perche  la  risolutione  resta  al  gusto  di  S.  8*^6 
del  nipote.  Una  congregatione  di  stato  si  tiene  di  quando  in  quando  avanti  il  papa 
per  le  occorrenze  piu  gravi,  e  non  v'  intervengono  che  le  creature  e  i  piu  confi- 
denti  che  hanno  servito  nelle  nuntiature:  ma  anco  questa  suole  servire  ad  ac- 
creditare  le  deliberationi  piu  che  a  risolverle,  perche  ne  si  discorre  ne  si  forma  il 
decreto  che  per  quell'  opinione  nella  quale  si  sotragge  osi  lascia  intendere  esser 
S.  SS  et  in  effetio  si  querelano  i  pontefici  di  non  haver  di  chi  confidare,  perche 
tutti  li  cardinali  vivono  con  li  loro  interessi  e  rispetti  verso  i  principi  stranieri." 

118. 

Racconto  delle  cose  piu  considerahili  che  sono  occorse  nel  governo  di  Roma  in  tempo 
di  mo7is^  Gio.  Batt.  Spada. 

This  contains  an  authentic  account  of  the  last  days  of  Urban  VIII,  and  abounds 
vpith  passages  descriptive  of  the  life  and  manners  of  that  period,  more  especially 
with  reference  to  the  police  and  the  administration  of  justice. 

The  contests  between  the  old  families  still  continued — for  instance  between 
the  Gaetani  and  the  Colonnesi:  it  was  not  only  difficult  to  devise  any  terms  of 
accommodation,  but  many  whole  days  were  occupied  in  drawing  up  a  history  of 
their  quarrels,  (as  a  preamble  to  the  instrument  for  that  purpose,)  which  should 
not  be  regarded  by  either  party  as  an  insult. 

Dissensions  frequently  arose  between  the  French  and  the  Spaniards,  who  met 
in  inns  and  taverns;  each  party  drank  to  their  king,  and  soon  came  to  offensive 
language:  the  weaker  side  was  always  the  most  moderate,  but  as  soon  as  it  was 
reinforced,  and  encountered  the  opposite  party  in  public  places,  they  came  to 
blows.     The  bargello  had  the  greatest  difficulty  in  separating  them. 

But  though  they  were  always  at  war  between  themselves,  they  vied  with 
each  other  in  open  resistance  to  the  court  and  the  police  of  Rome. 

The  ambassadors  were  the  most  difficult  to  deal  with;  they  gradually  put 
forward  those  pretensions  which  eventually  occasioned  such  violent  disputes  at 
Rome.  They  not  only  declared  their  own  palaces  to  be  sanctuaries,  and  allowed 
forbidden  games  to  be  established  in  them,  but  they  also  claimed  the  privilege 
of  extending  this  exemption  to  the  neighboring  houses.  Monsignor  Spada  was 
naturally  opposed  to  these  claims.  "  Che  se  si  era  usata  cortesia  con  i  S"  am- 
basciatori  di  non  entrare  nelle  case  loro  e  delle  loro  famiglie,  era  uno  troppo 
grande  estensione  quella  che  volevano  introdurre  bora,  che  ne  anche  nelle  case 
vicine  e  comprese  nella  medesima  isola  si  potesse  far  esecutione." 

The  most  important  incidents,  in  an  historical  point  of  view,  are,  the  two  at- 
tempts made  upon  the  life  of  Urban  VIII,  which  are  here  related  in  the  fullest 
and  most  authentic  manner. 

"  1.  Dal  processo  di  Giacinto  Centini,  nepote  del  card'  d'  Ascoli,  e  d'  alcuni 

complici la  sostanza  era,  ch'  essendo  stato  pronosticato  ch'  al  presente 

pontefice  dovesse  succedere  il  cardinal  d'  Ascoli,  invaghito  Giacinto  del  pronos- 
tico  e  desiderando  di  vederne  prestamente  1'  effetto  havesse  trattato  confra  Sera- 
fino  Cherubini  d'  Ancona  minor  osservante,  fra  Pietroda  Palermo  eremita,  che  si 
faceva,  chiamare  fra  Bernardino,  e  fra  Domenico da  Fermo  Agostiniano,  di  procurare 
con  arte  diabolica  d'  abbreviare  la  vita  a  N.  S''%  et  a  quest'  effetto  fu  risoluto  di  fare 
unastatuadi  cera  rappresentante  il  papa,  come  si  essequi,  edopomolte  invocation! 
di  demonii  e  sacrificii  fattigli  la  fluire,  distruggere  e  consumare  al  fuoco,  con 
ferma  credenza  che  distrutta  quella  dovesse  terminare  la  vita  di  papa  Urbano  e 
farsi  loco  alia  successione  del  card'  d'  Ascoli  zio  di  Giacinto. 


ANDREA  NICOLETTI,  VITA  DI  PAPA  URBANO  VIII.  407 

"2.  La  confessione  di  Tomaso  Orsolini  da  Recanate.  Che  per  instio;atione 
di  fra  Domenico  Brancaccio  da  Bajriiarca  Augustiniano  era  andato  a  Napoli  per 
scoprire  al  vicere  un  suposto  trattato  di  priiicipi  d'  invadere  il  regno  di  Napoli 
con  interessarsi  ancora  S.  S'%  e  ch'  il  riniedio  era  di  far  morire  undo  de'  colle- 
gati  o  il  papa:  al  che  fare  s'  oiTeriva  il  padre  Bagnarea  sudetto,  mentre  se  li 
dessero  sc.  3000,  quali  voleva  dare  al  sagrista  di  N.  8''%  gia  reso  inhabile,  e 
succedendo  egli  in  quel  carico,  li  haverebbe  posto  il  velenonell"  hostia  ch'  avesse 
dovuto  consegrare  S.  S'^  nella  messa,  o  pure  quando  non  fosse  succeduto  sa- 
grista, haverebbe  operato  che  lo  speciale  Carcurasio  suo  parente,  mentre  medi- 
cava  le  fontanelle  a  S.  S**,  vi  ponesse  il  veleno,  non  passu  pero  ad  esprimere  al 
vicere  questi  particolari,  poiche  havendogli  accennato  di  dover  far  morire  il  papa, 
vide  ch'  il  vicere  non  si  applico." 

119. 

Hislorica  relatione  deW  origine  e  progressi  delle  rotture  note  tra  la  casa  Barberina 
et  Odoardo  Farnese  duca  di  Parma  e  Piacenza.  (^In  the  library  of  Vienna, 
Historia  Prof.  N.  899.     224  leaves.) 

This  is  a  party  production  written  in  the  form  of  a  letter,  wherein  the  origin 
of  all  these  quarrels  is  ascribed  to  the  bad  will  of  the  Barberini  family.  The 
monti  of  the  barons  are  connected  by  this  author  with  the  monti  of  the  state: 
the  pope  had  been  easily  persuaded  to  make  the  necessary  concessions,  since 
they  contributed  to  render  the  barons  more  subservient  to  him.  ("  Nella  eret- 
tione  di  simili  monti  il  principe  era  mallevadore,  riservatosi  il  heneplacito  di 
poterne  dimandare  1'  estintione  a  suo  piacimento.") 

I  cannot  discover  that  this  work,  in  spite  of  its  voluminous  size,  contains  any 
disclosures  of  particular  importance,  or  that  it  has  any  great  merit,  and  indeed  I 
have  made  use  of  it  on  this  subject.  Perhaps  the  most  remarkable  of  its  con- 
tents are  the  accounts  given  of  the  anti-Austrian,  and  in  some  respects  anti- 
catholic,  tendencies  of  pope  Urban  VIII. 

"  Si  lasciava  tal  volta  intendere,  essergli  ben  grati  li  progressi  de'  cattolici 
contra  li  heretici,  ma  esservi  insieme  da  temere  che  un  giorno  queste  prosperita 
cadessero  a  danno  e  precipitio  de'  medesimi  per  le  gelosie  che  si  sarebbero  sve- 
gliate  in  tutto  il  mondo,  che  il  imperio  dovesse  assorbir  ogni  residue  di  liberta 
che  vi  rimaneva.  Corse  fama  per  tutte  le  corti  che  dalli  impulsi  d'  Urbane 
originassero  quelle  ombre  del  duca  Massimiliano  di  Baviera,  che  aspersero  una 
gran  scisma  nell'  unione  de  principi  cattolici  posti  su  i  sbalzi,  che  domati  li 
heretici  fosse  per  convertirsi  lo  sforza  delle  armi  Austriache  a  dani  di  quel  medesi- 
mi che  erano  stati  ministri  delle  grandezze  di  quella  casa:  e  per  dir  tutto,  vi  fu  chi 
in  quel  tempi  si  vanto  di  sapere  che  la  missione  di  Ceva,  confidente  ministro 
della  casa  Barberina,  in  Francia  con  titolo  di  nontio  straordinario,  havesse  ne' 
suoi  pill  reconditi  arcani  secrete  commissioni  d'eccitare  il  re  di  Francia  a  mischi- 
arsi  nelle  turbulenze  di  Germania,  a  fine  che  intendendosi  con  Baviera  si  pen- 
sasse  al  modo  di  alzare  qualche  argine  alia  crescente  potenza  della  casa  d' 
Austria." 

This  at  any  rate  proves  the  fact  that  such  views  were  widely  disseminated  at 
that  period. 

120. 

Della  vita  di  papa  Vrbano  VIIT  e  historia  del  suo  pontijicato  scritta  da  Jlndrea 
Nicoletti.     (8  volumes  in  folio  MS.) 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  so  few  good,  or  even  available,  hiographies  of 
eminent  persons  are  extant. 

The  cause  of  this  misfortune  is  not  to  be  attributed  to  any  neglect  of  their 
memory,  which  was  generally  indeed  overrated,  or  at  any  rate  highly  esteemed 
by  their  cotemporaries;  it  may  rather  be  ascribed  to  the  following  causes. 

At  first,  when  the  remembrance  is  fresh,  and  the  materials  are  still  within 


408  ANDREA  NICOLETTI,  VITA  DI  PAPA  URBANO  VIII. 

reach  some  scruples  are  entertained  as  to  cotemporaries;  the  whole  truth  cannot 
be  told;  a  number  of  persons  would  be  compromised,  and  much  animosity  ex- 
cited against  the  subject  of  the  memoir  himself. 

When  the  cotemporaries  have  also  quitted  the  scene,  and  the  time  for  speak- 
ing out  is  arrived,  the  memory  of  facts  is  obliterated,  and  the  materials  scattered 
abroad:  nay,  the  interest  in  the  persons  and  events  has  declined,  and  is  only 
revived  in  the  minds  of  those  who  regard  them  as  subjects  of  historical  re- 
search. 

The  following  expedient  was  frequently  resorted  to  in  Italy. 

The  materials  for  a  biography  were  given  into  the  hands  of  an  intimate  friend 
or  servant  (if  the  family,  who  had  been  privy  to,  and  well  informed  on,  every 
thing  that  could  illustrate  the  subject;  he  put  these  together,  and  arranged  them 
into  a  connected  narrative,  which  however  was  not  intended  for  the  press,  but 
was  preserved  in  manuscript  among  the  archives  of  the  house. 

The  feelings  of  cotemporaries  were  thus  spared;  while  it  was  rendered  possi- 
ble at  somo  future  time  to  refresh  the  rapidly  fading  memory,  and  to  give  to  the 
past  all  the  truth  and  vivacity  of  the  present. 

It  is  to  works  of  this  description  that  the  history  of  Andrea  Nicoletti  belongs. 

It  contains  the  recollections  of  the  family  of  Urban  VIII  concerning  the  per- 
sonal character  and  the  actions  of  that  pope.  The  chief  bulk  of  the  work  is 
composed  of  the  whole  diplomatic  correspondence  which  took  place  during  the 
twenty-one  years  of  Urban's  reign. 

This  biography  in  fact  consists  chiefly  of  a  compilation  of  the  despatches  of 
the  nuntiatura. 

I  do  not  mean  their  final  reports,  the  so-called  Relationi,  but  the  very  des- 
patches themselves;  as  was  most  fitting  for  a  biography.  The  pope  always  ap- 
pears therein  as  the  directing,  determining,  and  working  head. 

I  saw  attempts  at  similar  compilations  in  Venice;  but  as  the  active  proceed- 
ings of  the  republic  are  thrown  into  the  back  ground,  and  the  mass  only  of  the 
received  despatches  are  inserted,  while  we  are  left  in  the  dark  as  to  the  effect 
they  produced,  the  attention  is  distracted,  and  soon  wearied. 

In  the  work  before  us  the  very  reverse  is  the  case;  the  vocation  of  the  papacy, 
the  difficult  political  situation  of  Urban  VIII,  the  immediate  significancy  of  all 
the  information  as  bearing  upon  the  great  events  of  Europe,  conspire  to  produce 
unity  of  design,  and  to  excite  interest. 

The  extreme  importance  of  the  information  here  given  concerning  the  period 
of  the  thirty  years'  war,  is  sufficiently  obvious:  it  throws  a  light  upon  that  sub- 
ject in  all  its  phases. 

Wherever  the  author  gives  an  opinion,  or  states  a  fact  on  his  own  authority, 
we  are  not  bound  strictly  to  follow  him.  Occasionally,  perhaps,  authentic  in- 
formation failed  him,  but  the  official  character  is  apparent  in  the  origin  and  first 
conception  of  such  a  work:  I  will  quote  but  one  example.  In  the  third  volume 
of  his  work,  page  673,  Nicoletti  maintains  that  Urban  VIII  learned  with  the 
bitterest  grief  ("  il  rammarico  fu  acerbissimo"),  that  a  peace  had  been  concluded 
between  England  and  France;  nevertheless  we  learn  from  Aluise  Contarini, 
who  had  a  personal  share  in  all  the  negotiations,  that  the  pope  had  actually  re- 
commended those  negotiations  to  be  entered  into,  and  the  treaty  to  be  concluded. 
The  error  of  Nicoletti  arises  from  his  having  overlooked  this  statement,  in  the 
enormous  mass  of  his  materials,  and  from  his  judging  what  the  actions  of  the 
pope  would  probably  have  been,  from  his  own  idea  of  the  ecclesiastical  position 
of  the  sovereign  pontiff.  We  might  mention  many  similar  cases:  this,  how- 
ever, does  not  prevent  our  believing  him,  when  he  merely  extracts. 

His  method  generally  is,  to  insert  the  papers  in  full  detail,  with  only  such 
alterations  as  were  required  to  give  them  the  form  of  a  narrative.  The  worst 
therefore  that  could  happen  would  be,  that  he  either  left  out  or  misplaced  some 
circumstance.  But,  from  the  nature  of  his  task,  which  chiefly  consisted  in  ar- 
ranging existing  materials,  and  more  especially  from  the  nature  of  his  work, 


ANDREA  NICOLETTI,  VITA  DI  PAPA  URBANO  VIII.  409 

which  was  not  intended  for  the  public,  we  should  not  infer  that  this  was  ever 
done,  nor  indeed  have  I  found  a  trace  of  it. 

Although  I  have  diligently  examined  these  volumes,  and  did  not  let  slip  the 
occasion  of  getting  possession  of  such  important  historical  matter,  it  is  impos- 
sible in  this  place  to  give  any  more  circumstantial  account  of  them.  Whoever 
has  had  to  examine  into  correspondences,  must  be  aware  how  much  must  he 
read,  in  order  to  arrive  at  the  truth  on  any  one  fact.  I  have  not  space  for  such 
various  materials. 

T  must,  however,  extract  the  description  given  by  Nicoletti  of  the  last  moments 
of  Urban  VIII,  which  are  very  remarkable,  and  of  his  personal  character,  as  con- 
ceived by  our  author. 

"Tomo  ottavo,"  near  the  end.  "  Erano  in  quel  giorni  nel  fine  di  Giugno 
caldi  eccessivi  in  Roma  e  molto  piii  del  solito  pericolosi:  nondimeno,  parendo  al 
papa  di  essersi  alquanto  rihavuto,  e  sapendo  che  diciasette  chiese  erano  senza  i 
loro  vescovi  e  non  havere  il  cardinale  Grimaldi,  tomato  dalla  nuntiatura  di 
Francia,  ricevuto  il  capello  cardinalizio,  si  dichiaro  di  volere  tenere  il  concistoro 
nel  prossimo  lunedi.  II  cardinale  Barberino  credette  di  poterlo  indurre  anche 
alia  promotione  de'  cardinali:  percio  non  gli  oppose  la  pericolosa  sua  debolezza 
e  la  febbre  lenta  che  se  gli  poteva  raddoppiare,  anzi  lodo  il  pensiero  e  confor- 
tollo,  che  fosse  quasi  in  sicuro  delia  sanita.  Divulgatasi  la  voce  del  futuro  con- 
cistoro, nientre  si  teneva  il  papa  da  alcuni  moribondo  e  da  altri  indubitatamente 
morto  ma  che  per  alcuni  giorni  si  fosse  la  morte  di  lui  occultata,  si  vide  la  mag- 
giore  parte  di  Roma  impaurita,  benche  ciascuno  fingesse  nel  viso  ailegrezza  e 
contento  per  la  ricuperata  salute.  Accortosi  dapoi  il  cardinale  Barberino  che 
il  papa  non  voleva  venire  alia  promotione  di  alcun  cardinale,  giacche  ne  manca- 
vano  otto  nel  sacro  coiiegio,  o  perche  non  rimanesse  sodisfatto  de'  soggetti  che 
se  gli  proponevano,  o  perche  lasciar  voleva  al  successore  quella  cura,  fece  con 
ragioni  efficacissime  e  con  preghiere  1'  ultima  pruova  di  dissuadergli  in  quei 
giorni  il  concistoro,  e  tanto  piii  si  adopero  quanto  vedeva,  oltre  il  danno  del 
papa,  che  egli  sarebbe  rimasto  in  discapito  della  stima  e  del  credito  suo,  perche 
non  facendosi  i  cardinali  si  sarebbe  confermata  1'  opinione  che  universalmente 
correva,  che  egli  per  cagione  delle  guerre  fosse  caduto  dalla  potenza  che  haveva 
appresso  il  papa,  e  che  se  havesse  la  S'*  Sua  allungata  la  vita,  havrebbe  domi- 
nate il  cardinale  Antonio.  Non  essendosi  a  quelle  preghiere  e  ragioni  mosso  il 
papa,  monsignor  Roscioli,  conoscendo  di  dare  gusto  al  cardinale  Barberino  e  di 
giovare  alia  vita  di  Sua  S''^  col  rimuoverlo  dalla  detta  deliberatione,  confidato 
nella  benevolenza  di  Sua  B™  verso  di  se,  stabili  di  adoperarsi  con  ogni  efficacia 
possibile,  anche  a  nonie  pubblico  de'  cardinali  e  della  citta  di  Roma,  di  volerlo 
dissuadere  dal  concistoro.  Preso  adunque  il  tempo  opportune,  entro  dal  papa, 
e  postosegii  inginocchioni  gli  disse  di  non  volerlo  supplicare  a  nomo  de'  suoi 
ministri  ne  per  parte  de'  suoi  nipoti  ne  della  casa  Barberina,  ma  della  citta,  tutta 
di  Roma:  imperciocche  essendo  la  S**  Sua  stata  eletta  per  la  salute  de'  popoli  e 
per  governare  la  chiesa,  abbandonando  la  cura  di  se  medesima  con  esporsi  infer- 
ma  a  pericoloso  accidente  veniva  insieme  a  lasciare  in  abbandono  la  citia  et  il 
governo  commessole  della  chiesa,  non  senza  grandissimo  dolore  di  tutti:  impor- 
tare  piu  il  suo  bene  o  il  suo  male  alia  Christianita  che  alia  casa  Barberina  o  alia 
S'*  Sua  medesima:  che  percio  se  non  voleva  differire  quella  fatticaalle  preghiere 
de'  nipoti,  lo  facesse  ahaeno  per  1'  istanze  della  citta  di  Roma,  che  la  suppli- 
cava.  II  papa  dopo  di  essere  stato  alquanto  pensoso  ripose  di  non  curarsi  di 
prolungare  piii  la  vita,  conoscendo  il  pontificato  non  esser  piu  peso  delle  sue 
forze,  et  iddio  havrebbe  proveduto  alia  sua  chiesa.  Dopo  quesla  risposta  essen- 
dosi alquanto  trattenuto,  si  accorse  monsignor  Roscioli  che  il  papa  haveva  gli 
occhi  pieni  di  lagrime,  e  sospirando  si  rivolto  al  cielo  e  proruppe  in  ferventi 
preghiere  a  dio  accioche  la  maesta  sua  divina  lo  volesse  liberare  dalla  vita  pre- 
sente,  mostrandosene  grandemente  annojato. 

"  Venuto  finalmente  il  lunedi  determinate  per  tenere  il  concistoro,  concorse  al 
palazzo  gran  moltitudine  di  popolo  curioso  di  vedere  il  papa,  che  poco  avanti 
haveva  creduto  per  morto.     Appena  entrato,  i  cardinali  si  accorsero  havere  egli 


410  ANDREA  NICOLETTI,  VITA  DI  PAPA  URBANO  VIII. 

hormai  finita  la  vita,  imperciocche  comparve  languido,  pallido  e  quasi  smarrito 
nelle  parole,  e  particolarmente  nel  fine  del  concistoro  mostrava  di  essere  rimasto 
quasi  senza  intendimento.  Fu  data  la  cagione  all'  eccessivo  caldo  della  stagione 
accresciuto  dalla  calca  della  gente  penetrata  dentro;  e  non  andarono  senza  biasi- 
mo  i  ministri  piu  intimi  del  palazzo  et  anche  il  cardinale  Barberino  per  non 
liavere  inipedito  il  papa  da  quella  si  faticosa  funtione,  non  sapendo  il  popolo  le 
manifatture  che  si  erano  fatte  per  distornelo:  imperciocche  ognuno  dal  vederlo 
in  cosi  grande  squallore  et  abbattimento  di  forze  si  sarebbe  mosso  a  pieta,  poiche 
chiaramente  conoscevasi  che  il  male  gli  haveva  ingombrata  la  mente  et  il  vero 
sentimento  del  governo  delle  cose.  Dopo  la  propositione  delle  chiese  e  dopo 
havere  dato  il  cappello  al  cardinale  Grimaldi  parlissi  dal  concistoro  sommamente 
aggravate  dal  male,  come  gli  fu  predetto. 

"  Nel  di  seguente  fece  un'  attione  con  la  quale  si  acqiiisto  fama  di  gran  pieta 
e  degna  di  rimanere  per  essempio  a  tutti  i  principi  ecclesiastici.  Questa  fu  di 
chiamare  alia  sua  presenza  alcuni  theologi  in  quella  scienza  e  nella  probita 
riguardevolissimi  e  dal  papa  creduti  lontani  dall'  adulatione,  a  quali  fatta  prima 
dare  piena  cognitionedi  tutti  li  beni  et  entrateecclesiastiche  delle  quali  in  tempo 
del  suo  pontificato  haveva  aricchita  la  casa  Barberina,  ordino  che  gli  riferissero 
se  in  alcana  cosa  egli  haveva  trapassato  il  potere  e  1'  autorita  sua:  perche  era 
preparato  a  ripigliare  da'  nepoti  tutto  cio  che  aggravare  gli  poteva  la  coscienza 
avanti  al  tribunale  di  dio.  Li  theologi  farono  il  cardinale  de  Lugo,  il  padre 
Torquato  de  Cupis  deliacampagnia  di  Gesii,  et  alcuni  altri.  E  si  animo  il  papa  a 
fare  questa  attione  dal  sereno  che  vide  in  fronte  al  cardinale  Barberino,  quando 
chiamatolo  prima  di  tutti  lo  fece  partecipe  di  questo  suo  pensiero,  che  non 
ostanti  1'  ombre  passate  quasi  voile  parere  di  volere  da  lui  prenderne  consiglio. 
Lodo  il  cardinale  la  pieta  della  S'^Sua,  e  mostru  di  haverne  particolare  contento, 
sperando  maggiori  felicita  dalla  mano  liberalissima  di  dio,  mentre  solo  per  so- 
disfare  a  Sua  Divina  Maesta  tutto  cio  si  faceva.  Dicesi  che  il  parere  uniibrme 
de'  theologi  fu,  che  havendo  Sua  S*-^  arricchiti  li  suoi  nipoti,  poteva  con  sicura 
coscienza  lasciarli  godere  tutti  li  beni  che  haveva  loro  conceduti,  e  cio  per  due 
ragioni:  1'  una  perche  havendo  promossi  al  cardinalato  una  quantita  di  soggetli 
quali  non  haveva  proveduti  di  entrate  secondo  il  loro  grado,  li  medesimi  nipoti 
havessero  comodita  di  accomodarli  secondo  il  loro  bisogno:  1'  altro  motivo  per 
quietare  la  coscienza  del  papa  fu,  che  havendo  li  sopradetti  nipoti  in  si  lungo 
principato  e  nelle  passate  guerre  contralto  1'  odio  e  1'  inimicitie  con  diversi 
principi,  era  ragionevole  di  lasciarli  ben  comodi  per  mantenere  il  loro  grado, 
anche  per  riputatione  della  sede  apostolica,  e  non  essere  vilipesi,  come  suole 
accadere  a  quelli  che  dalla  cima  del  dominare  si  riducono  a  stato  inferiore;  onde 
1'  essere  bene  provisti  di  ricchezze  e  di  beni  di  fortuna  gli  havrebbe  fatti  mag- 
giormente  rispettare:  et  oltre  di  cio  li  medesimi  nepoti  havevano  di  loro  natura 
tali  viscere  di  Christiana  pieta  che  havrebbero  erogate  1'  entrate  in  beneficio 
de'  poveri  et  in  altri  usi  pii.  E  con  quests  el  altre  ragioni  mostro  il  papa  di 
quietarsi. 

"  Si  andava  dunque  preparando  alia  morte,  che  da  se  stesso  conoscevaessergli 
vicina:  ma  fra  questi  pensieri  e  dispositioni  si  mostrava  in  tutti  i  ragionamenti 
pieno  di  giusto  sdegno  contro  i  principi  d'  Italia,  sentendo  immenso  dolore  che 
havesse  a  restare  memoria  che  in  tempo  del  suo  pontificato  si  fossero  collegati 
eontro  di  lui  et  havessero  assalitocon  eserciti  lo  stato  della  chiesa:  onde  talvolta 
prorompeva  in  parole  acerbe,  come  se  fossero  stati  senza  pieta,  senza  religions 
6  senza  legge,  et  implorava  dal  cielo  giusta  vendetta  pervederli  da  dio  gastigati 
prima  di  morire  a  almeno  pentiti.  Gia,  come  altrove  si  e  detlo,  si  era  con  loro 
fatta  la  pace,  firmata  dalla  S*^  Sua  e  sottoscritta:  ma  in  essa  non  venivano  li  due 
cardinali  Barberini  ne  compresi  e  nominati:  onde  le  creature  piu  fedeli  giudica- 
rono  che  mentre  la  casa  Barberina  era  per  la  vita  del  papa  ancora  temuta,  si 
dovesse  impiegare  ogni  industria  perche  i  principi  Italianilidichiarasseroinclusi 
nella  medesima  pace.  Et  il  cardinal  Bicchi,  che  agli  stessi  principi  ando  pleni- 
potentiario  per  parte  di  Francia,  affermo  che  per  non  essere  certi  della  morte  del 
papa  non  sarebbero  stati  lontani  dal  trattarla  e  dall'  accettarla.     Ma  il  cardinal 


I 


ANDREA  NICOLETTI,  VITA  DI  PAPA  URBANO  VIII.  411 

Barberino  con  ordini  precisi  vietoUo,  ordinando  al  Bicchi  che  di  cio  non  ne  trat- 
tasse  punto,  ancorche  i  princi[)i  spontaneamente  gliel' liavessero  offerto;  ne  voile 
mai  sopra  di  cio  sentire  consi<rli  di  alciino,  allegando  per  rao^ione  die  il  volere 
loro  essere  inclusi  ne'capitoli  della  pace  e  nominati  in  essa  altro  non  era  che  un 
farsi  dichiarare  per  autori  di  liavere  mossa  la  guerra,  conciossiacosaclie  ne'  trat- 
tati  di  pace  non  sia  mai'solito  ne  si  costumi  di  nominare  i  ministri,  ma  i  principi 
e  capi  che  a  parte  della  guerra  sono  veuuti. 

"  Vacavano  in  quel  tempo,  come  dianzi  fu  detto,  otto  luoghi  nel  sacro  collegio 
de'  cardinali:  onde  grande  era  1'  agitatione  in  che  stava  la  corte,  potendo  cosi 
gran  numero  caglonare  non  picciola  mutatione  nelle  cose  de'  capi  di  fattioni  gia 
stabilite.  II  papa,  come  piu  volte  disse  a  noi  il  cardinale  Barberino,  desiderando 
che  i  cardinali  fossero  in  muggiore  estimatione  e  meglio  proveduti  di  entrate, 
penso  di  ridurre  con  particolare  constitutione  tutto  il  sacro  collegio  al  numero  di 
cinquanta:  onde  stava  fisso  in  non  fare  altra  promotione.  Barberino  peru,  cono- 
scendo  che  col  lasciare  tanti  luoghi  vacanti  non  havrebbe  il  papa  ottenuto  1'  in- 
tento  et  havrebbe  servito  d'  ingrandimento  alia  fattione  del  successore,  piu  volte 
supplicollo  che  si  lasciasse  vincere  dal  consentimento  comune  in  promuovere 
tanti  soggetti  che  vi  erano  meritevoli  della  porpora.  Ma  il  tutto  gli  riusci  vano, 
rispondendogli  il  papa  di  non  volere  che  alcuni  de'  suoi  successori  col  suo 
psempio  potessero  nel  fine  della  vita  privatamente  senza  decoro  e  stando  in  Jetto 
creare  cardinali,  e  che  questo  esempio  da  Gregorio  Decimoquintoricevuto  haveva 
e  voleva  con  uguale  gloria  Insciare  a'  posteri.  Vi  si  adoperarono  altri  personaggi 
e  particolarmente  il  cardinale  de  Lugo,  il  quale  per  rendere  efficaci  1'  istanze  del 
cardinale  Barberino  suggeri  al  papa  il  decreto  concistoriale  delli  tre  cardinali 
fatti  gia  spedito  dopo  il  concistoro  in  cui  fu  fatta  1'  ultima  promotione,  e  che  il 
cardinale  Barberino  come  vicecancelliere  era  obbligato  a  ricordarlo  a  Sua  S'», 
non  perche  promovesse,  come  fu  il  caso  di  Gregorio,  ma  solo  accioche  dichia- 
rosse  i  cardinali  gia  creati  e  riservati  in  petto,  la  quale  publicatione  a  tutto  il 
sacro  collegio  pareva  ragionevole,  ne  vi  era  bisogno  di  altro  concistoro.  Ma  il 
papa,  o  che  fosse  sdegnato  perche  il  cardinale  Barberino  gli  haveva  proposti 
alcuni  soggetti  cha  non  erano  di  sodisfattione  di  Sua  8%  o  credesse  di  lasciare 
piu  gloriosa  la  memoria  di  se,  stette  saldo  a  tntte  le  istanze,  ordinando  che  niuno 
piii  ardisse  di  parlargli  di  promotione 

"  Era  1'  aspetto  di  papa  Urbano  giocondissimo,  ma  pieno  di  maesta:  e  sebbene 
nel  suo  temperamento  vi  era  alquanto  di  malinconico,  sicche  quando  si  veniva 
all'  emissione  del  sangue,  che  per  1'  ordinario  era  ne'  tempi  di  primavera,  gli  us- 
civano  dalle  vene  pezzetti  come  gelati  di  quell'  humore,  ne  senza  questo  hav- 
rebbe potuto  profiltare  tanto  nelle  lettere,  dicendo  il  filosofo  che  la  malinconia 
contribuisce  assai  per  apprendere  le  scienze  e  ritenerle  impresse  nell'  animo. 
La  dispositione  poi  del  corpo  e  delle  membra  era  nobilmente  compartita.  La 
statutra  piutosto  grande  che  mediocre:  le  carni  di  colore  olivastro  e  piu  tosto 
piene  disucco  che  grasse:  il  capo  grande,  che  dinotava  un  maraviglioso  ingegno 
et  una  vivacissima  memoria:  la  fronte  spatiosa  e  serena:  gli  occhi  di  colore  fra 
1'  azzurro  et  il  bianco:  il  naso  proportionate:  le  guancie  rotonde,  manegli  ultimi 
anni  notabilmente  estenuate:  la  bocca  plena  di  gratia:  la  voce  sonora,  ma  soave, 
onde  con  la  favella  Toscana,  che  sempre  ritenne  finche  visse,  uscivano  da  essa 
dolcissime  parole  piene  di  eloquenza  e  sparse  di  fiori  di  buone  lettere  e  di  erudi- 
tioni  sacre  e  di  antichi  esempj;  nutri  infino  da  prelato  la  barba  honestamente 
lunga  e  riquadrata,  la  quale  con  la  canitie  rendeva  il  suo  aspetto  piu  venerabile. 

"  Veramente  era  tanto  amabile  che  da  una  troppa  apertura  in  poi  che  diraos- 
trava,  se  pure  1'  importanza  del  negotio  non  lo  ratteneva,  non  vi  era  altro  che  da 
critici  bene  attenti  vi  fosse  da  tacciare.     E  se  talvolta  saliva  in  collera,  ben 

presto  tornava  alia  giocondita  di  prima L'  opinione  de'  saggi  era  che  con 

esso  lui  stimavasi  necessario  di  essere  o  di  alto  sapere  o  di  niuno  o  di  poco: 
poiche  sicome  non  isdegnava  di  essere  guadagnato  dalla  saviezza  dell'  uno,  cosi 
compativa  tanto  all'  altro  cheegli  stesso  losoccorreva  e  sollevava,  se  pero  ques- 
to non  fosse  stato  presuntuoso  o  orgoglioso,  abusandosi  della  humanita  e  buona 
conditione  del  papa,  il  quale  duro  et  inflessibile  fu  sempre  con  gli  orgogliosi  et 


412  ANDREA  NICOLETTI,  VITA  DI  PAPA  URBANO  VIII. 

arroganti,  sicome  altrettanto  amorevole  e  benigno  mostravasi  verso  i  rispettosi  e 

modesti Verso  i  sopradetti  servitori  e  verso  anche  i  parenti  proprj  era  dis- 

cretissimo  in  scegliere  i  tempi  per  volersene  piucomodi  a  quelli  die  a  se  stesso, 
non  isdegnando  talvolta  di  udire  con  patienza  qualche  parola  o  atto  di  sentimen- 
to  o  di  doglienze  loro.  E  nelle  sue  malattie  pareva  che  pigliasse  piu  dispiacere 
de'  patimenli  e  vigilie  degli  assistenti  a  lui  che  del  proprio  male  o  de'  suoi  do- 
lori.  Cosi  anche  non  era  facile  a  sfogamenti  o  lamenti  delle  pejsone:  ma  gli 
era  grave  il  negare  o  vedere  partire  da  se  alcuno  discontento.  Coi  suoi  piu  con- 
fidenti  servitori  era  giocondissimo,  e  talvolta  con  essi  usava  de'  motti  o  come  si 

suoi  dire  de'  sali  ingegnosi Non  si  scordo  mai  degli  amici  antichi,  o  fossero 

assenti  o  morti,  et  in  questofu  ammimirabile  la  sua  benevolenza:  ondeordino  al 
cardinale  Biscia  sua  creatura,  che  era  stato  uno  di  quelli  suoi  piu  confident!,  ac- 
cioche  havesse  la  cura  di  dargli  spesso  nuova  di  loro,  e  se  lossero  morti,  che 
pigliasse  nota  de'  loro  discendenti  per  provederli  all'  occasioni 

"  Fiori  in  Roma  nel  suo  tempo  grandissima  abbondanza  di  tutte  le  cose:  e 
soleva  dire  che  egii  da  Firenze  haveva  havuto  il  suo  nascimento,  ma  da  Roma 
tutta  la  sua  grandezza  et  havrebbe  voluto  che  ogni  persona  godesse  la  felicita 
del  suo  pontificato,  che  gli  ufficj  venali  della  cancelleria  fruttassero  copiosa- 
mente,  e  percio  egli  era  gratiossimo  nelle  speditioni  della  dataria,  che  gli  arti- 
giani  nelle  loro  facende  facessero  grossi  ma  leciti  guadagni,  e  lo  stesso  faces- 
sero  anche  i  mercanti  di  ogni  sorter  e  quindi  era  che  nel  suo  pontificato  correva 
tanto  il  danaro  che  ogn'  uno  di  qualsivoglia  professione  rimaneva  sodisfatto  e 
contento.  Diede  tali  ordini  per  1'  annona  che  perdoni  a  spesa  per  mantenere  1' 
abbondanza.  Cosi  il  suo  maggiore  godimento  era  che  gli  agricoltori  non  restas- 
sero  privi  di  quel  guadagna  che  a  lui  pareva  si  richiedessero  dal  pericolq  della 
vita  e  della  facolta.  che  impiegavanonella  vastita  delle  campagne  di  Romaenell' 
aere  insalubre:  e  quando  quasi  a  niun'  altro  impiego  pareva atta  la  maritima  che 
della  agricoltura,  quivi  fisso  il  pensiero,  e  tenne  piu  volte  proposito  di  seccare 
le  paludi  Pontine,  per  guadagnere  quelle  immensita  de'  paesi  che  hora  sono  sott' 
acqua,  e  cio  per  beneficio  publico:  ma  altre  cure  gravi  non  gli  lasciarono  godere 
1'  affetto  di  si  glorioso  disegno.  Ne  voile  mai,  per  mantenere  la  detla  abbon- 
danza, che  si  stabilisse  il  prezzo  del  grano  e  dell'  altre  vittovaglie,  ma  che  ogni 
cosa  fosse  libera,  ovviando  in  questo  modo  ai  monopolj:  onde  i  mercanti  riem- 
piendo  i  granari,  ciascuno  faceva  a  gara  di  venderlo  a  buon  mercato,  e  cosi  la 
citta  di  Roma  diveniva  opuleuta. 

"  Se  poi  nel  suo  pontificato  fiorirono  le  lettere,  non  e  meraviglia:  poiche  non 
haveva  migliore  divertimento  che  coi  letterati,  quali  accolse  sempre  con  benig- 
nita  e  rimunerolli.  Cosi  anche  dell'  altre  professioni  nobili  fu  amantissimo, 
come  della  pittura,  scoltura  et  altre  buone  arti,  sicche  non  isdegno  piu  volte  e 
particolarmente  un  giorno,  andando  alia  visita  delle  sette  chiese  con  tutto  il  sacro 
collegio,  giunto  a  Santa  Maria  Maggiore,  doppo  havere  fatta  oratione  in  quella 
basilica,  di  entrare  con  la  stessa  comitiva  de'  cardinali  in  casa  del  cavaliere  Gio- 
vanni Lorenza  Bernino  cola  vicina,  per  vedere  alcuni  lavpri  di  celebre  scoltura 
del  suo  scalpello. 

"  L'  essere  egli  stato  necessitato  per  la  medesima  cagione  d'  imporre  loro  le 
gravezze  e  le  gabelle:  onde  tal  volta  a  tali  avvisi  si  vide  piangere,  dicendo  che 
volontieri  havrebbe  dato  il  proprio  sangue  o  de'  suoi  congiunti  piu  tosto  che  di 
sentire  le  afflittioni  de'  popoli  e  di  Roma  e  gl'  incomodi  della  camera  apostolica. 
Et  a  monsignore  Lorenzo  Raggi,  tesoriere  di  essa,  il  quale  in  tempo  della  sua 
ultima  infermita  ando  alia  audienza,  disse  che  desiderava  di  vivere  ancora  due 
soli  mesi  per  tre  cagioni:  1'  una  per  havere  piu  lungo  tempo  di  penitenza  echied- 
ere  a  dio  il  perdono  de'  suoi  peccati;  1'  altraper  finire  di  rimettere  incastel  Sant' 
Angelo  tutto  il  denaro  che  fu  levato  per  la  guerra  di  Castro;  la  terza  per  vedere 
finita  la  fabbrica  delle  mura  di  Borgo  e  di  Trastevere  et  assicurata  la  citta  di 
Roma. 

"  Se  le  azioni  eroiche  del  Papa  per  debolezza  della  mia  penna  saranno  senza 
eloquenza,  senza  nobilta  di  stile  et  in  somma  improportionate  per  un  pontefice 
si  grande,  nondimeno  sono  state  scritte  con  pura  e  sincera  verila;  il  che  partico- 


ANDREA  NICOLETTI,  VITA  DI  PAPA  URBANO  VIII.  413 

larmente  mi  fu  imposto  et  inculcate  da  chi  teneva  sopra  di  me  suprema  autorita, 
cioe  che  io  scrivessi  semplicemente  da  istorico,  e  mi  tenessi  tutalmente  lontano  da  ogni 
adulatione  e  vanita  e  da  rettorici  ingrandimenti,  altendendo  piu  alle  cose  che  alle 
parole. 

"  Ma  tornando  alia  sua  applicatione  intorno  alle  cose  sacre,  oltre  1'  havere 
fatto  emendare  e  ristampare  il  ceremoniale  Romano,  non  niancodidare  molti 
ordini  per  la  cappella  pontificia:  pero  o  per  negligenza  de'  ministri  o  per  distrat- 
tione  ad  altri  n^ravi  affari  solo  alcune  cose  principali  sono  riniaste  in  osservanza. 
Vero  si  fu  che  riforrao  anche  1'  uso  delle  indujgenze  per  chiudere  la  bocca  agli 
heretici. 

"  Finalmente  se  Urbano  non  havesse  intrapresa  la  guerra,  o,  per  meglio  dire, 
se  non  vi  fosse  stato  provocato  e  tirato  a  forza,  i!  che  gli  accelero  anche  notabil- 
mente  la  morte,  non  si  poteva  desiderare  ne  pontefice  piu  glorioso  ne  principe  di 
piu  egregie  qualita,  per  mezzo  delle  quali  per  molti  anni  del  suo  pontificato  con- 
servo  verso  di  se  1'  amore  universale  di  tutto  il  christianesimo,  sicche  fino  ad 
hora  si  benedice  dai  popoli  la  sua  rimembranza  per  quegli  anni  felici  ne'  quali 
godettero  la  tranquillita  e  la  pace." 


VOL.  II. — 36 


414 


SECTION  VI. 


LATER    EPOCHS. 


We  have  in  the  preceding  section  brought  together  all  that  immediately  con- 
cerns Urban  VIII;  tliere  remain  a  few  manuscripts  which  connect  his  times 
with  those  of  his  successors. 

121. 

Relatione   della  vita  del  card^  Cecchini  composta  da  lui  medesimo.     (Barb.  275 

pages.) 

Personal  memoranda,  which,  although  they  do  not  throw  much  light  upon 
important  matters  of  state,  afford  a  most  instructive  example  of  the  private  life  of 
an  ecclesiastic,  passed  under  remarkable  circumstances. 

The  author  gives  us  to  understand  that  he  composed  this  work  for  his  own 
amusement.  "  Tra  lutte  le  cose  che  apportano  all'  uomo  sommo  piacere,  una  e 
la  memoria  delle  cose  passate." 

In  the  year  1604,  Cecchini,  then  fifteen  years  of  age,  left  Perugia  for  Rome. 

He  had  placed  his  hopes  of  promotion  on  the  Aldobrandini,  with  which  family 
he  was  slightly  connected;  but  Clement  VIII  died  too  soon  for  his  interest,  and 
after  his  death  the  Aldobrandini  had  no  power.  Cecchini  had  soon  another 
source  of  hope,  as  he  had  been  on  intimate  terms  in  Perugia  with  Scipione  Caf- 
farelli,  who  in  the  time  of  Paul  V  extracted  sucli  weighty  advantages  from  his 
position  (if  nephew  to  the  reigning  pope:  Caffarelli,  however,  did  nofchoose  to 
remember  his  former  acquaintance,  and  young  Cecchini  was  driven  to  seek  for 
another  patron. 

It  was  his  good  luck  to  ally  himself  with  two  cardinals,  both  of  whom  after- 
wards attained  to  the  highest  dignities — Ludovisio  and  Pamfilio. 

The  opinion  soon  gained  ground  in  Rome  that  Ludovisio  would  obtain  the 
tiara.  When  his  nephew  Ludovico  entered  the  prelature  in  1619,  many  looked 
upon  him  as  the  future  cardinal  padrone.  AU  eyes  were  directed  towards  him; 
each  of  his  friends  and  servants  endeavored  to  supplant  the  others  in  his  favor. 
Cecchini  himself  complains  that  an  attempt  was  made  to  displace  him,  but  adds 
that  he  had  been  able  to  maintain  his  post.  It  was  even  in  iiis  power  to  render 
his  master  an  essential  service;  as  a  kinsman  of  the  Aldobrandini  he  was  enabled 
to  bring  about  an  intimate  alliance  between  the  two  families.  Cardinal  Aldo- 
brandini promised  his  vote  to  Ludovisio. 

All  measures  were  soon  taken  with  a  view  to  that  cardinal's  election.  He 
hesitated  a  long  time  before  he  would  take  a  pension  from  Spain  of  1200  sc, 
which  had  been  offered  to  him  after  the  conclusion  of  the  peace  with  Savoy;  he 
feared  to  make  the  French  his  enemies.  Cecchini  was  forced  to  speak  with 
the  French  ambassador,  and  to  obviate  all  suspicion  which  might  arise  from 
that  cause. 

Under  these  circumstances  cardinal  Ludovisio  came  to  the  conclave  at  Rome 
after  the  death  of  Paul  V,  in  the  full  expectation  of  being  chosen  his  successor. 


VITA  DEL  CARD''  CECCHINI,  COMPOSTA  DA  LUI  MEDESIMO.     415 

Cecchini  hastened  to  meet  him;  "  I  conduct  the  pope  to  Rome,"  said  he,  full  of 
joyful  zeal.  "  We  must  only  beware  of  ihB  cardinal  d'  Acjuino,  and  then  all 
will  be  well,"  was  the  answer  of  Ludovisio.  "  Ludovisio  avova  tal  sicurezza 
del  pontificato  che  domandommi  per  buria  chi  saria  stato  papa:  rispondendogli 
che  il  papa  non  era  in  Roma  e  che  io  1'  avrei  condotto,  con  gran  fiducia  mi  sog- 
giunse  queste  parole:  '  Guardatemi  del  sard'  d'  Aquino,  che  faremo  bene.'  " 

Everything  answered  their  expectations;  Ludovisio  was  elected  pope,  and  his 
nephew  embraced  Cecchini  m  iiis  joy,  and  made  him  his  auditor. 

This  brought  him  into  immediate  contact  witii  the  higher  powers.  He  took 
some  little  sbare  in  public  business;  at  any  rate  he  was  iirivy  to  much  that  was 
going  on,  but  his  cliief  occupation  consisted  in  tbc  management  of  the  cardinal's 
money  matters.  The  revenues  from  Avignon  and  Fermo  passed  tiirough  his 
hands:  the  cardinal  did  not  wish  it  to  he  known  how  much  he  spent,  for  he  was 
exceedingly  ostentatious.  When  Ludovisio  was  made  minister  of  finance, 
Cecchini  was  also  made  auditor. 

We  meet  here  with  the  most  curious  abuses.  Protections  were  issued  in  the 
name  of  the  cardinal  nephew,  which  were  called  "  non  gravetur."  No  man 
could  be  sued  for  debt  who  possessed  one  of  these  documents,  and  of  course 
every  one  endeavored  to  secure  himself  against  his  creditors  by  a  "  non  grave- 
tur;" there  were  even  some  artisans  who  were  tiuis  protected.  Cecchini,  how- 
ever, mentions  far  worse  things.  Suits  were  instituted,  in  the  time  of  Paul  V, 
against  the  prior  and  prince  Aldobrandini,  and  Cecchini  maintains  that  the  fiscal 
general  employed  false  witnesses  to  obtain  judgment  against  them.  Their 
death  however  had  not  been  desired;  the  purpose  only  had  been  to  force  the  Al- 
dobrandini to  give  up  to  the  Borghese  family  certain  castles.  LInder  Gregory 
XV  the  fiscal  general  was  imprisoned  on  that  account,  "  Era  vivente  Gregorio 
stato  carcerato  Pier  Maria  Ciroechi,  che  vivente  papa  Paolo  fu  fiscale  generale, 
per  molte  imputationi,  tra  le  quali  la  principale  era  che  nella  causa  criminale 
intentata  al  principe  e  priore  Aldobrandino,  nella  quale  furono  condannati  in 
pena  pella  vita  e  della  robba,  egli  avesse  procurato  di  far  esaminar  testimonj 
falsi,  sicome  in  effetto  fece.  La  delta  sentcnza  non  fu  data  per  altro  se  non 
perche  11  card'  Pietro  Aldobrandino  si  disponesse  a  cedere  al  card'  Borghese  li 
castelli  di  Montefortino  e  di  Olevano,  che  aveva  compruti  dal  duca  di  Zagarolo, 
sicome  se  volse  la  gratia  della detta  condennatione  delli  nepoti,  lo  convenne  fare, 
con  farli  anco  constituir  prigioni  in  castello,  dove  slettero  quattro  mesi."  His- 
torical truth  forbids  us  to  pass  over  tliese  detestable  practices  in  silence,  but  it 
is  fair  to  observe  that  Cecchini  was  naturally  a  partisan  of  the  Aldobrandini. 

Urban  VIII  was  elected  successor  to  Gregory.  Cecchini  had  already  found 
an  opportunity  of  rendering  him  essential  service,  although  it  was  only  by  his 
silence.  Urban,  while  cardinal,  had  once  said  in  a  violent  passion,  that  some 
matter  should  be  remembered  to  cardinal  Ludvisio's  disadvantage;  now  nothing 
could  well  have  been  more  to  his  own  disadvantage  than  this  threat,  in  the  con- 
clave, where  Ludovisio  was  so  powerful.  Cecchini  however  held  his  peace,  at 
the  request  sf  Magalotto. 

There  is  another  most  characteristic  trait  of  Urban  VIII  in  this  autobiography 
of  Cecchini. 

Urban  felt  himself  deeply  offended  by  the  protest  of  Borgia;  and  as  he  as- 
cribed some  share  in  it  to  the  cardinals  Ubaldini  and  Ludovisio,  he  wanted  to 
chastise  them  for  it.  He  would  have  thrown  Ubaldini  into  prison,  had  it  not 
been  for  the  resolute  opposition  of  the  fiscal;  but  that  cardinal  was  forced  to  ab- 
sent himself,  nor  would  the  pope  tolerate  the  presence  of  Ludovisio  in  Rome. 
He  summoned  Cecchini,  who  was  still  in  the  service  of  Ludovisio,  to  his  pre- 
sence, and  directed  him  to  tell  his  eminence  that  within  fourteen  days  he  must 
repair  to  his  bishopric  of  Bologna.  This  he  declared  to  be  his  determination 
with  the  most  vehement  expressions  of  anger.  "  For  a  good  hour,"  says 
Cecchini,  "  was  I  forced  to  listen  while  he  threatened  Borgia,  in  the  most  in- 
sulting language,  with  punishment:  I  did  not  venture  to  interrupt  him:  he  then 
repeated  that  Ludovisio  had  better  depart,  or  that  the  sbirri  would  force  him  to 


416     VITA  DEL  CARD^  CECCHINI,  COMPOSTA  DA  LUI  MEDESIMO. 

do  so."  This  lime  also  Cecchitii  had  better  have  kept  silence;  but  he  thought 
it  necessary  to  inform  his  master  of  what  had  passed.  It  gives  us  an  insight 
into  the  character  of  the  court,  that  Cecchini  by  this  proceeding  injured  himself 
with  all  parties.  Ludovisio  thought  that  Cecchini  should  not  have  borne  pa- 
tiently the  expressions  of  the  pope,  but  should  rather  have  come  to  a  complete 
rupture.  Cardinal  Barberini  was  very  angry  because  Occhini  ought  first  to 
have  spoken  to  him,  the  cardinal  nephew.  But  Urban  himself  was  the  most 
furious,  more  particularly  as  the  matter  was  reported  to  him  somewhat  disfigured. 
He  caused  the  unfortunate  Cecchini  to  be  brought  again  into  his  presence,  and 
made  a  scene  in  which  the  old  spite  against  his  enemies,  and  regret  for  the  ex- 
pressions he  had  used — at  what  he  had  done,  and  now  wished  undone — the  con- 
viction of  his  omnipotence  as  pope,  and  the  consciousness  that  the  other  had  not 
acted  wrong,  were  most  curiously  mixed  up  together.  Urban  Ylll,  however, 
was  one  who  recovered  himself  after  a  time.  Ludovisio  had  departed,  and 
shortly  afterwards  died.  Ceccliini  had  indeed  lost  his  former  place,  but  had  been 
invested  with  some  other  which  brought  him  into  occasional  contact  with  Urban. 
"  Monsignor  Cecchini,"  said  the  pope  one  day  to  him,  "forgive  us,  for  we  went 
too  far  in  our  conduct  towards  you."  Cecchini  says  that  tears  came  into  his 
eyes,  and  that  he  answered  with  deep  emotion.  The  m^ggiordomo  of  the  pope 
visited  him  on  tiie  self-same  day,  and  told  him  that  Urban  had  loolvod  forward 
to  that  hour  for  four  years,  and  rejoiced  from  his  heart  that  it  had  at  length 
arrived. 

Cecchini  still  maintained  his  connection  with  the  Aldobrandini  family,  and 
we  find  him  actively  engaged  at  the  marriage  of  Olympia,  the  rich  heiress  of 
that  family.  Cardinal  Ippolyto  died  without  having  definitively  settled  this  af- 
fair, and  fears  were  entertained  that  the  Barberini  would  not  suffer  so  large  an 
inheritance  to  slip  tlirough  their  fingers;  Olympia  was  obliged  to  feign  sickness. 
It  was  only  by  the  assistance  of  the  general  of  the  .Jesuits,  who  was  consulted 
on  all  points,  that  the  marriage  with  the  young  Borghese,  according  to  the  last 
wish  of  the  cardinal,  took  place  six  days  after  his  death. 

This  however  did  not  make  the  Barberini  drop  Cecchini;  after  they  had  in- 
vestigated v/hether  he  were  not  also  in  some  sort  of  connection  with  the  Farnesi, 
they  employed  him  in  putting  Rome  into  a  state  of  defence. 

Cecchini  immediately  found  that  the  new  duty  upon  the  wine  of  the  country 
was  unpopular.  He  declared  to  cardinal  Barberini  that  that  was  a  lax  which 
the  Romans  had  never  endured — they  had  revolted  against  Eugenius  IV  on  ac- 
count of  it;  and  lie  succeeded,  although  a  monte  had  been  established,  payable 
from  that  source,  in  causing  the  farmer  of  the  tax  to  be  summoned.  This  man, 
seeing  the  extreme  difliculty  of  levying  the  tax,  willingly  gave  up  his  contract. 
Cecchini  went  immediately  to  the  capital,  where  the  Romans  had  assembled, 
and  communicated  this  intelligence  to  them;  at  first  they  would  not  believe  him, 
upon  w'hich  the  farmer  of  the  wine  duties  was  called,  and  confirmed  the  fact. 
All  exclaimod  "  Viva  papa  Urbano,  viva  monsignor  Cecchini."  The  people 
kissed  his  hands  and  his  clothes. 

Cecchini  however  had  not  yet  attained  his  highest  office.  He  had  the  good 
fortune  of  seeing  on  the  papal  throne  the  cardinal  Pamfili,  who  was  one, — per- 
haps the  most  zealous,  of  his  early  patrons. 

At  first  the  Barberini  were  favorably  received  by  Innocent  X.  Cecchini  was 
requested  to  visit  the  pope  accompanied  by  the  two  cardinals.  "  Has  cardinal 
Barberini  said  anything  to  you?"  asked  Innocent.  "  No!"  He  turned  to  Fran- 
cisco and  then  to  Antonio,  and  requested  them  to  speak.  They  excused  tiiem- 
selves.  "  We  will  no  longer  keep  you  in  suspense,"  said  the  pope,  "  we  have 
made  you  our  datario;  for  this  you  are  indebted  to  the  Barberini,  who  begged 
this  favor  of  us,  which  we  willingly  granted." 

This  situation,  however,  had  much  that  was  disagreeable.  The  pope  was  un- 
stable, obstinate,  and  suspicious.  From  other  sources  we  learn  that  the  admin- 
istration of  Cecchini  was  not  wholly  free  from  blame:  Donna  Olympia  Maidal- 
china  could  not  endure  him,  because  her  sister-in-law  donna  Clementia  also 


DEONE,  DIARIO  DI  ROMA.       1640 — 1650.  417 

received  presents  from  him;  but  I  have  already  alluded  to  these  matters,  which 
are  of  some  importance  in  relation  to  the  government  of  Innocent,  as  they  led  to 
most  disoiistinfj^,  scandalous  scenes.  Cccchini  was  rejoiced  when  donna  Olympia 
was  finally  banished.  This  Work  was  written  about  the  commencement  of  1652, 
at  the  time  when  she  was  in  disgrace,  and  shortly  after  the  death  of  Panzirolo, 
who  died  in  November  1651. 

It  appears  to  me  tliat  a  completely  modern  style  pervades  this  work,  not  only 
in  its  opinions,  but  even  in  the  several  expressions,  familiar  in  the  daily  life  of 
Roman  prelates  of  the  present,  or  very  recent  times. 

122. 

Diurio  veridico  e  spassionato  della  citta  e  corte  di  Roma,  dove  si  legge  tutti  li  suc- 
cessi  de/la  suddetta  cilia  incuminciando  dal  prima  d'  Jli^osto  1640  Jinu  alT  ultimo 
deW  anno  1644,  nolato  e  scriitufedf.lmente  da  Deone  hura  Temi  Diu,  e  copiaio  dal 
proprio  originuk.  Ivformalt.  Fulitl.  Turn  XL,  to  the  end  of  1642.  Tom  XLVII, 
to  the  end  of  1644.  Tom.  XLU,  continuation,  from  1645—1647.  Tom  XLIII. 
1648—1650.     {Altogether  more  than  2000  leaves.) 

I  have  not  succeeded  in  finding  any  other  information  as  to  the  author  of  this 
very  voluminous  journal,  than  what  he  himself  occasionally  furnislies. 

It  appears  that  he  was  in  the  service  of  Spain,  and  was  employed  in  trans- 
acting the  business  of  the  Netherlands  with  Rome,  but  chiefly  with  the  dataria. 
I  should  rather  imagine  that  he  was  a  native  of  Spain  and  not  of  the  Nether- 
lands. During  the  carnival  he  translated  Spanish  comedies  into  Italian,  and 
had  them  acted  by  young  people  before  a  very  brilliant  com])any.  He  paid  a 
religious  veneration  to  the  Spanish  monarcliy,  to  which  he  belonged;  he  fre- 
quently speaks  of  the  "  sacred  monarchy,"  without  which  the  vessel  "of  St.  Peter 
would  soon  sink.  He  looked  upon  the  opponents  and  deserters  of  Spain  with 
the  most  vehement  and  unrestrained  hatred.  He  declares  that  the  Catalans,  who 
had  for  some  time  maintained  their  independence,  were  a  nation  of  barbarians: 
one  or  two  of  them  had  asked  some  office  in  the  dataria  but  he  declared  that  they 
must  first  become  good  servants  of  the  king.  With  still  less  patience  could  he 
bear  that  the  Portuguese  had  placed  a  king  of  their  own  nation  on  the  throne; 
his  book  is  full  of  invectives  against  them.  His  opinion  was  that  ail  the  Por- 
tuguese who  were  settled  in  Rome  were  inclined  towards  Judaism.  Bad  as  mat- 
ters were,  however,  he  did  not  despair.  He  yet  hoped  that,  during  his  time, 
Holland  would  again  tender  her  submission  to  the  king  of  Spain;  heresy  had 
its  period  of  success,  which  would  eventually  vanish.  He  was  the  most  fervent 
and  enthusiastic  believer  in  the  Spanish  monarchy. 

Every  fortnight  this  devoted  servant  of  Philip  IV  dictated  a  letter  or  report 
of  the  remarkable  events  occurring  under  his  eyes,  which  was  then  sent  to  one 
of  the  grandees  of  Spain.  They  were  originally  Avvisi,  (so  common  at  that 
time,)  which,  when  collected  together,  formed  a  journal. 

It  is  composed  precisely  in  tlie  spirit  natural  to  the  author.  The  predilection 
of  Urban  Vill  for  France,  and  the  general  tendency  of  his  politics  made  Deone 
look  upon  him  with  an  evil  eye.  Pope  Innocent  X,  on  the  other  hand,  who 
pursued  a  contrary  line  of  policy,  is  treated  far  more  favorably. 

No  point  is  left  untouched  by  this  author:  ecclesiastical  and  literary  matters; 
histories  of  the  diiferent  monastic  orders  and  of  the  court;  domestic  affairs,  and 
politics;  general  political  considerations  and  historical  accounts  of  cities;  all  are 
separately  discussed. 

When  we  examine  closely  into  the  source  of  his  informotion,  we  find  that  it 
was  chiefly  the  following.  It  was  the  custom  for  all  who  had  any  business  in 
the  palace  to  meet  on  appointed  days  in  the  antechamber  of  the  cardinal  nephew: 
general  conversation  took  place,  in  which  every  one  told  whatever  news  he  had 
heard:  there  could  be  nothing  worth  notice  which  was  not  discussed  there,  and 
as  far  as  I  can  discover  from  sundry  hints  here  given,  the  author  under  review 
collected  the  principal  part  of  his  materials  at  these  meetings. 

36* 


418  RELATIONE  DI  ROMA  DALl'  ALMADEN. 

He  goes  to  work  with  the  greatest  integrity,  and  endeavors  to  obtain  accurate 
inforniHtion;  he  frequently  adds  facts  which  had  been  omitted. 

He  also  occasionally  saw  the  pope,  the  cardinal  nephew,  and  the  most  influ- 
ential statesmen;  he  notes  down  most  carefully  what  he  learned  from  their  con- 
versation, which  occasionally  is  worthy  of  our  attention. 

It  cannot  be  affirmed  that  the  perusal  of  this  long  gossiping  work  is  very  in- 
teresting, but  we  learn  to  know  persons  and  things  as  if  they  were  before  our 
eyes,  so  often  and  in  such  various  characters  and  circumstances  do  they  appear. 

It  would  be  impossible  to  make  any  extract  which  would  give  a  sufficient  idea 
of  so  voluminous  a  work:  I  must  therefore  content  myself  with  those  passages 
to  which  I  have  already  referred. 

1.  "  Una  delle  piu  belle  memorie  di  questa  gia.  dominatrice  del  mondo  e  un 
monumento  antico  in  forma  rotonda  di  circonferenza  grandissima  e  di  bellissimo 
marmo  presso  a  San  Sebastiano  detto  Capo  di  hove.  II  Bernino,  statuario  fa- 
mosissimo  del  papa  per  suo  utile,  ha  posto  in  consideratione  di  fare  una  facciata 
sontuosa  all'  Acqua  Vergine  detta  di  Trevi:  ottenne  un  breve  di  poter  buttare  a 
terra  quella  machina  si  bella,  at  incomincio  a  metterlo  in  esecutione:  ma  fu  dal 
popolo  Romano  avvedutosene  impedito,  e  1'  opera  cessa  per  non  cagionare 
rumori. 

2.  "Martedi  mattina  tenne  concilio  generale  in  Campidoglio  il  popolo  Ro- 
mano, che  fu  numerosissimo  piii  die  mai,  atteso  che  vi  concorsero  molli  titolati, 
che  per  il  passato  non  mai  intervennero.  La  proposta  fu  che  sendo  il  popolo 
Romano  suppresso  dalle  gobelle  imposte  da  papa  Urbano  si  dovesse  suppl.icare. 
Sua  S'^  per  levare  almeno  la  gabella  della  macina,  tanto  piii  che  fu  imposta  fin 
che  durasse  la  guerraall'  horainpiedi,  la  quale  hoggieterminata.  Passoil  parito, 
e  furone  deputati  sei  gentilhuomini  Romani  peresporre  al  papa  la  pelitione  incon- 
tinente.  Comparve  i)on  Cesare  Colonna,  zio  del  principe  di  Gallicano,  il  quale 
dimando  udienza  da  popolo  Romano  da  parte  della  signora  Donna  Anna  Barber- 
ina.  Gli  fu  risposto  che  venisse,  e  postosi  alio  scabelletto  trasse  dal  seno  un 
memoriale,  dicendo  che  era  di  Donna  Anna  Colonna,  e  chiedeva  che  si  legesse. 
Fu  letto,  e  diceva  che  non  si  dovesse  mandare  al  papa  per  levar  gabelle  giuridi- 
che  e  con  legitima  causa  imposte  da  papa  Urbano,  il  cui  zelo  verso  la  giustitia 
e  meriti  che  ha  con  questa  citta  non  permetteno  che  si  rilratti  il  disposto  di  lui. 
Resto  ogn'  uno  moravigliato  da  simil  dimandita,  volente  impedire  il  sollevamento 
del  popolo:  ma  fu  pero  subito  penetrato  che  la  buona  signora  haveva  perinteso 
che  si  levarebbe  la  gabella  colli  beni  de'  Barberini.  Fu  risposto  al  Colonna  che '1 
senato  e  popolo  non  faceva  altro  che  esporre  alia  Sua  S'^  il  bisogno  della  citta. 
Questa  risposta  il  Colonna  porto  correndo  a  Donna  Anna,  che  stava  aspettando 

per  quest'  effetto  alia  chiesa  d'  Araceli Mercordi  il  cardinal  Colonna  ha- 

vendo  inteso  la  disorbitante  proposta  della  sorella,  mando  al  senato  Romano  a 
farli  sapere  ch'  egli  non  hebbe  in  quella  sciocchezza  parte  alcuna,  ma  che  era 
pronto  di  assistere  alia  giusta  petitione  del  popolo Venerdi  mattina  il  po- 
polo Romano  di  nuovo  convoco  consiglio  pieno,  e  fu  riferito  che  S.  S'^.s'  era 
contentato  di  levar  la  gabella  della  macina  con  1'  effecto  di  Don  Taddeo  Barber- 
ini, di  modo  che  fu  ben  divisato  la  pretensione  di  Donna  Anna  Barberina." 

123. 

Del  sfato  di  Roma  presenie.   {MS.  Vindob.  Fosc.  n,  147.)   Also  under  the  title  of 
Relalione  di  Roma  fatta  daW  Mmaden, 

I  cannot  state  positively  whether  this  refers  to  the  last  days  of  Urban  VIII, 
or  the  first  of  Innocent  X,  but  it  is  extremely  important  as  regards  the  internal 
affairs  of  Rome  during  that  period;  it  treats  of  the  Tiber  and  the  Anio,  the  in- 
crease of  the  aria  cattiva,  the  incomes  of  the  Romans,  pecuniary  matters  gene- 
rally, and  the  condition  of  the  several  families.  It  is  possible  that  this  little 
work  proceeds  from  the  author  of  the  Diario,  and  some  traces  lead  us  to  that 
supposition. 

However,  I  shall  not  make  large  extracts,  as,  if  I  do  not  mistake,  I  have  seen 


COMPENDIO  DA  GREGORIO  XIII  A  CLEMENTE  IX.  419 

an  old  printed  copy  in  the  possession  of  the  late  Fea.  I  shall,  therefore,  quote 
only  those  passajres  to  which  1  have  referred  in  the  text  at  page  189,  vol.  ii. 

"  Gregorio  XIII  considerando  che  quaniita  grande  di  danaro  usciva  da  Roma 
c  dallo  stato  per  prezzo  di  grani  cha  venivano  per  raare  da  Barberia  ed  altri 
luoghi,  spesse  volte  riscaldati  e  guasti,  e  tal  volta  non  giungevano  a  tempo  o  si 
restavano  affatto,  per  sostrarsi  da  lutti  qaesti  mancamenti,  fece  smacchiare  per 
molte  miglia  riducendo  la  campagna  a  coltura,  sicche  Roma  da  quel  tempo  di 
rado  ha  havuto  bisogno  di  grano  forestiero;  ed  il  buon  pontefice  Gregorio  ha 
conseguito  il  suo  intento:  ma  lo  smacchiare  ha  aperto  il  passo  a'  venti  cattivi, 
da  quali  nasce  ogni  intemperie,  che  cagiona  certo  morbo  chiamato  da  Alessandro 
da  Civita  medico,  trattando  de  morbi  de'  Romani,  capiplenium,  cosa  sopra  modo 
faslidiosa  e  piii  alii  forestieri  ch'  alii  nativi,  morbo  anco  cresciuto  dopo  la  con- 
datta  di  tanti  fonti,  dalli  quali  Roma,  sendo  bassa  et  umida  di  sua  positura,  vien 
resa  piu  umida  per  la  moltit\idine  dell'  acque  delle  fontane.  Siccome  Gregorio 
XIII  smacchio  la  campagna  sotto  Roma  verso  il  mare  grassa  ed  attissima  per 
la  coltivatione  del  grano,  cosi  Sisto  Quinto  smacchio  la  campagna  sopra  Roma 
meno  fertile,  per  terre  il  ricovero  a'  masnadieri  che  infestavano  le  strade,  e  ben 
riusciva  il  disegno,  perche  li  sradico  affatto." 

The  author  of  this  report  was  in  favor  of  this  proceeding  of  Sixtus  V,  because 
it  allowed  a  freer  passage  to  the  Tramontana:  but,  how  many  evils  were  after- 
wards imputed  to  the  Tramontana!    (Cancellieri  sopra  il  tarantismo  p.  88.) 

124. 

Compendio  delli  cast  piu  degni  e  memorandi  occorsi  nelli  pontijicati  da  Gregorio 
XIII  Jino  alia  creatione  di  Clemente  IX.     (50  leaves.) 

The  author  asserts  that  he  saw  the  clouds  which  hung  over  the  Quirinal  on 
the  death  of  Sixtus  V,  (August,  1590.)  It  is  evident,  as  the  work  comes  down 
to  the  year  1667,  that  it  cannot  be  the  work  of  one  author  only;  it  must  have  been 
continued  later  on  the  same  plan  as  it  had  been  commenced,  that  is,  as  a  collec- 
tion of  remarkable  Roman  events  and  anecdotes.  For  example,  we  read  how 
the  French  monks  in  Trinita  di  Monte  quarrelled  with  the  Calabrians  and  others, 
and  drove  them  out,  so  that  they  built  the  convent  of  Andrea  delle  Fratte,  which 
was  then  situated  among  gardens;  how  the  Jesuits  awakened  the  other  orders  to 
a  sense  of  their  duty;  the  miracles  which  were  worked,  and  notices  of  the  build- 
ings of  the  popes. 

There  is  however  much  worthy  of  remark,  for  example,  the  following  descrip- 
tion of  the  death  of  Bianca  Capello:  "  Volendo  la  granduchessa  di  Toscani, 
Bianca  Capelli,  avvelenare  il  card'  Ferdinando  suo  cognato  in  certa  confezione., 
il  G.D.  Francesco  suo  marito  ne  mangio  prima:  il  che  inteso  da  lei,  ne  mangio 
essa  ancora,  e  tutti  due  morirono  subito  et  il  card'  si  fece  granduca.". — Also  of 
the  dismissal  of  Cardinal  Clesel  from  Vienna,  which  the  Jesuit  confessor  of 
Ferdinand  II  would  never  consent  to:  "  Verospi  ebbe  un  giorno  commodita  d' 
essere  coll'  imp'''=  senza  il  Giesuita,  e  con  bella  maniera  fece  capace  1'  imp"^"  che 
non  poteva  ritenere  detto  card''=  e  solo  il  papa  esser  suo  vero  giudice,  e  talmente 
commosse  Cesare  che  lo  fece  piangere  e  glielo  fece  consignare." — It  likewise 
contains  traits  of  manners.  A  rich  prelate  inserts  in  his  will  a  clause  to  the 
effect  that  his  nephew  should  inherit  his  progerty  only  in  the  event  of  his  dying 
a  natural  death;  otherwise,  it  should  be  devoted  to  religious  purposes. — Duke 
Cesarini  never  paid  any  body,  until  preparations  were  made  for  putting  up  to 
auction  the  pledge  which  he  had  given. — One  of  the  Orsini  threatened  to  throw 
an  importunate  creditor  out  of  the  window;  the  creditor  begged  that  he  might 
be  allowed  first  to  confess  himself;  Orsino  answered  that  nobody  who  was  not 
confessed  ought  to  come  into  his  presence  ("  che  bisognava  venirci  confes- 
sato"). — A  conjuror  arrived  in  Rome  in  a  carriage  drawn  by  two  dogs;  people 
asserted  that  they  were  two  devils  who  bore  him  wherever  he  pleased;  the 
courier  from  Milan  maintained  that  he  had  left  him  in  Milan,  and  found  him  in 
Rome;  the  supposed  wizard  was  taken  and  executed. 


420  REMARKS  ON  THE  VITA  DI  DONNA  OLIMPIA. 

Had  these  things  been  recorded  by  a  man  of  a  higher  intellect,  they  would 
have  been  invaluable,  and  would  have  brought  before  us  times  and  manners, 
without  the  necessity  of  such  toilsome  study  as  that  of  the  diary  last  men- 
tioned. 


We  will  now  pass  on  to  the  writings  which  immediately  relate  to  Innocent  X. 

Remarks  upon  Gualdi,  Vita  di  Donna  Olimpia  Maidalchina,  1666. 

When  we  hear  that  Gregorio  Leti,  with  whom  we  are  pretty  well  acquainted, 
was  the  author  of  this  work,  it  becomes  scarcely  necessary  to  discuss  its  credi- 
bility; there  is  the  strongest  presumption  against  it. 

However,  as  a  French  translation  appeared  in  1770,  and  a  German  one  in 
1783,  and  the  German  author  Schrockh  considered  the  main  narrative  at  any  rate, 
authentic,  from  the  fact  of  its  never  having  been  contradicted,  it  will  not  be 
amiss  to  say  something  of  it  here;  especially  as  the  author  boldly  maintains  that 
he  will  relate  nothing  which  he  had  not  himself  seen,  or  of  wiiich  he  had  not 
the  most  accurate  information. 

At  the  very  commencement  he  adorns  his  work  with  the  following  tale:  he 
says  that  the  Maidalchini  family,  which  he  imagines  to  be  of  Roman  extraction, 
had  once  undertaken  a  pilgrimage  to  Loreto;  at  Borgheto  they  were  joined  by 
the  young  Pamfili,  who  fell  in  love  with  Donna  Olimpia,  the  daughter  of  the 
house,  and  married  her  on  their  return;  but  Olimpia  was  very  soon  on  more  in- 
timate terms  with  his  brother,  the  future  pope,  who  was  then  a  young  abbate, 
than  she  was  with  her  husband.  Upon  this  connection  the  influence  was 
founded,  which  donna  Olimpia  exercised  over  Innocent  X. 

We  may,  however,  assert  with  perfect  confidence  that  there  is  not  one  syllable 
of  truth  in  this  statement. 

The  Maidalchina  family  was  not  Roman,  but  came  from  Acquapendente. 
Donna  Olimpia  was  a  widow  on  her  marriage  with  Pamfili.  Paolo  Nini  of 
Viterbo,  the  last  of  his  race,  was  her  first  husband,  and,  as  she  was  his  heiress, 
a  large  inheritance  was  thus  brought  into  the  Pamfili  family;  upon  which,  and 
not  upon  this  imaginary  connection  with  the  pope,  the  authority  she  exercised 
in  the  family  was  founded.  When  the  marriage  took  place,  Innocent  X  was 
very  fir  from  being  a  young  abbate.  It  is  said  in  an  inscription  which  the 
head  of  the  house  has  placed  in  the  Villa  Maidalchina  at  Viterbo,  that  he  had 
ornamented  that  villa  in  1625,  before  his  sister  married  into  the  Pamfili  family. 

*'  Marchio  Andreas  Maidalchinus villam  banc  ante  nuptam  sororem  suam 

Olympiam  cum  Innocontii  X  germano  fratre extruxit  ornavitque  anno 

Domini  MDCXXX."  In  Bussi's  "Istoria  di  Viterbo,"  p.  332,  the  whole  in- 
scription is  quoted.  Probably  the  marriage  took  place  about  the  year  1626, 
when  Giambattista  Pamfili,  afterwards  Innocent  X,  was  already  54  years  old, 
had  ceased  to  be  an  abbate  20  years,  and  had  become  a  prelate.  At  that  very 
moment  also  he  was  employed  in  various  nuntiaturae:  and  if  we  can  draw  any 
conclusions  from  his  expressions.  Donna  Olimpia's  chief  merit  in  his  eyes  seems 
to  have  been  that  she  then,  as  at  a  later  period,  supplied  him  with  means  out  of 
her  own  fortune,  to  support  the  splendor  which  was  essential  to  his  rise  in  his 
profession.  The  whole  connection  which  subsisted  between  them  developed 
itself  agreeably  to  this  commencement;  as  Donna  Olimpia  had  assisted  the  pre- 
late, and  had  some  share  in  acquiring  for  him  the  papal  dignity,  she  wanted  to 
reap  the  benefits  of  it. 

We  can  discover  no  trace  of  undue  familiarity  existing  between  the  pope  and 
his  sister-in-law  in  this  diario,  which  details  the  minutest  actions  of  Donna  Olim- 
pia, and  reveals  all  the  secrets  of  the  papal  court. 

This  small  work  of  Leti  is  in  fact  a  novel,  spun  out  of  apocryphal  tales  and 
poetical  chimaeras. 


REL.  DI  IV  AMBASCIATORI.       1645.  421 

125. 

Relatione  degli  ambasciatori  eslraordinarj  a  Roma  al sommo  pontejice  Innncentio  X 
Fietro  Fuscarini  A''",  ZManne  Nani  A>  Pruc^,  Aluise  Mucenigo  I  fu  di  q.  Jlluise, 
e  Bertucci  Falter  A>      1645,  3  Ott. 

A  complete  chanoje  took  place  on  the  death  of  Urban.  The  French  did  not 
like  Innocent  X,  who  would  willingly  have  supported  the  emperor,  had  he  been 
able  so  to  do;  he  was  also  a  friend  to  the  Venetians.  It  is  possible  that  he  waver- 
ed in  his  policy,  from  natural  indecision  of  character.  The  delegates  therefore 
found  it  doubly  necessary  not  to  quarrel  with  him  from  private  considerations, 
and  not  to  forfeit  the  good-will  of  the  pope  for  the  sake  of  a  dissolute  monk. 

The  early  life  of  Innocent  X  is  thus  described. 

"Nasce  il  presente  somrno  pontefice  Innocentio  X,  chiamato  prima  Gio.  Batt. 
cardi>=  Pamfilio,  dellafamiglia  de'  Pamfilj  originata  gia  in  Ugubhiocittadello  stato 
d'  Urbino.     Questa  venne  habitare  in  lionia  sottoil  pontificato  d 'Innocentio  "VIII, 
si  apparento  con  le  prime  case  della  citta,  visse  sempre  in  molta  riputatione  et 
honorevolezza.     La  madre  di  S.  B^^  fu  della  famiglia  de'  marchesi  dal  Buffolo, 
nobile  e  principale,  della  quale  ne  fail  papa  hoggidi  molto  conto,  ritrovandosene 
piii  d'uno  al  suo  servitio  in  palazzo.     Fu  la  S'^  ISua  allevala  dal  card"=Gerolamo 
Pamfilio,  suo  zio  paterno,  che  visse  in  gran  concetto  e  fu  vicino  ad  esser  papa  e 
che  fu  fdtto  card'"  da  Cleniente  VIll,  mentre  si  trovava  auditor  decano  della  rota 
chiaro  per  la  virtu  et  innocenza  de'  suoi  costumi.     Si  trova  la  S'^  »Sua  in  eta  di 
72  anni,  di  statura  piu  che  ordinaria,  ben  proportionata,  maestosa  nella  persona, 
piena  di  grande  mansuetudiiie  e  benignita:  onde  sempre  che  esce  dalle  suestanze 
per  occasione  di  concistorj,  capelle  o  altre  occasioni,  da  prontamente  e  volenlieri 
audienza  a  tutti  di  ogni  conditione,  benche  poveri  e  miserabili  che  se  gli  fanno 
innanzi,  riceve  i  lor  memoriali,  e  con  molta  palienza  e  carita  procura  di  sollevare 
ognuno,  consolar  tutti  con  grande  acclamation  dei  sudditi  e  con  gran  differenza 
dal  pontificato  antecedente.     Fu  il  papa  prima  avvocato  concistoriale,  poi  auditor 
di  rota  eletto  da  Clemente  VIII.     Fu  da  Gregorio  XV,  mandate  noncio  a  Napoli 
e  da  Urbano  VIII,  impiegato  nelle  legationi  di  Franza  e  Spagna  del  card'  Bar- 
berino  con  titolo  di  datario,  fu  dallo  stesso  Urbano  eletto  patriarca  d'Antiochia, 
mandato  noncio  in  Spagna,  e  poi  promosso  al  cardinalato  li  9  Novembre  1627. 
Come  cardinale  e  stato  in  concetto  di  natura  severa,  inclinatoal  vigore,  puntuale 
nelle  cose  ecclesiastiche.     E'  stato  sempre  adoperato  in  tutte  le  congreo-ationi 
principali,  e  si  puo  dire  che  ha  esercitate  tutte  le  cariche  piu  principali  di'^Roma 
con  universale  sodisfattione,  havendo  nell'  animo  sno  fatta  sempre  particolar  sede 
la  modestia,  la  patienza,  1' integrita,  la  virtu,  la  mira  di  non  disgustare  alcuno, 
accarezzando  tutti  e  condonando  le  ingiurie.     Gode  una  buona  salute,  ha  com- 
plessione  assai  robusta,  va  sobrio  nel  cibo,  fa  volenlieri  esercilio,  assiste  alia 
capelle  et  altre   funtioni  con  gran  maesta,  e  fa  tutte  le  cose  ecclesiastiche  con 
pompa,  decoro,  particolar  godimento  suo  e  puntualila      Va  pesato  assai  in  tutti 
li  negotii  gravi,  vuol  tempo  ad  esaminarli  e  risolverli.    E'  stato  solito  nella  sua  pas- 
sata  fortunaandartardi  e  tardi  ievarsidalletto,  osservail  medesimo  stile  nel  ponti- 
ficato, onde  rare  volte  e  retirato  avanti  la  mezza  notte  ne  ievato  la  mattinaavanti 
qualche  hora  del  giorno.     Ha  nei  tempi  andati  fatta  molta  stima  dei  principi:  ha 
desiderate  le  loro  giuste  sodisfattioni:  si  dichiara  preservare  ne'  stessi  concetti, 
non  voler  esser  partiale  d'  alcuna  delle  due  corone,  ma  padre  universale  amorevole 
di  tutti:  si  risente  non  incontrar  bene  ne  con  1'  una  ne  con  1'  altra  di  esse  al  pre- 
sente, e  se  n'e  esalata  con  grande  con  grande  confidenza  piii  d'  una  volta  con  noi; 
crede  pero  che  ognuno  si  dolga  per  avvantaggiare  i  proprj  interessi,  non  perche 
ambedue  non  conoscano  la  necessita  della  sua  indipendenza,  e  come  che  sia  arnica 
della  pace  naturalmente  e  la  obblighi  a  questa  il  posto  di  pontefice  in  cuisi  trova 
constituito.     Va  nutrendosi  con  simili  concetti  ricevendo  a  grande  alimento  suo 
la  confidenza  con  la  Serenissima  Republica,  come  questa  con  1'  autorita,  consigli 
et  amor  suo  possa  esserle  del  maggior  presidio:  anzi  soggetto  di  grand'  eminenza 
e  della  maggior  confidenza  nostra  ha  confidato  ad  alcuno  di  noi,  forse  d'ordme 
della  S**  Sua,  la  intentione  ch'  ella  havrebbe  di  stringersi  con  1'  E.E.  V.V.  con 


422  REL.  DI  AL.  CONTARINI.       1648. 

particolare  alleanza,  qnando  credesse  incontrare  la  publica  dispositione:  sopradi 
che  con  termini  geiierali  ufficiosi  fu  risposto,  nessun  nodo  poter  maggiorinente 
lecrare  i  principi  clie  la  sincerila  e  corrispondenza  de'  cuori  e  la  unifonuila  de'  fini 
et  interessi." 

126. 

Relatione  deW  amhasciatore  Veneto  Jlluise  Contarini  fntta  al  senato  dcipo  il  ritorno 
della  sua  arnbasceria  appresso  Innocentto  X.  1648.     (22  leaves.^ 

The  reign  of  this  pontiff  too  by  no  means  turned  out  so  advantageous  to  his 
subjects  as  was  expected.  Ahiise  Contarini,  the  son  of  Niccolo — the  former 
Aluise  was  a  son  of  Tommaso — added  some  far  less  favorable  passages  to  the 
first  and  more  honorable  report. 

In  his  youtli  Innocent  had  preferred  knightly  exercises  and  the  pleasures  of 
love  ("  passatempi  amorevoli")  to  study:  during  his  nuntiatura  in  France  he  had 
gained  but  little  respect,  and  acquired  the  nickname  of  "  Monsignor  ll-can't-be" 
(Monsignor  Non-si-puol),  on  account  of  his  perpetual  refusals:  in  Spain,  on  the 
contrary,  he  was  considered  a  wise  man,  from  his  paucity  of  words. 

If  we  ask,  What  made  him  pope"?  Answer,  three  things:— that  he  talked  little, 
dissembled  a  good  deal,  and  did  nothing.  "  Da  corteggiani  fu  detto  che  tre  cose 
1'  avevano  fatlo  papa,  il  parlar  poco,  simulare  assai  e  non  for  nienle." 

*'  Si  fa  conoscere  hora  poco  inclinato  alle  gralie,  delicato  e  vetriolo,  (}.)  ... 
riputato  da  tulti  d'  ingegno  tardo  nell'  apprendere  e  poco  capace  di  gran  machine, 
ma  oslinalo  nell'  apprensioni:...  proCuradi  non  farsi  conoscere  partiale  di  alcuna 
corona:"...  He  was  a  friend  to  quiet  and  justice,  was  not  bloodthirsty,  and  was 
a  good  economist. 

The  intimate  society  of  the  pope  was  made  np  of  the  following  persons:  donna 
Olimpia,  who  was  dear  to  him  because  she  brought  a  large  portion  into  the  fami- 
ly, and  assisted  him  with  it; — "donna  d'  ingegno  e  spirito  virile,  solo  si  fa 
conoscere  donna  per  la  superbia  e  1'  avaritia:  Fancirolo, — "di  tratti  manierosi, 
d'  ino-ecrno  vivace,  cortese  di  viso  e  di  parole:"  Capponi — "a  bocca  ridente 
ricuopre  la  sua  malitiosa  industria:"  Spada, — "  si  pavoneggia  delli  suoi  stimabili 
talenti."  It  is  evident  that  the  author  of  this  report  does  not  express  himself  in 
very  respectful  terms.  The  want  of  a  nephew  was  doubly  felt,  owing  to  the 
character  of  the  pope. 

Some  hints  are  given  of  the  pope's  mode  of  government.  "  Tra  li  corteggiani 
si  suol  dire  che  chi  tratta  col  papa  d'  alcuno  affare,  nelle  prime  audienze  lo  reputa 
quasi  perfettionato,  nella  seconda  conosce  esser  totalmente  da  farsi,  e  nella  terza 
si  scuopre  con  stupore  sconcluso.  . . .  Crede  disprezzabile  quel  prineipe  che  non 
conserva  appresso  di  se  un  buon  numero  di  contanti  da  valersene  in  un'  urgente 
bisoo-no.  Per  non  spendere  si  contenta  di  soffrire  dell'  avversa  fortuna  ogni  piii 
opprobrioso  strapazzo....  Trovandosi  1'  annata  di  Roma  spogliata  di  quelli  as- 
segnamenti  de'  quali  si  valse  in  altri  tempi,  come  propriiper  essere  stati  dissipati 
nella  guerra  Barberina,  Sua  S*''  conoscendo  1'  annata  presente  penuriosa  di  grano 
ha  pill  volte  assegnato  di  esser  pronto  di  sovvenirla  di  grossa  somma  di  colanti; 
ma  ripugnando  la  sua  nalura  alio  sborso;  ha  cercato  aggiustarlo  in  altra  forma, 
sebene  non  a  sufRcienza....Tutte  !e  communita  si  trovano  talmente  esauste  e 
ruinate  per  cagione  della  guerra  Barberina  che  gl'  e  impossibile  giammai  risor- 
gere  e  rihaversi....  Particolare  entrata  del  papa  di  800  m.  scudi  consistente  negli 
emolumenti  delle  componende  della  dataria  e  nelle  vacabilita  degli  officii  di 
quella  e  della  cancelleria,  come  ancora  di  una  sorte  di  monti  vacabili  dell'  audi- 
tore  e  tesoriere  di  camera,  chiericati  di  essa,  et  altri  simili  officii,  di  tutla  questa 
somma,  che  entra  nella  borsa  secreta  e  non  nella  publica,  ne  e  assoluto  patrons 
S.  S**;  protendone  disporre  al  suo  arbitrio  e  donarla  a  chi  piu  li  piace  senza 
temere  che  siano  richieste  dal  successore."  His  buildings  on  the  capitol,  St. 
Peter's  and  the  Lateran:  "...  in  cui  rinnovandosicon  nuovomodellole tre  navate 
della  chiesa,  rimane  nel  suo  essere  1'  adornamento  di  quel  vago  e  ben  inteso 


GIUSTINIANI,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1652,  423 

soffitto," — in  the  Piazza  Navona:  "  con  il  gettato  di  alcune  case  per  la  parte  di 
S.  Giacomo  de'  Spagnuoli  restando  in  quadro  la  piazza." 

We  perceive  that,  notwithstanding  the  bad  impression  v/hich  the  court  pro- 
duced upon  Contarini,  he  was  on  the  whole  impartial  and  instructive. 

127. 

Memoriale  presentafo  alia  S^'^  di  iV.  5'"'  papa  Innoccnzo  X  dai  dcputati  delta  cilia 
di  Fermoper  il  lumullo  ivi  seguito  alii  G  di  Luglio  1648. 

In  Mnjolino  Bissaccioni's  "  Historia  dello  guerre  civili  di  questi  ultirni  tempi, 
Ven.  16G4,"  we  find,  as  has  been  already  remarked,  in  the  midst  of  the  most 
important  events,  classed  with  the  histories  of  Charles  1  and  Cromwell,  and  the 
revolutions  in  Portugal  and  Catalonia,  a  "  Historia  della  guerra  civile  di  Fermo," 
that  is,  the  history  of  a  riot,  in  which  the  papal  governor,  Visconti,  was  killed. 

We  have  here  the  memorial  with  which  two  delegates,  Lorenzo  Nobile  and 
Lucio  Guerrieri,  appeared  before  the  pope,  to  entreat  his  pardon  for  this  offence. 

According  to  their  representation,  which  is  far  more  authentic  and  descriptive 
than  that  of  Bisaccioni,  and  gives  us  a  glimpse  of  the  interior  of  the  cities  of 
that  period,  the  harvest  had  failed,  and  bread  was  unusually  dear;  notwithstand- 
ing which,  the  Governor  wanted  to  export  corn  from  the  province  of  Fermo. — 
He  was  not  to  be  deterred  by  any  warning.  With  his  carbine  at  his  side  and  his 
pistols  on  the  table,  he  declared  that  he  would  rather  die  as  became  a  governor 
and  a  soldier,  than  give  way.  He  dissolved  the  consiglio,  to  which  delegates 
from  the  neighboring  castles  had  come,  and  called  together  his  troops.  But 
these  his  troops  "  came  from  the  fields  they  had  reaped,  and  from  the  barns  in 
which  they  had  thrashed;"  they  knew  the  scarcity  which  threatened  the  coun- 
try, and  instead  of  opposing  the  excited  populace,  took  iheir  part.  The  governor 
found  himself  obliged  to  give  way,  in  spite  of  his  bravadoes,  and  to  allow  the 
corn  to  remain  within  the  territory  of  Fermo. 

But  quiet  was  scarcely  restored  in  the  city,  when  some  Corsican  militia,  who 
had  been  called  out  by  the  governor,  appeared  at  the  gates;  the  inhabitants  would 
not  believe  but  that  Visconti  wished  to  carry  his  measures  into  execution  with 
their  assistance.  A  riot  ensued:  the  mob  cried,  "  We  are  betrayed;"  "To 
arms!"  the  bells  were  rung,  the  palace  was  stormed,  and  the  governor  killed. 

The  delegates  assured  the  pope  of  their  fidelity,  and  lamented  the  event  which 
had  occurred — at  which  the  nobles  were  peculiarly  distressed  ("  di  vedere, 
senza  polervi  rimediare,  da  persone  del  popolo  ucciso  il  prelato  di  V"^  S'*  datogli 
per  suo  governo.") 

128. 

Relatione  della  corte  di  Boma  del  cav^^  Giustiniani  data  in  senato  r  anno  1652. — 
{Cupy  in  the  Magliahechiana  at  Florence,  24,  65.) 

Under  Innocent  too,  admiration  and  expectation  soon  gave  place,  first  to  doubt 
and  discontent,  and  then  to  complaint  and  execration. 

Zuan  Zustinian  (for  this  is  the  Venetian  way  of  writing  and  speaking  the 
name)  came,  after  many  other  embassies,  from  Vienna  to  Rome,  and  resided 
there  from  1648  to  1651.  His  despatches  are  filled  with  the  events  of  those 
years,  and  his  report  refers  to  them. 

The  description  lie  gives  of  the  court  is  not  very  encouraging. 

What  good  qualities  the  pope  possessed,  he  says,  profited  the  city  of  Rome, 
or  at  the  utmost,  the  territories  of  the  church;  his  evil  qualities  were  injurious 
to  all  Christendom.  Even  in  the  States  of  the  Church,  however,  the  remission 
of  the  severest  punishments  for  money,  was  a  great  evil.  "  Mi  si  afferma  per 
massima  indubitata  che  in  sette  annidi  pontificato  habbia  estratto  dalle  composi- 
tion! di  persone  processate  come  ree  il  valore  di  1200  m.  scudi,  che  s'  accosta  a 
due  milioni  di  ducati."  The  influence  exercised  by  donna  Olympia  Maidal- 
china  is  represented  here  as  a  sort  of  public  calamity.     "  Donna  di  gran  spirito, 


424  PESARO,  CONTARINI,  VALIERO,  SAGREDO, 

prepotente  per  solo  litolo  di  esatta  economia.  Se  vacavano  ofRcj  nella  corte, 
niente  si  deliberaha  senza  il  beneplacito  di  lei:  se  vi  erano  beneficj  da  distri- 
biiire,  i  ministri  della  dataria  tenevano  ordine  di  trattenere  ogni  spedizione  sin- 
che  datagli  notizia  della  qualita  delle  vacanze  scegliesse  a  sua  disposizione  cio 
che  pill  tenesse  di  ofusto:  se  vi  erano  chiese  episcopali  da  provedere,  ad  essa 
ricorrevano  i  pretendenti:  e  quello  che  rendeva  nausea  a  tutti  gli  uomini  onorati, 
era  il  vedere  che  erano  pret'erili  quelli  che  piu  allargavano  lamano  a  donativi." 

Thus  he  proceeds;  but  I  am  not  quite  certain  that  the  report  is  genuine.  It 
does  not  exist  in  the  Venetian  archives:  in  the  Magliabechiana  at  Florence, 
there  are  two  copies,  which  however  do  not  agree  on  all  points. — I  have  kept  to 
the  most  moderato  of  the  two. 

Luckily  it  was  not  necessary  to  resort  to  this  report,  as  the  diary  and  notices 
given  by  Pallavicini,  in  his  life  of  Alexander  VII,  afforded  me  far  better  infor- 
mation. 

129. 

Relatione  deW  ambasceria  estranrdinariafatta  in  Roma  alia  St"-  di  N.  S^^  ^lessan- 
dro  VII  degli  Ecc^"'  SS''^  Pesaro,  Cuntarini,  Valiero  e  Sagredo  per  rendere  a 
noma  della  Ser™'^  Republica  di  Venetiu  la  solita  obcdiefiza  al  sommo  pontejice  P 
anno  1656. 

The  same  Pesaro,  during  whose  mission  the  quarrel  between  Urban  VIII  and 
the  republic  of  Venice  occurred,  and  who  afterwards  was  considered  as  a  decided 
enemy  of  the  clergy,  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  delegates  sent  to  wish  that 
pope  joy  of  his  accession,  and  was  charged  by  them  to  draw  up  their  report; 
whether  it  be  that  his  opinions  were  from  the  first,  as  he  asserts,  very  moderate, 
or  that  the  years  whicii  had  elapsed  since  that  time  had  wrought  a  change  ia 
him,  his  report  is  certainly  very  judicious,  unprejudiced,  and  instructive. 

He  had  before  expressed  himself  dissatisfied  with  the  government  of  Innocent 
X,  but  not  in  such  strong  terms  of  reprobation  as  others.  "  Oltre  la  cupidita  in- 
satiabile  ch'  e  regnata  in  quella  casa,  vi  si  e  aggionto  che  essendo  raancato  di 
ministri  valevoli  al  sostentamento  di  cosi  gran  principato,  non  havendo  luogo 
nell'  animo  suspicace  di  quel  pontefice  la  fede  di  chi  si  sia,  ogni  cosa  per  lo  piii 
si  regolava  secondo  gli  appetiti  immoderati  di  una  donna,  che  ha  aperto  largo 
campo  alle  penne  satiriche  di  fare  comparire  i  disordini  di  quel  governo  mag- 
giori  ancora  di  quel  che  in  fatti  si  fossero." 

However  little  this  may  sound  like  a  eulogy,  yet,  as  we  have  just  said,  when 
compared  with  the  violent  declamations  of  others,  it  seems  a  mild  judgment. 

But  the  new  pope,  Alexander  VII,  forms  the  most  prominent  subject  of  his 
report. 

Pesaro  states  this  fact,  of  which  the  rest  of  the  world  were  convinced;  that 
the  opinion  entertained  of  the  virtues  of  Fabio  Chigi,  and  the  fame  of  his  nun- 
tiatura,  had  been  the  cause  of  his  advancement — although,  in  reality,  the  Medici 
saw  unwillingly  the  rise  of  one  of  their  own  subjects.  "  Piu  sanla  elettione  non 
si  poteva  aspettare  da  un  senato  di  soggetti  che  per  quanto  havessero  distrattala 
volonta  da  mondani  interessi,  non  ])otevano  di  meno  di  non  lasciarsi  in  fine  gui- 
dare  da  quel  spirito  santo  che  essi  presumono  assistere  ad  un'  attione  di  tanta 
rilevanza." 

He  sketches  his  rise,  and  the  general  character  of  his  early  proceedings:  "he 
appeared  to  know  little  of  financial,  but  much  more  of  ecclesiastical  affairs,  and 
was  not  very  tenacious  of  his  own  opinions:"  he  also  describes  his  courtiers 
and  dependents,  but  upon  them  it  is  not  necessary  to  dwell,  since  affairs  very 
soon  took  a  different  turn  from  what  had  been  expected. 

"Troppo  per  tempo  parmi,"  says  Pesaro,  "  che  il  mondocanonizzi  questi  sen- 
timenti  del  papa,  e  che  per  fame  piu  accertato  giudizio  faccia  di  mestiere  osser- 
varsi  quanto  con  il  tratto  del  tempo  si  sia  per  mostrarsi  costante  nel  resistere 
alle  mantellate  dell'  affetto."     Even  at  that  time,  so  many  representations  were 


RELATIONE  DI  ROMA.       1656.  425 

made  to  the  pope  from  all  quarters,  that  it  seemed  as  if  his  firmness  must  needs 
be  shaken. 

This  mission,  however,  was  not  only  one  of  congratulation;  its  far  more  im- 
portant object  was  to  petition  the  Roman  court  for  assistance  in  the  war  of 
Candia. 

The  delegates  relate  what  exertions  were  made  by  Venice  to  withstand  the 
enemy,  and  more  particularly  to  defray  the  immediate  expenses  of  the  war; 
loans  at  a  heavy  rate  of  interest,  payable  for  life  or  for  ever;  sales  of  allodial  or 
feudal  properly;  extension  of  the  dignities  of  the  state,  which,  until  then,  had 
been  restricted  to  a  narrow  circle;  nay,  even  the  admission  of  a  larger  number 
into  the  body  of  the  Venetian  nobility — a  distinction  the  more  prized,  the  less 
common  it  was.  Now,  however,  their  resources  were  completely  exhausted; 
there  was  nothing  to  be  hoped  from  the  other  potentates  of  Christendom,  who 
were  engaged  in  hostilities  with  each  other;  their  only  refuge  was,  therefore,  the 
Roman  see. 

The  pope  listened  to  them  with  considerable  demonstrations  of  interest,  and 
replied  by  a  brilliant  eulogium  on  the  rep<iblic,  which  opposed  the  fury  of  the 
barbarians,  not  only  with  steel,  but  with  gold;  but  as  to  the  main  object  of  their 
mission,  he  declared  he  was  without  the  means  of  assisting  them.  The  papal 
treasury  was  so  exhausted,  that  he  was  even  at  a  loss  how  to  provide  Rome 
with  bread. 

The  delegates  did  not  give  np  their  point,  but  represented  to  the  pope  that  the 
urgency  of  the  danger  would  justify  him  in  seizing  upon  the  old  treasure  laid  up 
by  Sixtus  V;  "  prima  che  1' urgenza  degli  accidenti  che  possono  sopravenire, 
maggiormente  stringa  e  per  sostentamento  della  religione  e  per  sicurezza  del 
proprio  dominio  ecclesiastico;"  a  great  impression  was  made  upon  the  pope  by 
the  representation,  that  the  audacity  of  the  enemy  would  be  increased,  when  he 
saw  that  even  a  new  pope  refused  the  succor  of  which  Venice  stood  so  much  in 
need.  Alexander  saw  that  something  must  be  done;  he  proposed  a  confiscation 
of  church  property. 

It  is  most  remarkable  that  the  Roman  court  should  have  been  the  first  to  pro- 
pose measures  of  this  character.  Innocent  X  had  already  suggested  to  the  Ve- 
netians the  abolition  of  two  orders,  that  of  the  Canonici  di  S.  Spirito,  and  of  the 
Cruciferi:  he  had  a  plan  of  founding  secular  canonicates  with  their  funds.  But 
the  Venetians  feared  that  the  court  of  Rome  would  assume  to  itself  the  nomi- 
nation to  them,  and  besides  they  regarded  these  institutions  as  affording  a  pro- 
vision for  their  poor  nobili.     This  proposition  Alexander  now  repeated. 

"II  papa  postosi  in  atto  di  volerci  rappresentare  cosa  di  nostro  soUievo,  prese 
a  dire  che,  da  qualche  tempo  in  qua  essendosi  dalla  sede  apostolica  fatto  riflesso 
non  meno  all'  abondanza  che  alia  superfluita  degl'  instituti  religiosi,  haveva 
trovato  che  alcuni  di  essi  degenerando  dalla  primiera  intentione  de'  loro  fonda- 
tori  erano  trascorsi  in  una  total  rilassatione  di  costumi;  che  compliva  non  meno 
al  servitio  della  chiesa  che  de  medesimi  secolari  il  pigliare  quegli  espedienti  che 
sogliono  usare  gli  accorti  agricoltori  quando  vedono  in  modo  lussuriar  la  vite 
che  la  copia  de  rampolli  serve  piu  tosto  ad  isterilirla  che  a  renderla  piii  frutti- 
fera:  che  a  cio  s'  era  dato  in  qualche  parte  principio  con  la  soppressione  di  alcune 
religioni,  ma  che  cio  non  bastava,  conoscendosi  in  tutto  necessario  restringer 
questo  gran  numero  a  quel  solamente  che  ritengono  o  che  meglio  possono  ridursi 
a  ritenere  la  prima  forma  della  loro  institutione;  che  per  farsi  strada  a  cio  s'  era 
soppresso  un  numero  grande  di  conventini  piccioli  ove  con  minor  riguardo  si 
rallentava  il  freno  alia  ritiratezza  regolare,  c  chi  si  persisteva  nel  primo  pensiero 
di  procedere  alia  finale  abolitione  d'  alcuni  altri  ordini  che  con  il  loro  licentioso 
modo  di  vivere  riempivano  il  mondo  anzi  di  scandoli  e  di  m.ormorationi  che  di 
buon  esempio  e  di  edificatione,  ma  che  si  camminava  lentamente,  perche  in  ne- 
gotio  di  tal  rilevanza  s'  haverebbe  voluto  ineontrare  anche  nella  sodisfattione  de 
principi,  i  quali,  non  ben  esaminati  i  veri  motivi  che  inducevano  la  sede  aposto- 
lica in  questa  risolutione,  havevano  dato  segno  di  qualche  repugnanza  all'  esecu- 
tione  de  brevi  ponteficii:  ma  che  sperandosi  ad  ogni  modo  che  in  fine  havesse 
VOL.  II. — 37 


426  PESARO,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1656. 

ogn'  uno  a  dar  mano  al  proseguimento  di  cosi  ben  ponderata  risolutione,  li  met- 
teva  intanto  in  consideratione  alia  Serenissima  Republica  che  abondando  il  do- 
minio  Veneto  di  questa  qualita  di  religioni,  s'  apriva  un  modo  facile  che  venisse 
dato  luoga  alia  retta  intentione  di  chi  ha  la  suprema  direttione  degli  affari  eccle- 
siastici  et  insieme  a  poter  somministrare  un  considerabile  ajuto  in  soccorso  della 
presente  guerra  contro  gl'  infideli:  che  nessuno  meglio  di  noi  poteva  sapere  a 
che  eslremila  di  dissolulezza  e  di  scandoli  siano  gionti  li  canonici  di  San  Spirito 
di  Venezia,  essendosi  la  Serenissima  Republica  veduta  in  necesita  di  matter 
freno  alle  scorretioni  di  quel  convento,  che  non  contento  d'  haver  postergata  ogni 
osservanza  regolare  abusava  anco  si  sconciamente  delle  richezze  che  liavereb- 
bono  potuto  servire  a  comodi  alimenti  di  un  numero  quintuplicatamente  mag- 
giore  di  religiosi,  che  sempre  grossamente  si  trovava  indebitato:  che  il  simile  si 
poteva  dire  de'  Cruciferi,  ne'  quali  apena  si  discerneva  vestigio  di  vita  claustrale: 
che  per  tanto  anteponeva  che  procedendosi  alia  soppressione  di  queste  due  reli- 
gioni, s'  haverebbe  potuto  andar  pensando  al  mode  di  passare  alia  vendita  de' 
beni  da  esse  possessi,  et  il  ritratto  si  convertisse  in  sostentamento  di  questa 
guerra,  giacche  era  diretta  contro  il  nemico  fierissimo  del  nome  Christiano. 

This  time  it  appeared  to  the  delegates  that  such  a  project  was  not  to  be  re- 
jected. They  calculated  what  a  large  capital  would  accrue  from  these  sales, 
compared  with  the  small  interest,  which  moreover  would  soon  fall  in;  and  the 
advantageous  effect  which  the  secularisation  of  such  a  large  property  would 
have  on  the  condition  of  the  country.  Their  views  of  a  measure  which  was 
then  unprecedented,  and  which  afterwards  became  universal,  are  worthy  of  ob- 
servation. 

"  In  realta  fatti  anche  congrui  assegnamenti  a'  frati  esclusi  per  il  loro  vivere, 
che  non  aseenderanno  mai  fra  1'  una  e  1'  altra  religione  10  m.  ducati  all'  anno, 
se  de'  loro  beni  ascendent!  alia  summa  di  26  m.  ducati  se  ne  ritrarranno  600 
mila  nella  vendita,  come  verisilmente  si  puo  credere,  non  sentira  il  publico 
maggiore  interesse  di  due  per  cento  vitalitii  e  qualche  cosa  meno:  et  ogni  altro 
motivo  altre  volte  portato  in  dissuasione  di  negotio  simile  va  per  bene,  supposti 
gli  alimenti  che  annualmente  si  presteranno  a  superstiti:  e  cosi  smembrandosi 
dall'  ordine  ecclesiastico  questa  grossa  somma  di  portione  di  fondi  coUocati  ne' 
migliori  sili  di  questo  dominio,  vengono  li  laici  a  rimettere  in  possesso,  senza 
far  torto  alia  pieta  quella  anime  grandi  che  hebbero  cuore  di  spropriare  le  de- 
scendenze  loro  di  cosi  opulenti  patrimonii,  per  fondare  e  stabilire  in  questo  state 
la  religione;  che  se  hora  veder  potessero  quanto  ella  sia  ben  radicata;  altra  in- 
terpretatione  non  darebbono  a'  loro  sentimenti  se  non  che  se  gli  fo  grato  di  esser 
fondatori  di  tanti  monasteri  per  ricovero  di  persone  sacre,  niente  meno  godereb- 
bono  che  1'  istesse  ricchezze,  giache  sovrabondano,  si  convertissero  in  propulsare 
1'  impieta  minacciante  la  distruttione  di  quella  pieta  che  con  le  proprie  sostanze 
cercarono  di  proraovere." 

After  the  affairs  of  Venice,  which  indeed  were  then  of  the  highest  importance, 
the  general  affairs  of  Europe  are  discussed. 

The  undertakings  of  Charles  X  Guslavus  created  the  greatest  sensation  in 
Rome,  and  money  was  collected  for  the  support  of  king  Casimir. 

But  a  far  more  distressing  thing  to  the  court  of  Rome  was,  that  the  French 
not  only  appeared  disinclined  to  conclude  a  peace  with  Spain,  but  that  Mazarin 
even  allied  himself  with  England — a  cardinal  with  protestants — the  Most 
Christian  monarchy  with  an  usurper  who  had  ejected  the  lawful  prince; — and 
that  this  was  done  without  any  necessity,  without  even  the  motive  of  imminent 
danger. 

But,  for  these  troubles,  the  pope  would  have  turned  his  whole  attention  to  the 
restoration  of  Catholicism  in  Germany,  where  he  personally  enjoyed  so  much 
popularity.     The  conversion  of  the  queen  of  Sweden  excited  all  his  hopes. 

The  ambassadors  saw  the  splendid  preparations  made  for  the  reception  of  this 
queen.  They  cannot  quite  approve  the  wandering  life  she  led,  (''fuori  forse 
della  convenienza  dell'  eta  e  dello  state  virginale,"  as  they  modestly  express 
it,)  but  they  do  full  justice  to  the  vigor  and  boldness  of  her  resolution. 


PALLAVICINI,  VITA  DI  ALESSANDRO  VII.  427 

"Ecco  in  compendio  cio  che  ci  e  parso  di  poter  riferire,"  says  Pesaro  at  this 
point. 

To  this  conclusion  he  only  adds  the  good  advice,  to  maintain  the  best  possible 
understanding  with  the  pope. 

The  pope  had  spoken  at  length  of  the  gratification  it  would  afford  him  if  the 
Jesuits  were  received  again  into  Venice  at  his  request.  The  ambassador  is  of 
opinion  that  this  point  should  be  conceded.  "  Parmi  che  sia  gionto  il  tempo  di 
decidere  se  s'  habbia  a  dar  luogo  a  qucsto  regresso,  o  pure,  per  non  haver  di 
quando  in  quando  ad  urtare  per  questa  causa  in  male  sodisfattione  con  i  ponte- 

fici,  s'  habbia  da  imporvi  perpetuo  silentio A  sodisfare  intorno  a  cio  al 

desiderio  del  papa  par  che  possa  esser  motivo  il  conoscersi  che  essendo  questi 
huomini  grandi  istromenti  a  sostenere  le  ragioni  della  chiesa,  i  papi  pro  tempore 
rinnoveranno  le  medesime  istanze,  le  quali  rejette  daranno  ne'  principj  de  ponti- 
ficati  materia  a  male  sodisfattioni." 

130. 

F'ita,  attioni  et  operationi  di  Alessandro  VII,  opera  del  d  Pallavicini,     2  vols.foL 

{Bibl.  Cars.) 

In  the  Barberini  library  at  Rome,  a  MS.  was  one  day  put  into  my  hands,  with 
the  title  "  Alexandri  VII  de  vita  propria  liber  primus  et  tertius  cum  fragmentis 
libri  secundi;"  a  volume  containing  about  300  pages,  as  full  of  corrections  as  it 
is  possible  for  a  manuscript  to  be,  but  by  an  unfortunate  accident,  in  uiter  con- 
fusion. The  binder  had  arranged  the  sheets,  which  were  intended  to  be  read 
separately,  together  in  quinterns.     It  was  almost  impossible  to  decipher  it. 

It  begins,  "Res  suo  tempore  gestas  Uteris  commendare,  quamvis  et  nunc  et 
olim  usitatum,  plerisque  tamen  eo  nomine  minus  probaturquod  arduum  scriptori 
sit  procul  habere  spem  metum,  amorem,  odium  animi,  nubes  qua;  historiam, 
lucem  veritatis,  infuscant."  Wherever  I  opened  the  book,  I  found  interesting 
information,  derived  from  authentic  sources,  concerning  Alexander's  youth,  the 
summons  of  his  nephews  to  Rome,  the  arrival  of  Christina: — could  it  be  possible 
that  the  pope,  when  occupied  with  the  business  of  the  highest  spiritual  power, 
should  still  find  time  to  write  his  life,  and  to  correct  the  style  with  so  much  care 
and  industry] 

It  was  soon  clear,  that  in  spite  of  the  title,  this  could  not  be  the  case. 

Amongst  other  things,  the  author  states  that  he  was  enabled  to  write  this 
work  by  his  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  pope.  "  Fortunae  obsecundantis 
beneficium  fuit  ut  cum  hoc  principe  inferiores  gradus  obtinente  singularis  inter- 
cesserit  mihi  animorum  consensio  et  mutua  turn  ore  turn  Uteris  consiliorum  com- 
municatio." 

The  question  arose — who  this  intimate  friend  and  indeed  confidant  of  Alexan- 
der's could  have  been. 

Muratori  relates,  at  the  date  1656,  that  at  the  commencement  of  Alexander's 
reign,  when  he  raised  such  splendid  hopes,  the  Jesuit  Pallavicini  had  begun  to 
write  the  life  of  that  pope;  but  that  after  the  arrival  of  the  nephews  and  the 
changes  that  ensued,  he  had  abandoned  the  undertaking.  Pallavicini  certainly 
was  personally  intimate  with  Alexander  VII;  at  the  beginning  of  his  pontificate 
he  saw  him  daily;  it  thus  appeared  possible  that  this  fragment  might  be  the 
work  of  Pallavicini. 

After  some  fresh  researches,  the  biography  of  Alexander  VII,  attributed  to 
cardinal  Pallavicini,  was  found  in  the  same  library;  it  was,  it  is  true,  written  in 
Italian — but  the  affair  was  worth  the  trouble  of  collation. 

On  comparing  them,  it  immediately  appeared  that  the  Latin  and  the  Italian 
were  the  same.  The  first  sentence  began:  "  E'  opinione  di  molti  che  non  si 
debba  scrivere  historic  se  non  delle  cose  antiche,  intorno  alle  quali  la  speranza  e 
la  paura,  1'  amore  e  l'  odio  verso  le  persone  commemorate  non  habbian  luogo  ne 
possono  infoscare  la  verita."  The  other  passage  I  quoted  is  in  Italian:  "  Im- 
peroche  ra'  e  toccato  a  sorte  d'  haber  con  questo  principe  nella  sua  minor  fortuna 


428  PALLAVICINI,  VITA  DI  ALESSANDRO  VII. 

una  singolare  e  corrispondenza  d'  affetto  e  confidenza  di  communicationi  hor  con 
la  lingua  hor  con  la  penna  per  lo  spatio  gia  di  30  anni." 

It  goes  on  in  the  same  manner.  The  Latin  copy  was  manifestly  a  transla- 
tion of  the  Italian,  rather  freely  rendered,  with  a  slight  shade  of  diflference  in 
the  tone  of  thought. 

Unfortunately,  however,  the  resemblance  proved  greater  than  I  wished;  for  as 
the  Latin  copy  was,  as  its  title  announced,  a  fragment,  so  also  the  Italian  was 
in  a  most  fragmentary  condition.  After  some  account  of  his  early  youth,  the 
narrative  went  at  once  to  the  election  of  Alexander  and  the  first  actions  of  his 
pontificate. 

An  abortive  search,  however,  only  stimulates  one's  curiosity  and  eagerness: 
I  made  inquiries  every  where,  and  found  another  copy  in  the  Albani  library, 
likewise  in  a  fragmentary  state.  I  now  thought  I  must  rest  satisfied  with  this, 
as  in  an  anonymous  life  of  Pallavicini  I  found  mention  only  of  the  fragment  of 
this  history  with  which  I  was  already  acquainted.  At  last,  however,  in  the 
Corsini  library,  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  meet  with  a  more  complete  copy  in 
two  thick  folio  volumes — the  very  work  whose  title  I  have  quoted  above. 

In  this  edition  it  bears  the  name  of  Pallavicini  on  its  front.  It  is  complete  as 
far  as  the  second  chapter  of  the  sixth  book;  and  in  this  copy  we  may  see  of  what 
immense  importance  the  work  is  for  the  history  of  that  time. 

The  first  book  contains  the  early  history  of  Alexander  VII,  "  Stirpe  parentelle, 
natali,  fanciuUezza  di  Fabio  Chigi: — studj,  avvenimenti  della  pueritia: — studj 
filosofici  e  legali: — amicitie  particolari:"  all  of  which  I  found  in  the  first  Latin 
and  Italian  copies,  but  to  which  the  Corsini  edition  alone  adds,  "  azioni  et 
esercitii  pii: — vicelegatione  di  Ferrara  sotto  Sacchetti: — nuntiatura  di  Colonia." 

In  the  second  book,  the  government  of  Innocent  X,  and  the  part  taken  in  it  by 
Chigi,  is  related  in  fourteen  chapters,  up  to  the  time  of  the  conclave. 

In  the  third  book  is  the  beginning  of  the  pontificate.  General  account  of  the 
situation  of  Europe,  of  the  States  of  the  Church,  and  the  first  economical  mea- 
sures, (relating  to  the  monti  vacabili).  Also  the  conversion  of  queen  Christina 
of  Sweden,  which  is  described  with  great  minuteness  and  satisfaction.  My 
opinion  is,  that  if,  as  Arckenholtz  asserts  in  his  "Memoires  de  Christine,"  IV, 
39,  Pallavicini  was  believed  to  have  written  a  "Historia  di  Christina  regina  di 
Suezia,"  this  idea  originated  in  a  vague  report  of  these  fragments.  Her  conver- 
sion is  accounted  for  as  follows,  in  the  Latin  copy:  "In  libris  Tullii  de  natura 
deorum  animadvertens  veram  riligionem  nonnisi  unam,  omnes  falsas  esse  posse, 
super  hac  parte  diu  mullumque  cogitando  laboravit.  Sollicita  quoque  fuit  dubi- 
tare  de  liberorum  operum  bonorum  pravorumque  discrimine,  nisi  quantum  alia 
salubria  raundo  sunt,  alia  perniciosa,  cujusmodi  naturalia  sunt,  et  de  divinae 
providentiaj  curavel  incuria  circa  humanas  actiones,  deque  voluntate  divina  num 
certum  cultum  et  statutam  fidem  requirat.  Nullus  fuit  nobilis  autor  qui  ea  de 
re  scripsisset,  quem  ilia  non  perlustraret;  non  vir  apprime  doctus  harum  rerum 
in  borealibus  plagis  cum  quo  sermocinari  non  studeret.  Et  proclivis  interdum 
fuit  ad  opinandum,  satis  esse  suae  regionis  palam  colere  religionem,  casterura 
vivere  convenienter  naturae.  Ad  extremum  in  banc  venit  sententiam,  deum,  hoc 
est  optimum,  tyranno  quovis  pejorum  fore  si  conscientiae  morsibus  acribus  sed 
falsis  humanum  genus  universum  cruciaret,  si  mortalibus  ab  eodem  insita  no- 
tione  communi  grata  sibi  esse  eorura  sacrificia  eorumque  votis  annuere  nihil  ea 
cuncta  curaret " 

The  author  begins  the  fourth  book,  of  which  there  is  only  a  small  portion  in 
the  Latin  and  the  older  editions,  with  the  invitation  of  the  nephews  to  Rome. 
"  Raggioni  che  persuasero  al  papa  di  chiamare  i  nepoti.  Discorsi  di  Roma,"  And 
so  far  was  Pallavicini  from  abandoning  his  work  at  this  period,  that  he  enters 
minutely  into  the  whole  affair,  and  gives  a  detailed  account  of  the  feelings  ex- 
cited by  it  in  Rome.  He  then  relates  the  situation  of  queen  Christina  in  Rome, 
and  the  support  granted  to  her  by  the  pope.  "  La  reina,  ch'  era  vissuta  con 
quella  prodigalita  la  quale  impoverisce  senza  il  piacere  e  I'honore  di  spendere  e 
che  si  esercita  non  in  dare  ma  in  lasciarsi  rubare,  nel  tempo  della  sua  dimora 


p.  CASATI^  SOPRA  LA  REGINA  DI  SUECIA.  429 

haveva  impegnato  tutte  gioje  con  la  speranza  delle  future  rimesse,  ne  per  cio  li 
restava  un  scudo  onde  provedere  al  destinato  viaggio.  Pero,  sicome  la  neces- 
sita  vince  la  vergogna,  convenne  che  ella  si  facesse  violenza  in  dimandare  soc- 
corso  al  pontefice,  ma  nelle  maniere  piii  lontane  che  seppe  dal  limosinare:  e 
perche  la  lettera  non  arrossisce,  il  prego  per  mezzo  di  questa  a  fare  che  alcun 
mercante  le  prestasse  danaro  con  promessa  d'intera  restitutione."  The  pope  did 
not  consider  it  would  be  much  to  his  honor  to  stand  surety  for  the  whole  amount 
of  her  debts,  from  which  he  could  have  derived  no  advantage.  He  preferred 
sending  by  a  confidential  messenger,  probably  Pallavicini  himself,  a  present  of 
a  purse  of  10,000  scudi,  accompanied  by  some  gold  and  silver  medals  struck  on 
her  entrance  into  Rome,  "  con  escusarne  la  pochezza  per  l'  angustia  dell'  erario." 
"  La  reina  nel  ringratiare  pianse  alle  volte  per  quella  mistura  d'affetti  che  sor- 
gono  in  questi  casi."  Pallavicini  also  gives  a  circumstantial  account  of  the 
restoration  of  the  Jesuits  in  Venice,  which  is  written  in  the  same  spirit  that  he 
has  shown  in  his  History  of  the  Council  of  Trent. 

In  the  fifth  book,  follows  the  history  of  the  year  1657;  promotions  to  cardi- 
nalates;  building  in  Santa  Maria  del  Popola  and  della  Pace,  and  on  the  Piazza 
di  S.  Pietro;  the  adventures  of  queen  Christina  in  France,  and  of  Monaldeschi, 
whose  fate  is  thus  related.  "  Mentre  la  regina  si  tratteneva  in  Fontanablo, 
Ludovico,  il  fratello  di  lui,  emulo  nella  gratia  della  padrona  di  Gian  Rinaldo 
Monaldeschi  principal  gentil'huomo  di  questi  paesi  per  notitie,  come  si  disse, 
mandategli  di  Roma  dal  prenominato  fratello,  scoperse  a  lei  alcuni  trattati  del 
Monaldeschi  per  cui  le  appariva  poco  fedele:  onde  ella  dopo  haverlo  convinto  e 
trattane  dalla  sua  bocca  la  confessione  gli  diede  un'  hora  solamente  di  spatio  per 
provedere  alia  coscienza  con  I'opera  d'un  sacerdote,  e  di  poi,  cio  che  appena  le 
sarebbe  stato  permesso  in  Stockholm  quando  vi  dominava,  il  fe  uccidere  per 
mano  dell'  istesso  suo  emulo." 

In  the  sixth  book,  the  author  returns  to  the  internal  affairs  of  Rome.  He  con- 
cludes with  the  arrangements  for  the  prelature,  for  which  Alexander  demanded 
a  specific  part  of  the  revenues. 

Even  this  copy  of  the  biography  of  Alexander,  which  is  the  most  complete,  is 
far  from  containing  the  whole  life  of  that  pope. 

131. 

Paolo  Casaii  ad  Alessandro  VII  sopra  la  regina  di  Suecia.     {^Bihl.  AlhS) 

Malines  and  Casati  were  the  two  Jesuits  sent  to  Stockholm  by  the  general  of 
the  order,  to  convert  the  queen  of  Sweden. 

Arckenholtz,  torn,  iv,  app.  n.  27,  of  his  "  Memoires,"  gives  a  private  docu- 
ment by  Malines,  on  the  subject  of  this  mission. 

Casati  presented  to  Alexander  VII  a  much  more  detailed  and,  so  to  speak, 
ofl5cial  account,  dedicated  "Alia  Santita  di  N''"  Signore  Alessandro  VII," — 
dated  "dal  collegio  Romano  li  5  Dec.  1655," — and  subscribed,  "  Dalla  S.  V"^ 
umilissimo  servitore  ed  obedientissimo  figlio  in  X'°  Paolo  Casati  della  Compag- 
nia  di  Gesu,"  which  gives  a  far  more  complete  and  satisfactory  account  of  all 
the  circumstances. 

"  Per  ubbidire,"  he  begins,  "  al  cenni  di  V.  S'*,  che  ha  desiderate  una  breve 
memoria  di  quello  e  passato  nella  risolutione  presa  dalla  regina  Christina  di 
Suecia  di  rinonciare  il  regno  per  rendersi  cattolica,  sono  necessitate  farmi  un 
passo  a  dietro  per  spiegarne  I'  occasione,  conforme  alle  notitie  havute  dalle  bocca 
della  stessa  regina,  alia  quale  mi  assicuro  non  sia  per  essere  se  non  di  gusto  che 
la  S'*  Vostra  sia  del  tutto  sinceramente  inforraata." 

The  first  notices  of  the  early  part  of  his  mission  are  not  very  interesting,  as  the 
author  understands  nothing  of  the  affairs  of  Sweden:  his  work  is  only  ramark- 
ablc,  where  he  treats  of  the  interests  of  religion. 

"  Havendo  acquistato  tanto  di  cognitione,  comincio  far  riflessione  che  molte 
delle  cose  della  setta  Luterana,  in  cui  era  stata  allevata,  non  potevano  sussistere, 
e  cominciando  ad  esaminarle,  piii  le  teneva  inconvenienti.     Quindi  comincio  con 

37* 


430  P.  CASATI,  SOPRA  LA  REGINA  DI  SUECIA. 

piu  diligenza  a  studiare  nelle  cose  della  religione  e  delle  controversie,  e  Irovando 
che  quella  in  cui  era  nudrita  non  haveva  apparenza  di  vera,  si  diede  con  straordi- 
naria  curiosita  ad  informarsi  di  tutte  et  a  ponderare  la  difficolta  di  ciascuna.  Im- 
piego  in  questo  lo  spatio  di  cinque  anni  incirca  con  grande  perturbatione  interna 
d'  aniino,  poiche  non  trovava  dove  fermarsi:  e  misurando  ogni  cosa  con  discorso 
meramenle  humano,  parevale  che  molte  cose  potessero  essere  mere  inventioni 
politiche  per  trattenere  la  gente  piu  semplice:  e  degl'  argomenti  che  quelli  d' 
una  setta  si  servono  contro  d'  uu'  altra,  ella  si  servivaper  ritorcerli  contro  quella 
stessa:  cosi  paragonava  Is  cose  di  Mose  nel  polo  Ebreo  a  cio  che  fece  Maometto 
negli  Arabi.  Dal  che  nasceva  che  non  trovava  alcuna  religione  che  vera  le  pa- 
resse.  Et  io  1'  ho  molte  volte  udita  che  s'  accusava  d'  essere  stata  troppo  pro- 
fana  in  volere  investigare  i  piu  alti  misterj  della  divinita:  poiche  non  ha  lasciato 
a  dietro  alcun  mistero  della  nostra  fede  che  non  habbia  voluto  esaminare,  mentre 
cercava  di  quietare  1'  anima  sua  con  trovare  finalmente  una  religione,  essendo 
che  ogni  sorte  di  libro  che  trattasse  di  cosa  appartenente  a  cio,  ella  leggeva,  le 
capitarono  anche  molte  cose  degli  antichi  e  de'  gentili  e  d'  athei.  E  se  bene 
ella  non  giunse  mai  a  tal  cecita  che  dubitasse  dell'  esistenza  di  dio  e  sua  unita 
con  fame  concetto  come  di  cosa  maggiore  di  tutte  le  altre,  pure  si  lascio  empire 
la  mente  di  molte  difRcolta,  delle  quail  poi  varie  volte  discorresimo.  E  final- 
mente non  trovava  altra  conchiusione  se  non  che  nell'  esterno  conveniva  far  cio 
che  fanno  gl'  altri,  stimando  tutte  le  cose  indifferenti  e  non  importar  piii  seguir 
questa  che  quell'  altra  religione  o  setta,  e  bastar  di  non  far  cosa  che  fosse  contro 
il  dettame  della  ragione  e  di  cui  la  persona  potesse  una  volta  arrossirsi  d' haverla 
fatta.  Con  questo  s'  ando  qualche  tempo  governando,  e  parevale  d'  haver  trovato 
qualche  riposo,  massime  che  haveva  scoperte  altre  persone  (anche  chiamate  di 
lontano)  da  lei  stimate  per  dotte  e  savie  essere  di  poco  differente  parere,  giacche 
erano  fuori  della  vera  religione  catolica  da  loro  riprovata  sin  dalla  fanciullezza. 
Ma  il  signore  iddio,  che  voleva  havere  misericordia  della  regina  ne  lasciarla  perire 
negl'  errori  dell'  intelletto,  giacche  per  1'  altra  parte  haveva  ottima  volonta  e  de- 
siderio  di  conoscere  il  vero,  e  nell'  oprare  talmente  si  lasciava  guidare  dal  lume 
della  retta  ragione,  che  piu  volte  m'  ha  assicurato  di  non  haver  mai  fatto  cosa  che 
giudicasse  non  doversi  fare  ne  di  cui  possa  arrossirsene  (che  queste  sono  le  sue 
formole  di  parlare),  comincio  a  farle  apprendere  che  dove  si  tratta  della  salute 
sterna  dell'  anima,  ogn'  altro  interesse  deve  cedere  e  che  1'  errore  in  cosa  tanto 
importante  e  d'  eterno  pregiuditio:  onde  ripiglio  di  nuovo  il  pensiere  che  dovea 
esservi  qualche  religione,  e  posto  che  1'  huomo  doveva  havere  pure  una  religione, 
tra  tutte  quelle  che  si  sapeva  fossero  nel  mondo,  niuna  le  sembrava  piu  ragione- 
Tole  della  cattolica:  percio  facendosi  piu  attenta  rifiessione,  trovo  che  li  suoi 
dogmi  e  istituti  non  sono  cosi  sciocchi  come  li  ministri  Luterani  (li  chiamano 
pastori)  voriano  far  credere." 

As  we  cannot  insert  the  whole  work,  we  must  content  ourselves  with  the  follow- 
ing circumstantial  account  of  the  first  interview  of  the  Jesuits  with  the  queen. 

"  Partiti  d'  Hamburg  doppo  due  giornate  aRendsburg  ci  accompagnammo  col 
signer  senatore  Rosenhan,  che  ritornava  in  Suecia,  e  con  lui  andammo  sino  a 
Roschilt,  dove  sono  sepolti  li  re  di  Danimarca,  toltone  S.  Canute,  il  cui  capo  e 
a  Ringstede.  Egli  tiro  dritto  a  Elsenor  per  passare  lo  stretto,  e  noi  andammo  a 
Coppenhagen.  Questa  cognitione  fatta  col  sig''  Rosenhan  ci  giovo  poi  in  Stock- 
holm per  esser  meno  sospetti:  e  la  regina  un  giorno  dicendogli  che  non  sapeva 
che  concetto  dovesse  farsi  di  quel  due  Italiani,  egli  disse  che  non  v'  era  di  che 
temere,  che  erano  buona  gente,  e  si  uso  sempre  gran  cortesia.  Hebbimo  pure 
fortuna  nel  viaggio  d'  unirci  per  alcune  giornate  col  generale  Wachtmeister  gran 
scudiere  del  regno,  il  quale  parimenti  ci  fu  di  non  poca  ulilita:  perche  essendo 
noi  giunti  in  Stockholm  alii  24  di  Febbraro  conforme  lo  stile  antico,  et  havendo 
io  il  giorno  seguente  cercato  di  parlare  a  Gio.  Holm,  valletto  di  camera  di  Sua 
Maesta,  per  essere  introdotto  a  presentare  la  lettera  datami  in  Roma  dal  padre 
vicario  generale,  ne  havendolo  trovato,  la  sera  detto  generale  fu  occasione  che 
Sua  Maesta  sapesse  il  mio  arrive.  Mentre  stava  la  regina  cenando,  due  cavalieri 
si  lamentavano  che  faceva  freddo,e  il  generale  Wachtmeister  gli  sgrido,  dicendo 


CORRARO,  REL.  DI  ROMA.   1660.  431 

che  non  havevano  tanta  paura  del  freddo  due  Italiani  venuti  in  sua  compagnia. 
Udi  la  regina  questa  contesa,  e  interrogatoli  di  che  contendessero,  udito  eh'  ebbe 
essere  venuti  due  Italiani,  richiese  s'  erano  musici:  ma  rispondendo  il  generale 
che  erano  due  galant'  huomini  che  andavano  vedendo  il  paese,  Sua  M'*  disse  che 
per  ogni  modo  li  voleva  vedere.  Noisubito  fummo  avvisati  ditulto  cio  ed  esor- 
tati  ad  andare  il  giorno  seguente  allacorte:  anzidal  sig''Zaccaria  Grimani  nobile 
Veneto  vi  fummo  condotti  la  matlina  seguente  e  introdotti  a  salutare  il  conte 
Magnus  de  la  Gardie  primo  ministro  di  Sua  M'^  per  ottenere  per  mezzo  suo  1' 
honore  di  baciar  la  mano  di  Sua  M**:  egli  con  somma  cortesia  ci  accolse  e  ci 
assicurocheSua  M'^l'  havriahavutomoltoacaro.  Eral'lioradel  pranso,  quandola 
regina  usci  nel  Vierkant,  e  noi  fummo  avvisati  d'  accostarci  a  Sua  M'%  e  baciatale  la 
mano  fecimo  un  piccolo  complimentoin  Italiano  (checosiellahavevacomandato, 
se  bene  ci  aveva  fatto  avvisare  eh'  averia  risposto  in  Francese,  giacche  noi  1'  in- 
tendevamo)  proportionato  all'  apparenza  del  personaggio  che  rappresentavamo: 
etella  con  grandissima  benignita  rispose.  Subito  s'  invio  il  maresciallo  della 
corte  e  con  lui  tutti  li  cavalieri  verso  la  sala  dove  stava  preparata  la  tavola,  ed  io 
mi  trovai  immediatamente  d'  avanti  alia  regina.  Ella,  che  la  notte  ripensando 
alii  due  Italiani  e  facendo  riflessione  che  appunto  era  il  fine  di  Febbraro,  circa  il 
qual  tempo  da  Roma  se  1'  era  scritto  che  saressimo  giunti,  eravenuta  in  sospetto 
che  noi  fossimo  quelli  che  aspettava,  quando  fossimo  poco  lontani  dalla  porta  e 
che  gia  tutti  erano  quasi  usciti  dal  Vierkant,  mi  disse  sottovoce:  "  forse  voi 
havete  qualche  lettera  per  me,'  ed  io  senza  voltarmi  che  si:  soggiunse:  '  non  ne 
parlate  con  alcuno.'  Mentre  noi  il  dopo  pranso  stavamo  sopra  cio  che  era  seguito 
discorrendo,  ecco  sopragiunge  uno  che  in  Francese  ci  fa  varii  complimenti, 
poi  s'  avvanza  a  dimandarci  se  haveriamo  lettere  per  Sua  M'\  Io  cominciai 
subito  a  dar  risposte  ambigue,  che  non  havevamo  negotii,  che  non  havevamo 
lettere  di  raccomandatione,  etc.,  sin  a  tanto  che  egli  alia  fine  disse  per  ordine 
tutto  quello  che  nel  breve  e  fortuito  colloquio  m'  haveva  detto  la  regina.  Allora 
m'  accorsi  che  da  lei  sola  poteva  esser  mandato:  pure  per  maggior  sicurezza  Io 
richiesi  del  suo  nome,  ed  udito  che  egli  era  Gio.  Holm,  gli  consegnai  la  lettera. 
La  mattina  seguente,  quasi  due  hore  prima  del  tempo  solito  d'  andar  alia  corte, 
ci  avviso  Gio.  Holm  che  Sua  M'*  voleva  parlarci.  Subito  andammo:  e  appena 
erano  entrati  nel  Vierkant,  dove  era  solo  1'  officiale  di  guardia,  quando  usci  la 
regina,  e  mostro  di  meravigliarsi,  si  perche  non  fosse  ivi  ancora  alcuno  de' 
cavaglieri,  si  perche  noi  fossimo  stati  i  primi  nell'  andare:  e  dopo  haverci  inter- 
Togati  d'  alcune  poche  cose  intorno  al  nostro  viaggio,  udendo  1'  officiale,  gli 
dimando  se  fosse  comparso  alcuno  de'  segretarii,  e  rispondendo  quegli  che  no, 
comandoUi  andasse  a  chiamare  uno  di  loro,  e  non  torno  che  dopo  un'  hora. — 
Partito  che  ei  fu,  comincio  Sua  M'^  con  cortesissime  parole  a  ringratiarci  della 
fatica  presa  da  noi  per  sua  cagione  nel  viaggio,  ci  assicuro  che  qualunque  peri- 
colo  potesse  occorrere  d'  esserre  scoperti,  non  temessimo,  perche  non  haveria 
permesso  havessimo  male  alcuno.  C  incarico  il  segreto  ne  ci  fidassimo  di  per- 
sona, additandoci  nominatamente  alcuni  de'  quali  dubitava  potessimo  havere 
confidenza  in  progresso  di  tempo:  ci  diede  speranza  che  havendo  ella  sodisfat- 
tione  il  nostro  viaggio  non  saria  stato  indarno:  c'  interrogo  dell'  arrivo  del  padre 
Macedo  e  come  noi  fossimo  stati  eletti  per  andare  cola,  ci  racconto  come  fosse 
succeduta  la  partenza  del  padre  Macedo " 

132. 

Relatione  della  corte  Romana  del  Caval.  Corraro.     1G60. 

Alexander  VII  had  indeed  given  rise  to  brilliant  hopes;  from  him  the  court 
and  the  state  expected  their  restoration,  and  the  church  a  renewal  of  her  ancient 
discipline.  Even  among  the  protestants  there  were  many  well  inclined  to  him. 
Extreme  astonishment  and  indignation  therefore  arose  when  he  began  to  govern 
exactly  like  his  predecessors: — his  former  popularity  changed  to  violent  hatred. 

The  first  ambassador  sent  by  the  Venetians  to  Rome  after  the  congratulatory 


432  NICCOLO  SAGREDO,  REL.       1616. 

embassy  was  Geronimo  Giustiniano.  His  despatches  are  dated  1656.  He  died 
of  the  plague. 

In  his  place  was  chosen  Anzolo  Corraro,  then  podesta  of  Padua.  He  delayed 
so  long  that  the  Venetians  were  already  choosing  another  in  his  stead,  where- 
upon he  immediately  hastened  to  Rome,  and  resided  there  from  1657  till  1659. 

The  report  which  he  presented  on  his  return  from  the  papal  court  was  not 
very  favorable.     He  loads  the  pope  and  his  household  with  accusations. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  give  any  extracts  from  a  report  which  produced  so  strong 
an  impression,  that  it  immediately  made  its  way  into  public  notice. 

A  French  translation  appeared  at  Leyden:  "  Relation  de  la  cour  de  Rome  faite 
1'  an  1661(0)  au  conseil  de  Pregadi  par  1'  excell™"^  Seigneur  Angelo  Corraro: — 
chez  Lorens,  1663,"  which,  wherever  I  have  collated  them,  perfectly  renders 
the  original,  and  is  by  no  means  rare  at  the  present  day. 

It  was  printed  at  the  time  when  the  disputes  of  the  Chigi  with  Crequy  at- 
tracted universal  attention  towards  Rome;  it  was  published  with  the  view  of  in- 
flaming public  hatred  against  the  pope,  and  is  dedicated  to  Beuningen,  who  had 
not  yet  said  "Sta  sol." 

133. 

Relatione  di  Roma  deW  eccelenfmo  Sig^  Niccolo  Sagredo.     1661. 

A  report  of  which  I  could  find  no  authentic  copy,  and  which  likewise  exists 
under  the  name  of  Anzolo  Correro.  As  there  can  however  be  no  doubt  that  the 
former  report  is  really  by  Correro,  whose  active  share  in  the  war  against  the 
Barberini  is  expressly  mentioned  in  it;  and  as  in  the  one  now  before  us  the  au- 
thor wishes  to  be  released  after  his  wanderings  of  twenty-seven  years'  duration, 
and  to  devote  himself  at  home  to  the  education  of  his  children — which  could 
not  apply  to  Correro,  whose  last  office  was  that  of  podesta  at  Padua — I  do  not 
hesitate  to  pronounce  the  name  of  Sagredo  to  be  the  true  one.  We  know  that 
Sagredo  had  been  once  sent  to  Rome  and  then  to  Vienna;  and  he  now  went  a 
second  time  to  Rome.  He  was  indeed  one  of  the  most  influential  statesmen  of 
Venice,  and  was  at  length  elected  doge. 

This  report  is  far  from  being  as  bitter  as  the  last,  but  neither  is  it  at  all  lauda- 
tory; it  rather  bears  an  appearance  of  dispassionate  observation. 

When  speaking  of  the  reception  of  the  nephews,  Sagredo  remarks  that  pope 
Alexander  continually  inveighed  against  the  wealth  of  the  Borghesi,  the  Bar- 
berini and  the  Ludovisi,  whilst  he  himself  neglected  no  opportunity  of  enrich- 
ing his  own  kinsmen. 

Description  of  Alexander.  "  Placido  e  soave:  nei  negotii  ne  facile  ne  molto 
disposto:  per  natura  e  dubbioso  nelle  risolutioni  grandi,  osia  per  timore  che  non 
rieschino,  o  perche  mal  volontieri  s'  affatichi  nel  procurarle,  da  ogni  spina, 
benche  lontana,  parendogli  sentirsi  pungere." 

In  suppressing  the  two  religious  orders  we  have  mentioned,  he  thought  he  had 
done  enough  to  satisfy  the  Venetians,  and  the  Candian  war  did  not  appear  to 
threaten  him  even  with  remote  danger.  What  more  immediately  affected  him 
was,' that  Parma  and  Modena  were  supported^by  France  in  their  demands  on  the 
States  of  the  Church.  The  Portuguese  alTair  too  was  not  yet  settled.  "  Vedu- 
tosi  quel  regno  in  mancanza  assoluta  di  vescovi  e  dilapidate  le  rendite  di  tutte 
le  chiese,  si  sono  sentiti  molti  clamori  non  solo,  ma  vivissime  1'  instanze  del 
card'  Orsino  protettore,  perche  fcssero  provedute:  ma  non  si  e  lasciato  condurre 
11  papa  mai  a  farlo." 

We  find  the  holy  see  already  at  variance  with  most  of  the  catholic  states. 
There  was  not  one  of  them  that  had  not  utterly  repudiated  the  jurisdictional  and 
pecuniary  claims  of  the  curia. 

Of  all  that  occurred  in  Rome,  the  author  chiefly  extols  the  buildings  of  Alex- 
ander. We  see  that  the  public  greatly  preferred  the  Cattedra  di  S.  Pietro  in 
St.  Peter's,  to  the  Colonnades.  In  the  city  itself  the  embellishments  were  often 
carried  into  effect  with  much  arbitrary  violence.     "  Molte  strade  della  citta  con 


BASADONA,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1663.  43^3 

getti  di  case  e  di  palazzi  drizzati:  lavatesilecolonne  etimpedimenti  che  stavano 
avanti  le  porte  di  particular!:  allargalasi  la  piazza  Colonna  del  collegio  Romano 
ad  istanza  de'  Gesuiti  col  abbattimento  del  nobilissitno  palazze  Salviati:  ristret- 
tisi  tutti  i  tavolati  delle  botteghe:  opere  tutte  che  come  riescono  in  fine  di  grand' 
ornamento  della  citta,  cosi  il  peso  delle  medesime  su  la  borsade'  privati  cadendo, 
non  puonno  che  delle  mormorationi  partorire;  il  vedersi  gittar  a  terra  il  proprio 
nido,  il  contribuirsi  summe  rilevanti  per  1'  aggiustamento  di  strade  ch'  ai  mede- 
simi  particulari  nulla  profittano,  sotto  colore  che  le  loro  habitationi  habbiano  a 
godere  della  vista  pid  bella,  non  equivalendo  all'  aggravio  che  ne  risentono  et 
alia  forza  con  cui  sono  a  consentirvi  costretti." 

134. 

Relatione  di  Roma  del  A'*"  Pietro  Basadona,  1663. 

This  is  written  in  the  manner  of  Corraro,  bnt  exaggerated.     I  will  give  a    \ 
few  passages.  \ 

First,  concerning  the  quarrel  with  France; — undoubtedly,  the  most  important  / 
event  that  occurred  during  this  embassy.  "  Quanto  alle  brighe  correnti,  so  di  / 
havere  nelle  mie  successive  lettere  dispolpate  le  ossa  di  tal  materia  quanto  con-  ' 
viene:  pero  non  devo  tacere  che  se  1'  imprudente  superbia  fece  cadere  i  Chigi 
nella  fossa,  1'  ambitiosa  mellonagine  vi  gli  habbia  miseramente  inviluppati. 
Costoro  si  persuadevano  che  Roma  fosse  il  mondo:  ma  il  re  di  Francia  a  spese 
loro  gli  ha  dato  a  divedere  che  non  havevano  bene  studiata  la  geografia.  Varie 
ciarle  hanno  divolgate  le  passioni  degli  huomini  circa  1'  insolenza  d'  imperiali  e 
di  Don  Mario  contra  1'  immunita.  dell'  ambasciatore  Francese.  lo  non  diro  che 
fossero  innocenti,  ma  effettivamente  affermo  che  congiunta  alia  loro  mala  volonta 
qualche  colpa  del  caso,  che  accresce  o  sminuisce  non  di  rado  le  humane  opera- 
tioni,  li  constituisca  per  rei  et  obligati  a  rendere  puntualmente  soddisfattele  pre- 
tensioni  che  il  re  di  Francia  puo  legitimamente  fondare  sulle  ingiurie  pur  troppo 
sostenute  nella  persona  del  suo  ministro:  e  sicome  io  conobbi  questa  verita,  cosi 
contribuii  indefessa  applicatione  per  intepidire  le  mosse  di  Crequi,  e  prima  che 
le  cose  corressero  a  manifesta  rovina,  saldare  la  scissura  col  balsamo  de'  nego- 
tiati.  Ma  erano  troppi  umori  nelle  teste  Chigiarde  e  troppa  ostinatione  per  con- 
descendere  ad  una  convenevole  humiliatione  verso  il  re,  di  cui  non  «i  volevano 
temere  le  bravate,  quasiche  fatte  in  credenza  e  non  durabili  piii  di  una  effimera 
Francese.  Insino  mi  hebbe  a  dire  Sua  B°«  che  1  cuori  Romani  non  havevano 
paura  delle  smargiassate  de  giovinastri  Parigini.  Al  che  risposi,  complire  tal 
volta  pill  pigliarsela  con  gli  assennati  vecchioni  che  con  giovinastri  cervelletti, 
i  quali  sogliono  per  isfogare  un  favorito  capriccio  avventurarsi  anche  suU'  orlo 
de  precipitii,  e  che  11  trescare  con  chi  ha  de  grilli  in  capo,  esserciti  a  fianchi  e 
milioni  sotto  i  piedi,  non  era  buon  giuoco  per  li  pontefici,  che  hanno  solamente 
le  due  dita  alzate.  Rappresentai  piu  volte,  quando  si  vide  che  il  re  diceva  da 
senno,  essersi  pur  troppo  ruinato  il  dominio  ecclesiastico  dai  quattordeci  milioni 
che  spese  nella  guerra  Barberina,  che  i  milioni  di  cui  la  camera  e  debitrice  pas- 
sano  cinquanta,  e  che  in  somma  Sua  S*"  senza  rovinarsi  non  poteva  armarsi, 
senza  perdersi  non  poteva  rovinarlo.  Ma  vane  furono  queste  e  cento  altre  piu 
massiccie  ragioni,  havendo  troppo  amore  per  non  alontanarsi  i  parenti  e  troppo 
umore  per  il  puntiglio  di  Castro.  Ed  un  giorno  che  lo  trovai  di  vena,  mi  desse 
queste  formali  parole:  'Tutti  esclamano  che  si  scameri  Castro,  e  nessuno  dice 
che  si  restituischi  Avignone:  tutti  espongono  che  il  re  merita  esser  risarcito  degli 
affronti  presenti  ricevuti,  e  nessuno  parla  che  si  rifacciano  gli  strapazzi  degli 
ecclesiastici,  se  fosse  vero,  come  si  sa  non  essere,  che  imperiali  e  nostro  fratello 
Mario  habbiamo  dati  gli  ordini  a  corsi  contro  1'  ambasciatore  e  potrebbe  il  re 
pretendere  soddisfattione  contro  questi  due:  ma  come  ci  entra  Castro^  e  poi  se 
Mario  e  innocente,  come  si  ha  d'  allontanare  da  noi]'  " 

It  continues  in  the  same  tone  of  self-satisfied  invective,  profound  contempt  for 
the  whole  ecclesiastical  body — in  short,  an  entirely  modern  tone  of  feeling.  The 
possibility  that  the  French  might  make  themselves  masters  of  Rome,  is  already       \ 


\ 


434  VITA  DI  ALESSANDRO  VII. 

contemplated.  One  almost  feels  inclined  to  doubt  whether  such  things  really 
could  be  uttered  in  the  senate.  The  improbability  does  not  however  appear  so 
great,  when  we  consider  the  violent  attacks  made  on  all  sides  upon  the  see  of 
Rome  (at  this  time  the  wildest  satires  appeared,  e.  g.  "  Le  putanismede  Rome," 
in  which  it  is  said  in  so  many  words,  that  the  pope  must  be  allowed  to  have  a 
wife  in  order  to  avert  worse  evils,  and  that  the  papacy  must  be  made  hereditary), 
and  that  this  was  the  period  at  which  it  began  universally  to  fall  into  discredit. 
On  the  whole,  the  author  was  very  well  acquainted  with  the  court  and  the  coun- 
try, and  it  will  be  worth  our  while  to  hear  what  he  says  about  the  States  of  the 
Church. 

"Si  palpa  con  mano,  1'  ecclesiastico  dominio  essere  totalmente  aggravate,  si 
che  molti  possessori  non  potendo  estrarre  da  i  loro  terreni  quanto  basti  a  pagare 
le  publiche  impositioni  slraordinariamente  aggiunte,  trovano  di  consiglio  di  ne- 
cessita  1'  abbandonare  i  loro  fondi  e  cercare  da  paese  men  rapace  la  fortuna  di 
poter  vivere.  Taccio  de  datii  e  gabelle  sopra  tutte  le  robe  comestibili,  niuna 
eccettuata:  perche  le  taglie,  i  donativi,  i  sussidiie  le  altre  straordinarie  angherie 
che  studiosamente  s'  inventano,  sono  tali  che  eccitarebbono  compassione  e  stu- 
pore  se  i  terribili  commissarii  che  spedisce  Roma  nelle  citta  suddite  con  supreraa 
autorita  d'  inquirere,  vendere,  asportare,  condannare,  non  eccedessero  ogni  cre- 
denza,  non  essendo  mai  mese  che  non  volino  su  le  poste  grifoni  ed  arpie  col  so- 
pramantello  di  commissarii  o  della  fabrica  di  S.  Pietro  o  de  legati  pii  o  de  spogli 
0  degli  archivii  o  di  venticinque  altri  tribunali  Romani:  onde  restano  marliriz- 
zate  le  horse,  benche  esauste,  de'sudditi  impotenti  ad  ultima  prova.  E  pero,  se 
si  pongono  da  parte  Ferrara  e  Bologna,  con  le  quali  si  usa  qualche  riguardo  e  le 
quali  sono  favorite  dalla  natura  ed  arte  di  otlimi  terreni  e  di  mercatura  induslrio- 
sa,  tutte  le  altre  citta  della  Romagna,  della  Marca,  Umbria  Patrimonio,  Sebina  e 
Territorio  di  Roma  sono  miserabili  per  ogni  rispetto:  ne  trovasi  (oh  vergognade 
Romani  comandanti)  in  alcuna  citta  1'  arte  della  lana  o  della  seta,  non  che  de 
panni  d'  oro,  se  due  o  tre  picciole  bicocche  di  Fossombrone,  Pergola,  Matelica, 
Camerino  e  Norcia  n'  eccettuo:  e  pure  facilmcnte  per  1'  abbondanza  della  lana 
e  seta  si  potrebbe  introdurre  ogni  vantagievole  mercatura.  Ma  essendo  il  do- 
minio ecclesiastico  un  terreno  che  si  ha  ad  afhtto,  colore  che  lo  noleggiano,  non 
pensano  a  bonificarlo,  ma  solamente  a  cavarne  quella  pinguedine  che  puo  spre- 
mersene  maggiore  che  sia  del  povero  campo:  che  smunto  et  arido  a  nuovi  affit- 
tuali  non  havra  agio  di  porgere  che  sterilissimi  suffragj.  E  pare  arso  1'  erario 
pontificio  da  un  abisso  di  voragine:  si  hebbe  per  bene  armare  per  due  volte, 
quasi  che  il  primo  errore,  che  costo  due  milioni,  fosse  state  imitabile  per  qualche 
civanzo  alia  difesa  dello  stato,  quando  alle  prime  rotture  ogni  prudenza  insegna- 
va  a  stringere  1'  accomodamento  per  (non)  dare  pretesto  a  Francia  di  chieder 
peggio.  Un  calcolo,  che  feci  nella  mozzatura  di  quattro  e  mezzo  per  cento  che 
rendevano  i  luoghi  de  monti,  come  fanno  di  sette  per  cento  nella  nostra  zecca, 
ridotti  a  quattro  solamente,  trovai  che  a  un  mezzo  scudo  per  cento  in  cinquanta 
milioni  effettivi  di  debito,  la  camera  venne  aguadagnare  250  m.  scudi  di  entrata, 
che  a  quattro  per  cento  formarebbe  un  capitale  di  sei  milioni  e  mezzo." 

135. 

Vita  di  Jllessandro  VII.     Con  la  descrizione  delle  sue  adherenze  e  governo.    1666. 

This  is  not  a  biography,  and  least  of  all  such  a  one  as  Pallavicini  wrote;  but 
a  general  description  of  the  actions  ot  this  pope  according  to  the  impression  they 
produced  in  Rome,  by  a  well-informed,  and,  on  the  whole,  well-intentioned  cotem- 
poriiry. 

"Egli  e,"  he  says  of  the  pope,  "veramente  d'  animo  pio,  religioso,  divoto,  e 
vorebbe  operare  miracoli  per  conservatione  del  christianesimo:....ma  e  pigro, 
timido,  irresolute,  e  molte  volte  mal  opera  per  non  operare.  He  first  abused 
nepotism,  and  afterwards  carried  it  to  the  highest  pitch.  All  financial  matters 
were  in  the  hands  of  his  nephews;  and  they  enriched  themselves  considerably; — 
the  disputes  with  Crequy  were  completely  to  be  laid  to  their  charge; — the  pope 


GIAC.  QUIRINI,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1667.  435 

kept  the  management  of  foreign  affairs  only  in  his  own  power;  but  he  devoted  too 
little  attention  to  them.  He  received  literary  society  at  his  house,  which  took 
up  much  of  his  time;  in  the  evenings  Rospigliosi  passed  an  hour  in  conversation 
with  him.  In  fact,  matters  went  but  indifferently.  To  all  applications,  the 
pope  answered  in  generai  terms,  and  had  no  minister  to  whom  he  could  refer 
any  one. 

The  end  is  not  very  encouraging;  for  the  author  finishes  in  these  words: 
"L' ambitione,  r  avaritia  ^^  i\  lusso  dominano  il  palazzo;  e  pure  la  pieta,  la 
bonta  et  il  zelo  dominano  Alessandro  VII." 

136. 

Relatione  di  Roma  di  Giacomo  Quirini  K^  1667(8),  20  Febr. 

Giacomo  Quirini  was  at  the  court  of  Alexander  VII  three  years  and  a  half;  he 
was  afterwards  accredited  for  some  time  to  that  of  Clement  IX:  his  report  em- 
braces the  whole  of  this  period. 

He  first  describes  the  last  years  of  Alexander  VII,  not  with  the  animosity  of 
his  predecessors,  but  his  account  is  essentially  the  same. 

"In  42  mesi  che  servii  Alessandro  VII,  conobbi  esservi  il  solo  nome  del  pon- 
tefice,  ma  non  1'  uso  del  pontificato,  datosi  quel  capo  alia  quiele  dell'  animo,  al 
solo  pensiere  di  vivere,  e  con  severo  divieto  ripudiato  il  negotio,  scemate  tutte 
quelle  virtu  che  da  cardinale  prestantemente  teneva  con  vivacita  di  spirito,  in- 
gegno  nel  distinguere,  prontf  zza  nei  partiti,  disinvoltura  nel  risolvere  e  facilita 
supragrande  dell'  esprimersi."  He  represents  the  mal-practices  of  nepotism; 
he  predicts  evil  consequences  from  the  building  of  the  Colonnades  of  St. 
Peter's,  for  which  Cavaliere  Bernini  has  been  censured.  "  Rendera  per  sempre 
disabitata  la  citta  Leonina,  spianate  le  case,  moltiplicate  1'  acque  delle  fontane, 
scemati  i  fuochi:  cagiona  in  conseguenza  la  mal'  aria."  He  traces  out  the 
abuses  of  pensions  and  places,  with  special  reference  to  Venice,  from  whence  a 
sum  of  100,000  ducats  went  annually  to  Rome.  It  is  remarkable  that  Alexander 
VII  on  his  side  was  extremely  dissatisfied  with  the  cardinals,  and  complained 
that  they  took  part  with  the  temporal  princes  in  the  matter  of  Castro,  and  that 
they  were  not  even  competent  to  give  him  good  advice:  "  Si  lagnava  non  esser 
dottrina  e  virtii  sodisfacente  in  quel  porporati,  non  arricordando  mai  ripieghi  o 
partiti  che  prima  lui  non  li  sapesse."     There  was  a  universal  degeneracy. 

The  conclave  was  overruled  in  consequence  of  Chigi's  concessions  to  the 
"squadrone  volante."  It  afterwards  appeared  that  Chigi  had  acted  wisely  in 
that  matter,  for  it  was  precisely  owing  to  these  concessions  that  Clement  IX 
entrusted  to  him  some  share  of  the  government. 

Quirini  describes  Clement  IX  as  weak  in  body,  burdened  with  diseases,  but 
firm  and  even  obstinate  in  his  opinions;  he  sometimes  forbade  his  ministers  to 
revert  to  a  subject  on  which  he  had  once  made  up  his  mind.  A  musician  of 
Pistoja,  of  the  name  of  Atto,  well  known  at  Venice,  enjoyed  the  most  familiar 
intercourse  with  him.  Quirini  calls  his  determination  to  remit  a  part  of  the 
taxes,  "heroic."  "  Mostro  eroica  pieta,  levando  due  giulj  di  gabella  di  maci- 
nato  dei  rubiatelli,  privandosi  di  2  milioni  di  scudi." 

He  returns  to  the  family  of  Clement  IX,  especially  cardinal  Rospigliosi,  whom 
he  describes  in  the  following  manner. 

"  Tuttoche  il  giorno  innanzi  della  mia  partenza  seguisse  la  promotione,  re- 
stando  al  cardinalato  promosso  1'  abate  Rospigliosi  in  eta  di  38  anni  finiti,  cio 
non  ostante,  avendolo  per  due  volte  conosciuio  in  Spagna  e  trattatolo  in  Roma 
con  negotii  diversi  come  coppiere  del  cardinal  Chigi,  posso  con  distinta  cog- 
nitione  riferire  all'  E.E.  V.V.  che  il  papa  parlando  meco  frequentemente  nelle 
audienze  e  lasciandosi  con  giustizia  rapire  lo  considerava  per  cauto  ministro,  e 
per  consentimento  comune  gli  attribuiva  raerito  e  lode:  et  in  questo  credo  che 
moralmente  non  si  possa  ingannare,  perche  niunnipote  di  papa  e  comparso 
in  teatro  piii  informato  di  lui,  mentre  in  corte  cattolica  fu  sempre  a  parte  della 
lunga  nunciatura  del  zio.     Nella  secretaria  di  stato  in  Roma  era  1'  uncio  diret- 


436  ANTONIO  GRIMANI,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1670. 

tore,  forraando  letters  e  risposte  negli  aflfari  de'  principi.  Insorti  poi  li  turbini 
per  le  pessime  risolutioni  con  1'  amhasciatore  Crechi  fii  prima  espedito  a  S. 
Quirico  e  poi  a  Livorno.  con  intentione  piii  tosto  di  portar  le  lusinghe  di  palazzo 
che  di  soddisfare  1'  ambasciator  duca:  et  aggiustato  in  fine  il  negotio  fu  nella 
legatione  di  Chigi  spedito  in  Francia  a  consultare  le  formalita  del  trattamento: 
e  ritornato  in  Roma  col  titolo  d'  internuncio  passo  in  Fiandra:  et  assunto  al 
pontificato  papa  Clemente  crede  con  la  speranza  e  con  1'  opinione  di  poter  con- 
ciliare  le  differenze  conservando  nello  stesso  tempo  gli  ornamenti  della  pace  e 
rimuovere  i  pericoli  della  guerra,  dove  gli  espedi  la  plenipotenza  per  aggiustare 
i  dispareri  vertenti  tra  le  corone.  Nelli  di  cui  viaggi  et  impieghi  siccome  nei 
primi  gioriii  profuse  con  grande  generosita  molt'  oro:  cosi,  caduto  mortalmente 
infermo  in  Susa,  convenne  c©n  prodigalita  dispensare  infinite  contante,  a  segno 
che  140  m.  scudi  ne  risente  d'  aggravio  la  camera  apostolica.  Nel  resto  il 
naturale  suo  e  melanconico:  uomo  di  poche  parole  e  ritirato  in  se  stesso:  et  in 
tanti  anni  di  conversationi  e  d'  anticamera  si  dimostro  con  tutti  inditferente,  non 
palesando  sviscerata  amicitia  o  confidenza  con  alcuno,  essendo  piii  tosto  misurato 
che  sostenuto  nei  discorsi:  et  horaa  causa  del  patimento  sofferto  resta  per  qualche 
momento  predominato  da  certa  fissatione  de'  pensieri,  e  tende  nel  negotio,  nelle 
visite  e  nell'  agitation  della  corte  s'  applica  e  divertisca:  con  tutto  cio  dirige  la 
secretaria  di  stato  il  card'  Azzolini  sottoscrivendo  lo  stesso  card'"  gli  ordini  alle 
legationi  non  raeno  che  alle  nunciature  de'  principi.  Sin  qui  resta  poi  dalla 
beneficenza  del  papa  proveduto  di  3  m.  scudi  di  pensioni  e  badie  che  teneva  il 
pontefice,  di  quattro  mila  scudi  per  la  morte  del  card'*  Palotta,  e  di  dodici  ra. 
scudi  della  legatione  d'Avignone  come  cordinal  padrone." 

137. 

Relatione  della  corte  di  Roma  al  re  christianissimo  dal  S''  di  Charme.  16G9. 

This  report  has  been  printed  in  French  and  Italian,  but  contains  little  impor- 
tant matter,  which  is  perhaps  the  very  reason  why  it  was  printed. 

The  disordered  state  of  the  apostolical  exchequer  is  here  set  forth.  The 
author  remarks  how  little  had  been  done  to  remedy  the  evil  by  the  retrenchment 
effected  by  Clement  IX  in  the  expenditure  of  his  nephews;  no  congregation 
could  introduce  any  substantial  reform,  and  a  general  bankruptcy  seemed  im- 
minent. 

The  remarks  of  Grimani  upon  the  dearth  of  able  men,  the  good  intentions,  but 
want  of  energy,  of  the  Rospigliosi,  and  the  condition  of  the  prelatures  and  of 
the  country,  are  here  confirmed. 

There  are  copies  of  this  report  in  which  much  is  taken  immediately  from  Gri- 
mani without  alteration. 

I  doubt  much  whether  this  work  proceeds  from  a  French  minister;  if  so,  it 
must  have  been  the  due  de  Chaulnes,  whom  we  meet  with  as  ambassador  in 
Rome  in  the  "  Negotiations  relatives  a.  la  succession  d'Espagne,"  II,  p.  579:  at 
any  rate  it  is  written  by  a  cotemporary  who  was  well  informed. 

138. 

Relatione  della  corte  di  Roma  del  sig'^  Jlntonio  Grimani  amhasciatore  della  republica 
di  Venetia  in  Roma  durante  il  poniijicato  di  Clemente  IX.     1670. 

Quirini  expresses  himself  somewhat  doubtfully  as  to  the  virtues  of  Clement 
IX.  He  was  perhaps  rendered  suspicious  by  the  experience  people  had  had  of 
Alexander  VII.  Grimani,  on  the  contrary,  breaks  forth  in  a  strain  of  unmea- 
sured praise,  at  least  to  his  moral  qualities;  "  Veramente  la  mansuetudine,  la 
modestia,  la  piacevolezza,  la  moderatione,  la  clemenza,  la  candidezza  dell' 
animo,  la  purita  della  conscienza  sono  doti  sue  particolari."  He  declares  that 
he  never  knew  a  better  man. 

He  first  treats  of  the  moderation  which  Clement  showed  in  providing  for  his 
nephews.    It  appears  however  that  much  was  said  on  tiie  other  side  in  Rome. 


J 


ANTONIO  GRIMANI,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1670.  437 

Grimani  thought  that  the  Pistojans  would  revenge  themselves  at  some  future 
period  on  the  nephews,  for  the  unexpected  repulse  which  they  had  encountered. 

Thus  much  is  certain,  that  Clement  made  no  serious  attempts  to  reform  the 
other  abuses;  men  soon  exclaimed  that  unless  a  new  Sixtus  V  should  arise,  the 
pontificate  was  in  danger  of  total  downfall. 

Grimani  recounts  the  most  prominent  evils;  the  sale  of  offices,  from  whence 
originated  the  dearth  of  efficient  public  servants;  the  bad  management  of  the 
revenue,  and  more  especially  he  blames  the  neglect  of  the  monks.  Al  presente 
i  religiosi  sono  tenuti  in  un  concetto  si  vile  che  da  per  loro  si  allontanano  di 
comparir  nella  corte  per  non  ricevere  affronti  da'  cortigiani  piu  infi.mi.  Le  por- 
pore  e  vescovadi  si  tengono  viiipesi  su  le  spalle  de'  religiosi,  e  nelle  concorrenze 
un  pretuccio  ignorante  e  vitiosi  ottenera  il  premio  sopra  il  religiose  dotlo  e  da 
bene.  I  nipoti  non  curano  de'  religiosi:  perche  non  possono  da  questi  esser  cor- 
teggiati  come  da'  preti.  Se  si  parla  di  aggravj,  i  monaster]  sono  i  primi;  se  di 
riforma,  non  si  parla  di  preti,  ma  di  religiosi.  In  somma,  si  toglie  affatto  ad 
ogni  uno  la  volonta  di  studiare  e  la  cura  di  difender  la  chiesa  dalle  false  opinion! 
che  vanno  suminando  i  nemici  di  Roma:  de'  quali  moltiplicandosi  giornalmente 
il  numero,  e  deteriorandosi  quelle  de'  religiosi  dotti  et  esemplari,  potrebbe  in 
breve  sofTrirne  non  poco  detrimento  la  corte.  Onde  al  mio  credere  farebbono 
bene  i  pontefici  di  procurar  di  rimettere  i  regolari  nel  pristino  posto  di  stima, 
partecipandoli  di  quando  in  quando  cariche  e  dignita,  tanto  piu  ch'  essendo  grade 
il  numero  possono  sceggliere  i  soggetti  a  loro  piacere;  e  cosi  nelle  religioni  vi 
entrarebbono  huomini  eminenti,  dove  che  tengono  a  vile  hoggidi  di  coprirsi  le 
spalle  d'un  cappuccino  i  piii  falliti  mercanti,  ne  si  veggono  entrar  ne'  monasterj 
che  gente  mecanica."  Unfortunately,  no  remedy  for  this  state  of  things  was  to 
be  expected  from  Clement  IX:  he  was  by  far  too  lukewarm  and  good-natured. 

After  this  description  of  the  pope,  the  minister  proceeds  to  his  nearest  kindred; 
first  to  cardinal  Rospigliosi,  of  whom  it  was  hoped,  "  quod  esset  redempturus 
Israel."  He  then  shows  why  this  hope  had  been  disappointed.  "  Tre  cose 
per  mio  credere  sono  quelle  che  fanno  camminar  col  piede  di  piombo  il  cardinal 
predetto,  accusato  di  lentezza  di  genio  e  di  mancanza  d'applicatione.  La  prima 
e  il  gran  desiderio  di  voler  far  bene  ogni  cosa  e  di  dar  gusto  a  tutto  il  mondo, 
cosa  che  difficilmente  puo  riuscire  ad  un'  huomo  che  non  e  assoluto  padrone. 
La  seconda  e  che  la  sua  volonta  viene  imbrigliata  e  trattenutadal  papa,  il  quale, 
se  bene  ama  e  considera  con  amore  estraordinario  questo  nipote,  gode  pero  di 
fare  il  tutto  a  suo  modo:  onde  dubioso  il  Rospigliosi  d'incontrar  nelle  sue  riso- 
lutioni  le  negative  del  papa  e  dall'  altra  parte  volendo  sodisfare  gl'  interessati, 
fngge  le  occasion!  di  concludere  cosa  alcuna.  E  finalmente  gli  noce  ancora  la 
capacila  del  proprio  intendimento,  particolarmente  in  quelle  cose  che  dipendono 
da  lui:  poiche  abbondando,  come  si  e  detto,  di  ripieghi  capaci  da  sostenere  il 
posto  di  nipote,  da  si  gran  copia  nasce  la  gran  penuria  nelle  risolutioni,  perdendo 
la  maggior  parte  dell'  hore  piii  pretiose  a  meditare  e  crivellare  le  materie,  et 
intanto  che  si  medita  e  crivella  il  modo  da  eligere  senza  mancare  la  piii  adequate, 
il  tempo  vola  e  le  occasioni  fuggono."  He  must,  however,  at  all  events  do  him 
the  justice  to  state,  that  he  did  not  enrich  himself:  "  havendo  trascurato  molte 
occasioni  d'arricchirsi,  e  I'havrebbe  possuto  fare  senza  scrupolo  e  con  bnona 
coscienza."  It  was  indeed  thought  that  Rospigliosi  favored  Chigi,  in  hopes  of 
being  himself  chosen  pope  by  his  assistance.  The  ambassador,  however,  con- 
futes this  opinion. 

Il  is  curious  to  observe  the  manner  in  which  the  character  of  the  pope  and  the 
cardinal  padrone  were  reflected  in  the  subordinate  members  of  the  court.  They 
were  not  without  good  intentions  or  capability,  but  from  one  cause  or  another 
they  were  unable  to  act  efficiently.  "  Di  due  ministri  si  serve  particolarmente 
il  cardinale  nelle  cose  che  corrono  alia  giornata.  L'uno  e  monsignore  Agustini, 
huomo  prudente  e  di  vita  esemplare,  che  puo  dirsi  di  lui  come  di  Giobbe  Vir 
simplex  et  timens  deum,  ma  del  resto  lento,  lungo  e  irresoluto  e  tanto  inclinato 
a  voler  far  bene  che  fa  poco  per  lo  dubbio  di  non  far  male:  onde  con  questa  na- 
tura  ha  saputo  dare  cosi  bene  nell'  humore  dell  padrone  che  lo  decanta  per  un' 
VOL.  II. — 38 


438  RELATIONE  DI  ROMA.       1670. 

oracolo  e  lo  stima  il  principal  ministro  della  corte,  benche  quelli  che  continiia- 
menre  lo  sentono  nelle  congregalioni,  ne  fanno  altro  concetto,  e  lo  confessano 
bene  per  un  sogfgetto  mediocre,  ma  non  piu  oltre,  e  della  stessa  opinione  e  an- 
cora  il  papa.  L'altro  e  mons""  Fiani,  a  cui  fu  date  il  carico  di  segretario  della 
consulta,  officio  vcramente  che  ricerca  gran  confidenza  col  card' padrone:  onde 
con  ragione  Rospigliosi  scelse  questo  huomo  die  conosce  il  dovere  dell'  amicitia 
e  che  in  effetto  non  puo  desiderarsi  maggior  capacita  nel  governo,  tuttavia  inha- 
bile  quasi  di  esercitare  il  suo  officio  per  esser  podagroso  e  infermo,  proiongando 
per  questo  ogni  cosa  con  gran  rammarico  della  corte,  della  quale  vien  poco  ac- 
cettato,  tanto  piu  che  si  e  vociferato  haver  le  mani  inclinate  a  ricever  presenti, 
ma  per  me  credo  che  questa  sia  una  vera  malignita  di  dettarori." 

It  is  unnecessary  to  repeat  the  further  particulars  concerning  the  pope's  family, 
who  never  obtained  any  influence.  Don  Camillo  Rospigliosi,  the  pope's  brother, 
deserved,  says  our  author,  to  be  canonized  during  his  lifetime,  were  it  the  cus- 
tom to  do  so.  He  had  five  sons,  of  whom  only  two  need  be  mentioned;  the 
second,  Don  'I'ommaso,  who  l)ad  already  conceived  the  project  of  improving  the 
industrial  condition  of  the  States  of  the  Church;  and  the  youngest,  Giambattista 
— "giovine  di  bellissimo  aspetto  e  d'  un  cervello  aculo  e  penetranle" — who 
married  one  of  the  Pallavicini  of  Genoa,  and  founded  the  Rospigliosi  family. 
It  is  sufficient  to  give  a  general  account  of  the  new  relations  in  which  these 
kinsmen  were  placed.  "  Fra  tutti  li  pontefici  che  sono  stati  nel  Vaticano,  non 
se  ne  e  forse  veduto  mai  alcuno  piu  politico  e  piu  prudente  nel  mantenersi  con  i 
suoi  parenti  come  fece  Clemente  IX,  il  quale  godeva  di  esser  con  loro,  ma  non 
gia  di  darsi  in  preda  di  loro;  anzi  quanto  piu  Ji  mostrava  segni  di  afletto  e  di 
ottima  volonta,  tanto  maggiormente  li  teneva  indietro  senza  parteciparli  in  modo 
alcuno  i  segreti  de'  suoi  pensieri.  Alia  buona  intentione  del  papa  di  torre  via 
dalla  chiesa  lo  scandolo  introdotto  da  lungo  tempo  mediante  la  comunicatione 
di  quasi  tutta  1'  autorita  del  Vaticano  che  i  pontefici  hanno  costumato  di  parte- 
cipare  ai  loro  nipoti,  e  andata  congiunta  la  bonta  del  nipotismo:  perche  si  puo 
dire  con  buona  ragione  che  inai  in  Roma  si  sono  veduli  parenti  di  papa  piu  mo- 
desti,  piu  humili,  piu  caritativi  e  meno  disinteressati  de'  Rospigliosi,  e  quel  che 
piu  importa,  tutti  dotati  d'  una  stessa  bonta  e  modestia  che  pero  sarebbe  stato 
un  disumanarsi  di  lasciarli  d'  amare;  anzi  si  puo  dire  giustamente  che  il  papa 
non  li  amo  mai  quanto  sarebbe  necessario  al  merito  delle  loro  ottime  quaiita, 
havendoli  tenuti  piu  tosto  come  stranieri  che  come  parenti  per  non  comunicare 
con  essi  loro  alcuna  cosa  di  conseguenza:  con  che  si  rendeva  infelice,  mentre 
dall'  una  parte  si  privava  volontariamente  della  sodisfattione  necessaria  a'  princpi 
di  sfogarsi  con  i  congiunti,  e  dall'  altra  si  vedeva  privo  di  potersi  aprire  con  i 
domeslici,  che  per  lo  piii  erano  gente  idiota  e  di  spirito  ben  mediocre.  Si  crede 
che  il  papa  non  confida  le  cose  piii  importanti  della  corte  che  colla  persona  del 
card'  Chigi,  il  quale  come  astuto  et  accorto  ha  saputa  benissimo  guadagnarsi  il 
suo  affetto." 

There  follows  a  description  of  the  cardinals,  and  the  ambassadors  residing  at 
the  court.  But  the  individuals  are  too  insignificant,  and  the  incidents  too  slight 
and  transitory,  to  claim  our  attention. 

139. 

Relatione  dello  stato  delle  cose  di  Roma  del  mese  di  Sett.  1670.    {Jilt.  9  leaves.) 

In  addition  to  the  Venetian  reports,  and  those  professedly  French,  we  find 
some  Spanish;  undoubtedly  this  report  was  drawn  up  for  Spain.  Another  is 
mentioned  in  it  as  having  been  sent  to  the  court  of  Spain,  on  which  account  the 
notices  it  contains  were  omitted  in  that  now  before  us. 

Clement  IX:  "  la  sua  natura  e  placida:   perche  non  viene  alcuno  a  suoi  piedi 

al  quale  egli  non  desideri  di  fare  qualche  gratia Va  ristretlissimo  nelle 

spese  e  parchissimo  nel  dare  a  suoi."  Cardinal  Altieri:  "opera  tutto  da  se,  e 
poca  influenza  riceve  da  altri.     Sono  secoli  che  non  si  e  veduto  un  nepote  di 


C.  CARTARI,  MEMORIE  DI  CLEMENTE  X.  439 

pontefice  ne  di  mag-gior  autorita  ne  d'  abilita  ed  integrita."     We  perceive  that 
even  under  this  government  most  of  the  officers  had  been  left  unchanged. 

The  most  important  subject  treated  by  our  author  is  the  division  in  the  court. 
Chigi,  Barberini,  and  Rospigliosi  were  most  intimately  connected  with  the 
Altieri.  The  Spanish  ambassador  had  mainly  contributed  to  bring  about  this 
alliance.  Opposed  to  these  was  the  faction  of  the  squadronisti,  i.  e.  the  cardinals 
of  pope  Innocent's  party,  who  had  exercised  so  much  influence  on  the  last  elec- 
tions to  the  papacy,  and  had  placed  their  adherents  in  official  situations  during 
the  last  two  pontificates.  To  this  faction  belonged  Omodei,  Ottobono,  Impe- 
riali,  Borromeo  and  Azzolino.  The  queen  of  Sweden  took  a  most  active  part 
in  the  conflicts  of  these  two  factions.  We  know  how  highly  she  regarded  Azzo- 
lino. In  this  report  she  is  called  his  faithful  servant,  and  she  is  accused  of  a 
thousand  intrigues  for  the  advantage  of  the  squadronisti. 

140. 

Mcmorie  per  Jescrivere  la  vita  di  Ckmente  X  Pontefice  Massimo,  raccolte  da  Carlo 
Cariari  Urvietano,  decano  degli  uvvocati  cunsistoriali  e  prifetto  deW  archivio  apo- 
stolico  di  castello  S.  Angela  di  Roma.     {^Mt.  211  pages.') 

This  was  written  immediately  after  the  death  of  the  pope,  and  was  finished 
in  October  167G:  the  author  binding  himself  solemnly  to  avoid  all  flattery,  and 
to  relate  the  simple  truth  ("  da  questi  fogli  sara  1'  adulatione,  niia  nemica  irre- 
conciliabile,  affatto  sbandita,  alia  sola  verita  Candida  e  pura  attenendomi;")  ac- 
cording to  the  purpose  of  the  author  this  was  only  a  collection  for  the  use  of 
future  writers. 

At  the  beginning  it  appears  as  if  this  declaration  was  merely  an  expression  of 
the  author's  modesty. 

The  pope's  father,  old  Lorenzo  Altieri,  is  admirably  described.  Cartari  had 
been  well  acquainted  with  him;  he  was  a  man  of  powerful  mind  and  majestic 
deportment,  but  withal  very  modest,  as  his  countenance  testified.  Although  a 
mere  collector  of  facts,  our  author  cannot  refrain  from  writing  a  concetto  in  the 
style  of  his  time:  "  di  altrettanto  bella  canitie  nell'  esterno  ricoperto  quanto  di 
una  candidezza  dicostumi,  di  una  rara  pieta  a  meraviglia  dotato." 

Emilio  A.ltieri  was  born  in  1590;  in  1611  he  took  his  doctor's  degree;  he  was 
for  some  time  in  the  studio  of  Pamfili,  who  was  afterwards  pope.  In  1624  he 
accompanied  Lancellotti,  the  bishop  of  Nola,  whose  Instruction  is  still  extant, 
to  Poland;  at  his  return,  he  was  chosen  bishop  of  Camerino,  in  the  room  of  his 
brother  Giambattista,  who  entered  the  college  of  cardinals:  it  has  been  said,  but 
Cartari  does  not  mention  it,  that  Emilio  himself  was  at  that  time  destined  for 
the  cardinalate,  and  that  he  would  have  been  more  gladly  received  into  the  col- 
lege than  his  brother,  but  that  he  had  so  much  generosity  and  self-command  as 
to  leave  Rome  at  that  moment,  in  order  to  make  way  for  his  elder  brother. 

Emilio  was  sent  by  Innocent  X  as  nuncio  to  Naples,  and  is  said  to  have  con- 
tributed much  towards  quelling  the  disturbances  excited  by  Masaniello.  Alex- 
ander VII  appointed  him  secretary  to  the  congregation  "  de'  vescovi  e  regolari;" 
a  career  which  every  one  had  found  exceedingly  tedious.  He  received  no  im- 
portant promotion  till  he  had  reached  his  79Lh  year.  On  the  29th  of  November, 
1669,  Clement  appointed  him  cardinal,  but  died  before  he  could  even  give  him 
the  hat;  Altieri  went  to  the  conclave  without  having  received  it;  and  on  the 
29th  of  April,  1670,  he  was  himself  elected  pope.  For  a  time  he  refused  that 
dignity,  saying  others  deserved  it  more  than  himself,  and  even  named  cardinal 
Brancacci,  but  at  last  he  accepted  the  liara. 

The  new  pope  was  far  advanced  in  years,  and  had  not  a  single  kinsman:  he 
was  therefore  obliged  to  choose  a  nepos,  to  share  the  weight  of  aiTairs  with  him. 

"  Ritrovavasi  S.  Bealitudine  nell'  anno  ottantesimo  di  sua  eta:  onde  per  questa 
cagione  e  per  imitare  i  suoiantecessori,  quali  ben  conoscendo  la  pesante  m.ole  del 
pontificate  stimarono  necessario  di  deputare  per  proprio  soUievo  alcuno  de'  car- 
dinal! col  titolo  di  sopraintendente  generale  dello  stato  ecclesiastico,  si  com- 


440  C.  CARTARI,  MEMORIE  DI  CLEMENTE  X. 

piacque  a  dichiarare  1'  istesso  ^iorno  a  questa  laboriosa  carica  il  card'  Paluzzo 
Paluzzi  degli  Albertoni  suo  attinente,  permutandogli  quel  cognome  coll'  altro  d' 
Altieri." 

Let  us  now  proceed  to  the  events  of  the  pontificate.  The  author  begins  with 
what  occurred  at  Rome. 

The  arrival  of  the  ambassadors  of  Ferrara  and  Bologna,  to  tender  oaths  of 
allegiance:  the  discovery  of  the  monument  of  Constantine  at  the  foot  of  the 
steps  of  St.  Peter's;  the  decoration  of  the  bridge  of  St.  Angelo  with  ten  angels 
of  Carrara  marble:  the  erection  of  the  Altieri  palace,  on  which  was  expended 
the  sum  of  300,000  scudi,  which,  however,  could  not  be  said  to  be  wasted,  as 
they  benefitted  the  poor:  the  erection  of  a  second  fountain  in  the  Piazza  di  San 
Pietro,  which,  however,  the  pope  did  not  live  to  see  completed.  The  above  are 
the  principal  events  mentioned  by  Cartari.  Whilst  on  the  subject  of  the  palace, 
he  also  describes  the  library.  "  Vedesi  in  sito  quasi  il  piii  alto  elevato  del  me- 
desimo  palazzo  un  vaso  per  libraria,  altretanto  capace  quanto  vago  per  Izf  veduta 
della  citta  e  della  campagna,  in  maestose  scanzie  riempite  della  generosita  del 
card'  Altieri  di  preliosi  libri  d'  ogni  scienza,  che  giungono  al  numero  di  12,000." 
I  know  it  well,  indeed.  How  often  have  I  ascended  the  steps!  Of  the  fountains, 
he  says:  "Trasportata  la  fontanta  di  Paolo  V  con  machine  meravigliose,  quasi 
direi  tutte  d'  un  pezzo,  dal  sito  vecchio  dove  si  ritrovava  all'  altro  dove  hoggidi 
si  vede  stabilita  in  corrispondenza  degl'  ingressi  laterali  del  teatro,  per  accom- 
pagnamento  della  medesimi  ordino  se  ne  fabricasse  un'  ultra  affatto  simile  verso 
il  giardino  de  Cesi,  come  fu  eseguito."  The  most  remarkable  thing  is  what  he 
relates  of  the  mosaic  attributed  to  Giotto,  the  Navicella  di  S.  Pietro.  After  the 
destruction  of  the  portico  of  the  old  Basilica,  where  it  originally  stood,  Paul  V 
placed  it  in  the  palace,  whence  Urban  VIII  removed  it  to  the  church;  Innocent 
X  brought  it  back  to  to  the  palace,  where  Alexander  VII  again  found  it  incon- 
venient, and,  despairing  of  removing  it  as  it  was,  he  caused  it  to  be  taken  to 
pieces,  putting  the  stones  which  formed  each  figure  into  a  separate  bag.  Under 
Clement  X  cardinal  Barberini  proposed  that  it  should  be  restored  after  a  copy 
taken  under  Urban  VIII;  it  was  accordingly  done,  and  inserted  in  the  lunette 
over  the  middle  door  of  the  hall.  We  may  judge  of  the  manner  in  which  it 
was  treated  from  these  words  of  Cartari:  "  Perche  il  vano  non  era  capace,  fu 
detto  che  lasciandosi  le  figure  nel  proprio  essere,  potevano  restringersi  i  spatii: 
come  fu  diligentemente  esequito."  Thus  we  see  that  there  is  some  truth  in  the 
opinion  held  by  many  that  the  new  master  was  the  real  executor  of  the  mosaic 
as  it  now  stands. 

At  last  the  author  proceeds  to  the  affairs  of  the  state;  but  on  this  subject  he 
is  very  defective.  He  relates  that  Clement  X,  in  spite  of  his  financial  necessi- 
ties, never  would  consent  to  any  fresh  reductions  of  the  monti,  from  considera- 
tion of  the  number  of  families,  and  still  more  of  religious  institutions,  which 
would  suffer  from  il:  "ben  considerando  il  danno  che  a  tante  famiglie  ed  in 
particolare  a  luoghi  pii  ne  resultarebbe:"  he  chose  rather  to  economise,  and  even 
the  cardinal  nephew  offered  to  give  up  his  pension  as  sopraintendente  dello 
stato.  Clement  nevertheless  sent  money  to  Poland,  which  was  hard  pressed  by 
the  Turks:  at  one  time  he  sent  30,000,  at  another  16,000,  and  at  another  70,000 
scudi.     A  separate  collection  had  been  made  among  the  cardinals. 

This  is  the  only  mention  I  find  of  foreign  affairs.  The  affairs  of  the  ecclesias- 
tical states  are  not,  however,  profoundly  treated.  "  Si  adopero  alia  libra  intro- 
duzione  delle  merci  forestiere,  e  furono  rivocate  tutte  le  esenzioni  delle  gabelle: 
si  diedero  ordini  circa  gli  officii  vacabili  della  dataria  e  frutti  di  essi: — si  estinse 
la  gabella  del  quatrino  degli  artisti:  si  dichiaro  che  alii  Romani  et  altri  nobili 
dello  stato  ecclesiastico  sia  lecito  di  esercitar  commerci  senzapregiudizj  della 
nobilta."  This  is  indeed  the  only  very  important  fact  he  relates.  He  hardly 
mentions  the  conduct  of  the  papacy  with  regard  to  the  interior  of  the  catholic 
church. 


NUOVO  GOVERNO  DI  ROMA  SOTTO  CLEMENTE  X.  441 

141. 

dementis  Decimi  Poniijicis  Maximi  vita.     {Alt.  288  pages.) 

Cartari  was  of  opinion  that  many  would  be  fonnd  to  write  the  life  of  Clement 
X,  and  to  such  he  dedicated  his  materials.  An  author  was  soon  found  to  un- 
dertalie  it,  but  he  was  a  Jesuit,  and  wrote  at  the  command  of  his  general,  Oliva. 
Cardinal  Pauluzzi  Altieri  furnished  him  with  the  materials. 

Although  this  author  does  not  mention  Cartari,  it  is  evident  that  he  frequently 
consulted  him;  indeed,  in  many  instances,  he  has  merely  translated  and  am- 
plified him.  He  also  inserts  the  flatteries  which  Cartari  had  purposely  avoided. 
He  relates  that  in  the  year  of  Clement's  birth,  there  had  been  a  terrible  overflow 
of  the  Tiber:  "  quasi  praesentiret  imperantis  urbis  fluvius  augendam  ab  exorto 
turn  infante  Romanam  gloriam." 

Sometimes,  however,  his  additions  are  more  interesting;  it  is  he  who  com- 
municates the  characteristic  trait  of  Clement's  voluntarily  giving  place  to  his 
brother. 

In  the  latter  chapters  he  enters  on  the  aflfairs  of  the  church.  "  Innumeros  in 
callem  salutis  reduces  illo  regnante  vidit  Hungaria,  quam  catholicam,  ut  Fran- 
cisci  card''^  Nerlii  verbis  utar,  pene  totam  effecit:*'  this  indeed  is  a  strong  hyper- 
bole, for  neither  was  Catholicism  at  this  time  so  widely  spread  in  Hungary, 
nor  did  Clement  greatly  contribute  to  its  dilTusion:  "ad  veram  religionem  in 

Hibernia  conservandam  ac  propagandam  solertem  industriam  contulit:  

plurimos  in  Vaticanum  regresses  Boemia  et  c?etera  Boemiae  regna  atque  inter 
hos  magnos  principes,  plurimos  Rhaeti  atque  iis  fiuitimae  valles,  magnam  illorum 
vim  Hollandia,  majorera  vidit  Gallia."  This,  however,  is  described  in  most 
general  terms. 

While  he  extols  the  justice,  and  the  love  of  the  pope  towards  his  subjects, 
he  extenuates  his  having  raised  money  to  assist  the  Poles  in  their  resistance  to 
the  Turks,  by  taxes  imposed  on  the  clergy,  and  by  raising  new  loans;  he 
abolished  several  oppressive  taxes,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  laid  a  duty  on  articles 
of  luxury,  such  as  foreign  wines  and  tobacco;  with  regard  to  his  kinsmen,  also, 
he  showed  the  greatest  moderation.  There  was,  it  is  true,  the  Altieri  palace, — 
but  then,  how  few  estates  they  had  got  into  their  possession;  "  quam  minimum 
in  spatium  contrahantur  Alteriis  principibus  subjecta  oppida  et  rura,  cum  latissime 
pateat  aliorum  dilio." 

142. 

Nuovo  governo  di  Roma  sotto  il  pontificato   di  papa  Ckmente  X.      {Barh,  17 

haves.') 

This  report  gives  a  minute  account  of  the  family  affairs  of  Pauluzzi,  and  of 
his  singular  elevation  to  the  place  of  the  pope's  nepos. 

The  head  of  the  Altieri  family,  brother  to  the  pope,  had  left  an  only  daughter, 
whose  husband,  if  she  married,  was  to  take  the  name  of  Altieri.  A  nephew  of 
cardinal  Pauluzzi  married  this  heiress,  and  thus  united  the  houses  of  Pauluzzi 
and  Altieri. 

All  the  other  kinsfolk,  for  instance  the  Gabrielli,  who  had  formerly  been  the 
first,  were  now  thrown  into  the  back  ground. 

On  the  whole,  this  government  was  from  the  beginning  less  mild  than  the 
preceding,  which  indeed  was  caused  by  Clement  IX  having  burthened  even 
those  branches  of  the  revenue  which  had  hitherto  been  reserved,  with  debts. 
Already  the  little  army  began  to  be  disbanded.  The  author  thinks  that  even  the 
trifling  diminution  in  the  taxation  effected  by  Clement  IX  would  soon  deprive 
the  state  of  any  armed  force  whatever. 

He  also  complains  of  the  mode  of  administration,  and  of  that  recklessness 
then  so  common  in  those  at  the  head  of  the  papal  government.  "  Vedeudosi 
odiati  et  abborriti  tanto  piii  s'  infierano,  e  firatosi  il  cappello  sugli  occhi  non 

38* 


442  PIERO  MOCENIGO,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1675. 

guardano  in  faccia  a  tiessuno,  e  facendo  d'  ogni  erba  fascio  non  pensano  che  al 
proprio  interesse  senza  minima  apprensione  del  publico." 

143. 

Relatione  dello  stato  presente  della  corte  di  Roma,fatta  aW  ecc'^"  principe  di  Ligni 
governatore  di  31ilano  daW  Ill"^o  S''  Feder.  Rozzoni  invialo  straord'^i"  da  S. 
E.  alia  corte  oppresso  Clemente  X.     (24  leaves.) 

This  report  was  written  somewhat  later  than  the  former. 

The  position  of  the  different  parties  had  already  changed.  Rospigliosi  and 
Chigi  were  neglected  by  the  ruling  family,  which  sought  to  join  the  squad- 
ronisti. 

The  connection  between  the  pope  and  cardinal  Altieri  is  described  as  fol- 
lows: 

"  II  papa  non  ha  applicatione  alcuna,  si  per  la  cadente  sua  eta,  come  ancheper 
esser  suo  connaturale  attendere  alia  propria  quiete  e  sottrarsi  dalle  cure  gravi 
che  potrebbero  turbare  la  serenita  dell'  animo  sno,  solo  inclinato  a  vivere  tran- 
quillamente.  Egli  percio  non  puole  sapere  le  amministrationi  della  giustitiane 
altri  negotii  politici  della  corte  e  dello  stato  ecclesiastico:  onde  il  ricorre  a  lui 
non  giova  punto  a  quelli  che  da  suoi  ministri  vengono  oppressi:  e  per  havere 
pretesto  piu  colorito  di  non  ingerisi  in  simili  affari,  piu  volte  si  fa  stimare  am- 
malato,  non  tralasciando  per  questo  le  sue  domestiche  conversationi,  che  dopo 
desinato  giornalmente  si  prende  con  giuochi  di  carte  e  godimento  di  suoni  e 
canti. 

"  Lascia  il  governo  della  chiesa  totalmente  ul  cardinale  Altieri,  et  in  esso  non 
si  ingerisce  se  non  quanto  enccessario  per  la  sua  approvatione  in  voce  o  scritto: 
nel  resto  ha  rassegnato  in  tal  maniera  che  piu  volte  1'  ha  temuto  e  nascostamente 
ha  fatto  fare  elemosine,  regali  e  cose  simili:  ma  la  collatione  de'  beneficii,  vesco- 
vati  et  elettionede' soggetli  alia  porpora  resta  al  totalearbitrio  di  esso  cardinale; 
il  quale  e  uomo  flemmatico,  e  difficilmente  si  sdegna  esternamente,  e  quando  cio 
fa,  cessa  di  vendicarsi.  Ha  molt'  attitudine  a  sostenere  la  carica  che  tiene,  et 
in  fatti  vuol  sapere  ei  indrizzare  tutti  gli  affari  grandi  e  piccoli  non  solo  della 
corte  ma  ancora  di  tutto  lo  stato  ecclesiastico,  il  che  da  alcuni  si  attribuisce  a 
grande  avidita  di  suoi  interessi,  nelli  quali  e  vigilantissimo,  non  lasciando  pas- 
sare  occasione  alcuna  di  non  approfittarli:  ogni  giorno  in  tal'  hore  determinate  da 
audienza  a  tutti  i  ministri  della  corte  et  alii  loro  segretarj,  et  esso  da  leregole  et 
istruttioni  non  solo  generali  ma  anche  particolari,  di  modo  che  li  giudici  et  il 
medesimo  governatore  non  hanno  nelle  loro  cariche  arbitrio  alcuna. 

"  II  principale  ministro  del  medesimo  cardinale  e  stato  et  e  1'  abbate  Piccini, 
soggetto  di  deboli  parti  et  inferior!  natali,  che  prima  della  promotione  di  Clemente 
Decimo  era  suo  cameriere:  onde  per  introdutione,  anzi  per  1' arbitrio,  conforme 
la  comune  stima,  che  haveva  de'  volerl  di  esso  cardinale,  ha  congregato  un' 
annua  entrata  di  12  m.  scudi  et  un  capitale  di  200  m.,  havendo  altrettanto  empito 
il  capo  di  fumo  quanto  la  borsa  d'  oro.  Pero  al  presente  ecessata  tant'  aura  sua, 
vogliono  alcuni  per  punti  politici  e  non  gia  perche  si  sia  diminuita  la  sua  gran 
fortuna  dall'  unionedelli  quattro  regj  ambasciatori:  ancorchedetto  abbate  Piiicini 
unitamente  col  commissario  della  camera  chiamato  mons''  Zaccaria  siano  li  piii 
intimi  del  cardinale:  quanto  a  cio,  spetta  all'  interesse,  mostrandosi  esso  cardi- 
nale da  questo  alieno,  volendo  lasciar  cadere  sopra  di  questi  due  ministri  o  torci- 
mani  1'  opinione  volgare  di  molto  interessato." 

144. 

Relatione  della  corte  di  Roma  del  N.  H,  Piero  Mocenigo,  che  fu  amhasciatore  a 
papa  Clemente  X,  fatta  V  anno  1675.     (44  leaves.) 

P.  Mocenigo  had  formerly  been  in  England;  he  now  went  to  Rome,  which 
presented  so  totally  different  an  aspect,  especially  in  a  commercial  point  of  view: 
he  soon  got  into  violent  disputes  with  the  Altieri  family,  and  placed  himself  at 


PIERO  MOCENIGO,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1675.  443 

the  head  of  the  ambassadors,  whom  the  court  sought  to  deprive  of  some  of  their 
privileges.  No  wonder  that,  according  to  his  account,  he  was  not  much  edified 
by  what  he  saw  and  heard. 

His  report  is  divided  into  three  parts. 

I.  "La  qualiia  di  quella  corte,  sua  autorita  cosi  spirituale  come  temporale, 
con  aggiunta  dell'  erario  e  delle  forze."  "  Tutto  il  riflesso,"  he  begins,  "dei 
pcnsieri  de'  regnanti  e  rivolto  a  non  lasciare  la  propria  casa  esposta  alle  perse- 
culioni  et  al  ludibrio  della  poverfa.  Di  cio  deriva  che  la  tramontana  di  quella 
corte  e  1'  interesse  privato,  e  cola  non  s'  applica  al  publico  bene  che  colla  spe- 
ciosila  delle  apparenze."  The  favor  now  shown  to  the  great  families  is  an  en- 
tire obstacle  to  the  prosperity  of  the  middle  classes  and  lower  nobility;  they 
have  not  money  enough  to  maintain  their  position  alone,  and  are  too  independent 
to  descend  to  the  servility  of  the  indigent  class. 

"  Flattery,"  says  P.  Mocenigo,  "  is  indigenous  here;  but  there  are  neverthe- 
less many  who  comfort  themselves  under  their  disappointments  by  evil  speaking 
and  slander,  and  whose  maxim  it  is,  that  one  is  never  mistaken  in  believino-  the 
worst." 

Important  congregations;  i.  e.  of  the  inquisition,  church  immunity,  the  coun- 
cil, the  propaganda,  of  bishops  and  monastic  orders,  and  of  the  index.  If  the 
court  wishes  to  refuse  anything,  it  refers  it  to  them,  and  they  go  back  to  their 
canons  and  the  usages  of  former  centuries;  thus  the  merest  trifles  are  magnified 
into  importance.  If  on  the  other  hand  the  court  is  favorably  inclined,  it  takes 
the  matter  into  its  own  hands. 

In  secular  affairs  especially,  the  absolute  power  of  the  court  shows  itself. 

The  cardinals  would  never  have  approved  the  carrying  on  a  war.  (The  case  is 
indeed  altered  since  then,  we  may  add.) 

The  condition  of  the  country  became  worse  every  day.  The  author  was  in- 
formed that  during  the  last  forty  years  the  population  had  decreased  one  third; 
that  where  there  stood  formerly  100  hearths,  there  were  now  but  60;  many 
houses  were  pulled  down,  although  this  was  forbidden  by  the  consulta.  Less 
land  was  cultivated  daily;  the  number  of  marriages  was  diminished;  parents 
sought  an  asylum  for  their  children  in  the  convents. 

He  calculates  the  interest  of  the  debts  of  the  state,  i.  e.  of  the  monti  and 
officii  vacabili,  to  amount  to  2,400,000  scudi;  the  deficit  to  several  hundred 
thousand. 

II.  "  II  presente  governo  di  Clemente  X,  sua  casa,  sacro  collegio  e  corrispon- 
denze  con  principi." 

Clemeut  X.  He  gave  audience,  it  is  true,  to  the  datarius,  the  segretario  de 
brevi,  the  secretary  of  state,  and  cardinal  Altieri,  at  appointed  hours;  but  he 
only  went  through  the  form  of  signing:  everything  disagreeable  was  concealed 
from  him;  this  indeed  was  the  principal  business  of  cardinal  Allieri.  The  am- 
bassador maintains  that  the  pope  was  totally  ignorant  of  the  general  state  of 
affairs,  never  having  himself  been  nuncio.  This  we  know  to  be  false.  "In 
Roma  si  dice  che  benedicere  e  sanctificare  siadel  pontefice,  reggere  e  gubernare 
sia  dell'  Altieri." 

Cardinal  Altieri:  "di  complessione: la  sua  natura  e  ardente,  ira- 

petuosa  e  di  prima  impressione Assuefatto  alia  cortesia  Romanesca  di 

non  negare  cosa  alcuna,  anzi  di  concorrere  con  parole  officiose  ad  esaudire  le  in- 
stanze  facilmente:  poi  quando  ha  ponderate  il  negotio,  da  indietro,  anco  col  ne- 
gare r  impegno,  e  da  nelle  scandescenze Da  poca  speranza  vien  solle- 

vato,  come  per  contrario  da  poco  timore  abbattuto."  In  this  description  we  see 
the  expression  of  personal  dislike. 

Other  individuals  are  described  in  the  same  spirit.  "  Laura  Altieri,"  he  say&, 
"  from  whom  originated  the  good  fortune  of  this  family,  was  not  happy  in  her 
home,  on  which  account  she  was  not  allowed  to  appear  before  the  pope:"  this 
statement  I  do  not  quite  believe. 

The  author's  testimony  is  less  suspicious,  when  he  describes  the  union  of  the 
court  with  the  squadronisti;  we  have  already  seen  how  that  party  extended  itself. 


444  GOVERNO  m  ROMA. 

Barberini,  Rospigliosi  and  Chigi  were  as  5'et  but  little  considered;  the  squadro- 
nisli  insisted  chiefly  on  the  independence  of  the  curia  of  foreign  courts;  they  had 
completely  won  over  the  Altieri.  The  author  maintains  that  the  embarrassments 
in  which  the  court  was  involved,  were  to  be  ascribed  to  that  family. 

He  enters  more  minutely  into  these,  but  in  a  tone  of  great  irritation. 

"The  emperor"  he  said,  "was  obliged  to  conciliate  the  court  by  occasional  pre- 
sents of  a  spiritual  nature,  Agnus  Dei,  &c.  With  France  the  court  had  so  many 
disagreements,  that  it  would  be  a  source  of  rejoicing  at  Rome  to  see  her  engaged 
in  a  war.  Tn  such  a  state  of  things,  how  could  the  pope  negotiate  a  peace"?  The 
Spaniards  complained  amongst  other  things  that  the  banditti  from  Naples  found 
an  asylum  in  the  States  of  the  Church  and  sold  their  booty  there."  "Ma  non 
segli  danno  orecchie:  perche  cosi  comple  alia  quiete  di  quel  confini,  promessa  e 
mantenuta  dai  medesimi  banditi."  The  court  of  Rome  neglected  to  urge  on  the 
Poles  to  a  war  with  the  Turks,  merely  to  avoid  having  to  give  them  assistance; 
it  would  not  concede  his  title  to  the  czar,  and  on  that  account  neglected  to  form 
an  alliance  with  him,  which  would  have  been  so  important  in  aiding  them  against 
their  hereditary  enemy.  "  Per  timor  d'  ingombrarsi  in  obligatione  di  rimettere 
e  contribuire  soccorsi  maggiori  si  sono  lasciate  cadere  le  propositioni  fatte  da 
un'  inviato  Polaceo,  che  I'  armi  del  re  sarebbero  passate  il  Danubio,  entrate  nella 
Bulgaria,  e  promettevano  di  portar  la  guerra  nelle  viscere  dell'  imperio  Ottoma- 
no."  I  only  notice  this,  because  it  shows  that  even  then  these  hopes  were  en- 
tertained. For  it  is  not  easy  to  see  how  the  court  of  Rome  could  render  any 
effectual  assistance,  especially  if  the  treasury  and  the  country  were  in  the  con- 
dition described  above.  They  would  not  concede  to  the  king  of  Portugal  the 
patronage  of  his  transmarine  churches,  nor  to  the  duke  of  Savoy  an  indult  for  the 
filling  of  vacant  sees  in  his  own  territories.  Even  in  Tuscany  and  the  smaller 
principalities,  this  claim  to  ecclesiastical  independence  was  preferred. 

The  incameration  of  Castro  proved  most  injurious:  the  interest  on  the  debts 
incurred  was  90,000  scudi,  while  the  farmer  of  the  revenue  paid  only  60,000. 
The  Romans  answered,  that  "  that  was  not  the  mode  of  reckoning  for  a  prince." 

III.  "  Corrispondenze  coUa  republiea:"  very  short,  and  principally  relating 
to  personal  quarrels.     "  Impiego  scabrosissimo."     All  written  in  the  same  spirit. 

The  Venetians  were  already  prepared  for  a  report  of  this  character.  Before 
P.  Mocenigo's  return  they  had  received  a  "  Lettera  scritta  a  Venetia  da  sog- 
getto  ben  informato  sopra  1'  ambasceria"  (a  later  hand  adds,  "infame")  "delS' 
Kav'  Mocenigo;"  which  contains  plenty  of  abuse  of  the  "  little  man  with  the 
great  wig,  who  was  always  talking  of  England."  Ke  was  now  closeted  day 
and  night  with  a  writer,  and  engaged  in  blackening  the  court  of  Rome  in  his 
report;  "  un  governo,  migliore  del  quale  per  i  principi  secolari  non  e  stato  daS. 
Pietro  in  qua,  piacevole,  moderato,  senza  puntiglio." 

Mocenigo  has  without  doubt  exaggerated;  but  we  must  not,  on  that  account, 
reject  as  false  everything  he  says. 

After  all,  every  one  gives  the  coloring  of  his  own  ideas  to  the  facts  he  relates, 
and  the  reader  must  learn  to  distinguish  between  object  and  subject. 

145. 

Scrittura  sopra  il  governo  di  Roma.     {^MS.  Itom.') 

This  is  to  be  found  amongst  MSS.  which  relate  to  ths  years  1670-80,  and 
may  be  referred  to  about  the  same  period.  It  is  just  as  desponding  in  its  tone 
as  the  lamentations  of  Sacchetti.  "  I.  Sopra  il  cattivo  stato  de'  popoli.  Come 
raai  in  ogni  pontificato,  s'ha  da  trovar  modo  di  rnetter  100  et  anco  150  m.  scudi 
in  una  casa,  e  non  e  possibile  di  levarne  50  m.  di  peso  agli  aggravali  popoli. 

II  peggio  e  non  voler  permettere  i  modi  honesti  di  riempire  le  borse  con 

procacciarsi  per  mezzo  di  lecite  mercantie  quel  guadagni  ch'  altri  con  1'  autorita, 
indebitamente  s'  appropria.  II.  Sopra  la  gran  poverta  et  li  gran  lusso."  A 
rhetorical  contrast.  "  III.  Dell'  annona  e  del  vino."  Chiefly  concerning  the 
abuses  of  the  annona.      "  I  rainistri  del  principe  vogliono  far  da  raercanti. 


MEMORIALE  AD  INNOCENZO  XI.       1689.  445 

Quindi  tanti  fallimenti  di  mercanti  e  di  fornari,  tanti  sconcerti  nelle  case  e  nelli 
luoghi  pii,  ii  cui  loro  matrgior  avere  consiste  in  terreni,  e  tanti  grani  lasciati 
marcire  ne'granari  a  ciii  non  ha  voluto  soccombere  all'  estorsione  di  si  detestabil 
trafico.  IV.  Del  ritardamento  della  giustitia  e  de'  friitti  de'  luochi  di  monte." 
The  depositarii  de'  monti  are  also  accused  of  embezzlement  and  dishonesty. 
"  V.  Sopra  1'  irreverenza  nelle  chicse:"  he  says,  "  it  was  like  the  behavior  in  the 
theatre."  "VI.  Sopra  il  fasto  de' banchelti  palatini.  VII.  Sopra  1' abuso  del 
cerimoniale."  The  author  disapproves  of  the  frequent  use  of  the  title  "Sanc- 
tissimns;"  he  is  indignant  at  people  daring  to  say  of  the  procession  of  Corpus 
Christi,  "  Sanctissimus  Sanclissima  portat."  "  VII.  Sopra  1'  immunila  eccle- 
siastica:"  he  deplores  the  sanctuary  afforded  to  malefactors  in  the  churches. 
"IX.  Sopra  le  lordure  delle  strade."  The  report  is  well  meaning,  and  on  the 
whole  exact,  but  not  very  profound. 

146. 

Vita  del  servo  di  dio  papa  Innocentio  XI  raccolta  in  ire  libri.     {MS.  Rom.) 

A  very  beautiful  copy  on  144  leaves,  probably  delivered  into  the  hands  of 
some  later  pope. 

The  first  book  contains  the  early  life  of  Innocent  XI.  The  author  had  been 
at  great  pains  to  obtain  authentic  records  of  it.  He  denies  that  the  pope  had 
made  a  campaign  in  his  youth;  his  holiness  himself  had  been  asked  that  ques- 
tion. On  the  other  hand,  he  maintains  that  cardinal  Cueva  was  the  person 
who  had  directed  the  altention  of  the  young  man  (who  had  been  recommended 
to  him  by  the  governor  of  Milan)  to  the  advantages  to  be  derived  from  the  career 
of  the  curia. 

The  second  book  contains  the  earlier  measures  of  this  pope's  reign,  such  as 
his  economy,  abolition  of  useless  offices,  lowering  the  rate  of  interest  of  the 
monti  (even  for  the  corporate  bodies),  restraints  imposed  upon  usury,  which 
was  chiefly  carried  on  at  the  Ghetto,  and  the  imposition  of  new  taxes  on  the 
ecclesiastical  fees.  His  maxim  was:  "essereegli  non  padrone,  ma  amminis- 
tratore  delle  cose  alia  santa  sede  spettanti  con  1'  obbligo  rigoroso  di  distribuirle 

non  secondo  la  gratia  de'  parenti  ma  conforme  la  legge  della  giustitia."     " 

Egli  medesimo  disse  che  da  cardinale  haveva  cominciato  ad  esser  povero  e  da 
papa  era  divenuto  mendico."  Lastly,  our  author  touches  upon  English  affairs, 
and  does  not  scruple  to  declare  that  King  James  wished  to  convert  England  to 
Catholicism.  "  Volendo  ricondurre  al  Romano  cortile  i  suoi  sudditi,  comincio  a 
servirsi  nel  ministero  di  cattolici." 

The  subject  of  the  third  volume  is  the  share  taken  by  Innocent  XI  in  the 
Turkish  war:  his  personal  qualities  also  are  described.  In  this  portrait  he  ap- 
pears, as  he  was,  energetic,  regardless  of  consequences,  and  honorable.  His 
manners  and  habits  are  represented  with  more  penetration  aud  truth  than  in  the 
work  of  Bonamicus,  quoted  by  Lebret,  which  is  in  fact  nothing  more  than  a 
shallow  panegyric. 

The  opposition  excited  by  this  pope's  reforms  appears  here  in  a  reinarkable 
manner.  What  innumerable  objections  were  raised  against  the  draught  of  a 
bull  for  getting  rid  of  nepotism!  "II  volgo  vedendo  riformati  molti  ministri  in 
palazzo  et  unite  le  loro  cariche  ad  altri  ministerj,  che  il  papa  non  incliniva  a 
spendere  ne  a  beneficare  con  gratie,  senza  pensare  piu  oltre  biasimava  '1  genio 
di  Innocenzo  come  incapace  della  conditione  del  principe."  This  discontent 
breaks  out  in  various  forms. 

147. 

Memoriale  del  1680  al  papa  Innocenzo  XI  concernente  il  governo  e  gli  aggravj. 

{Bibl.  Vallic.) 

Every  body  acknowledges — so  we  find  it  asserted  in  this  MS. — the  holy  zeal 
of  the  pope.      But  unfortunately  his  measures  produced  general  discontent. 


446  SOPRA  LA  SOPPRESSIONE  DE'  SECRETARI  APOSTOLICI. 

Many  families  were  ruined  by  a  reduction  of  the  monti;  the  cardinals  were  not 
listened  to;  no  favor  was  shown  to  the  temporal  sovereigns;  prelates  were  de- 
prived of  their  liopes  of  preferment;  the  poor  received  no  alms;  all  Rome  pre- 
sented a  spectacle  of  misery. 

Who  could  believe  that  no  sooner  had  a  pope  yielded  to  the  incessant  com- 
plaints against  nepotism,  and  abolished  it,  than  the  people  were  clamorous  for 
its  re-establishment!  "  Ond' e,"  says  this  memorial  after  adducing  some  rea- 
sons, "che  sia  una  gran  fortuna  per  un  priricipe  1'  aver  parenti  buoni  e  capaci 
del  governor  poiche  avendo  questi  piu  potenti  motivi  dei  ministri  d'  interessarsi 
nella  riputaiione  e  gloria  di  lui,  possono  anco  con  maggior  sincerita  e  franchezza 
dire  i  loro  pareri." 

148. 

Ode  satirica  contra  Innocenzo  XL     {Library  of  Frankfort  on  the  Maine,  MS. 

Glauburg,  no.  31.) 

The  expression  of  discontent  is  moderated  in  writings  like  the  preceding:  but 
whether  a  real  fault  or  a  mere  rumor  furnished  subject  for  censure,  it  found  vent 
in  the  most  violent  language,  as  we  see  in  the  following  specimen. 

"  lo  non  ritrovo  ancor  ne'  vecchi  annali 

bestia  peggior,  che  sotto  hipocrisia 

col  sangue  altrui  tingesse  e  '1  becco  e  I'  ali. 

Per  altri  era  zelante,  ma  concesse 

al  nepote  pero  che  il  gran  comprasse 

due  scudi  il  rubbio  e  nove  lo  vendesse." 

149. 

Dtscorso  sopra  la  soppressione  del  collegia  rfe'  secrefari  apostoUci  fatta  per  la  S'-"'  di 
N.  S'^'  Jtmocenzo  XI. 

Notwithstanding  the  most  vehement  opposition,  Innocent  proceeded  in  his 
reforms.     This  discorso  shows  how  he  set  about  them  in  several  instances. 

First,  the  origin  of  the  segrelarj,  whom  we  find  since  the  schism,  and  the 
abuses  connected  with  their  existence  are  described.  These  are  attributed 
chiefly  to  their  having  no  share  in  public  business.  "I  possessori  degli  officii 
di  fatto  non  hanno  amministratione  o  servilio  alcuno  nella  speditione  dei  nogozj: 
mentre  cosi  il  segretario  io  di  brevi  come  quello  delle  lettere  o  brevi  a  principi, 
come  versati  nel  mestieri,  si  sogliono  depulare  ad  arbitrio  del  papa  fuori  del  col- 
legio,  ne  1'  officio  porta  seco  la  prelatura  conferendosi  a  persone  seculari  per  lo 
piu  inesperte  et  in  eta  tenera,  a  guisa  di  quelli  altri  officii  popolari  i  quali  sono 
in  commercio  per  il  solo  commodo  el  interesse  borsale. 

As  the  rates  of  interest  were  enormous,  and  the  camera  paid  yearly  40,000 
scudi  interest  on  200,000  scudi,  which  they  had  received,  Innocent  determined 
to  abolish  the  collegium,  and  established  a  commission  which  was  to  inquire 
into  the  claims  of  the  shareholders. 

The  pope  would  only  repay  to  the  parties  the  amount  which  the  camera  had 
actually  received;  the  shareholders  on  the  other  hand,  demanded  at  any  rate  to 
be  paid  according  to  the  current  price  of  the  offices.  The  congregation  could 
come  to  no  decision. 

The  author  is  of  opinion  that  the  pope  was  only  bound  to  the  payment  of  the 
nominal  price;  this  he  says  was  the  practice  of  the  ])apal  see. 

There  are  also  other  writings  which  belong  to  this  period,  for  example,  "Stato 
della  camera  nel  presente  pontificato  d'  Innocenzo  XI;"  but  they  consist  of  figures, 
aijd  afford  no  fit  matter  for  extracts. 


GIOVANNI  LANDO,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1691.  447 

150. 

Scritlure  politichc,  morali  e  satiriche  sopra  le  masstme,  istituto  e  governo  della  cam' 
pagnia  di  Gem.     {Bibl.  Cars.) 

This  is  a  collection  of  all  sorts  of  writings  bearing  upon  the  monastic  orders, 
of  which  some  are  satirical  and  pure  invention — for  instance  a  consulta  of  Ac- 
quaviva — while  others  are  entirely  in  earnest  and  drawn  from  the  best  sources. 

The  most  important  is:  "  In  nomine  Jesu.  Discorso  sopra  la  religione  de' 
padri  Jesuiti  e  loro  mode  di  governare;"  which  consists  of  400  leaves,  and  is 
written  about  the  time  of  general  Noyelle,  between  the  years  1G81  and  1686: 
decidedly  unfavorable  to  the  order,  nevertheless  we  may  perceive  from  every 
word  that  the  author  was  thoroughly  well  informed  as  to  its  condition  since  the 
middle  of  the  century.     The  following  is  the  arrangement  of  the  work. 

I.  The  author  first  arranges  under  certain  heads  the  faults  which  he  perceives. 
1.  "  Di  alcune  loro  massime:"  for  example  the  idea  that  their  order  is  the  most 
distinguished  in  the  world,  that  all  their  prayers  are  granted,  and  all  those  who 
die  members  of  the  company  are  undoubtedly  saved.  2.  "  Delia  loro  avidita  et 
interesse."  There  are  many  stories  illustrative  of  the  rapacity  and  sneaking 
arts  with  which  they  extracted  presents  from  the  people;  of  their  carrying  on 
trade,  and  many  worse  things.  The  trade  is  most  insisted  on.  He  takes  how- 
ever too  confined  a  view,  only  embracing  Rome  and  the  Stales  of  the  Church. 
3.  "  Del  loro  governo."  Of  the  abuse  of  the  monarchical  power.  Ofthe  depo- 
sition of  Nickel;  seep.  127.  4.  "  Qualita  proprie  del  governo."  e.  g.  "Fla- 
gello  sordo,"  i.  e.  of  those  who  were  punished  without  being  informed  for  what 
offence;  they  were  denounced  vvithout  previous  notice  or  admonition:  the  Supe- 
rior often  entrusted  the  inspection  to  an  inferior  officer,  which  destroyed  all  order. 

5.  "  Governo  in  ordine  ai  loro  convitlori  e  scolari."     Dishonoring  punishments. 

6.  "  La  moltitudine  delle  regole."     The  one  often  ran  counter  to  another,  and 
nobody  knew  them  all. 

II.  After  repeated  discussion  as  to  the  cause  and  effect  of  these  evils,  the  au- 
thor endeavors  to  find  some  remedy  for  them.  It  is  remarkable  that  he  reckons 
among  the  most  important  of  all,  the  establishment  of  the  general  vicariates, 
which  had  been  so  often  demanded,  and  so  constantly  opposed  by  the  order 
itself.  He  says,  "  Constituire  un  vicario  generale  per  le  provincie  della  Spag- 
na,  Germania,  Francia  et  Indie,  ...  cacciar  sangue  ad  un  corpo  troppo  pingue,  ... 
leggi  cprte  a  delitti  certi." 

III.  He  then  returns  to  his  old  method,  viz.  placing  the  various  defects  and 
abuses  of  the  institute  under  various  heads.  Numerous  particulars  are  men- 
tioned, which  bear  the  stamp  of  more  or  less  authenticity.  Perhaps  the  most 
important  is  the  last  section,  "  Delle  loro  Indiche  missioni,"  extracted  from  the 
manuscripts  in  the  papal  archives,  with  so  much  care,  that  the  originals  are 
separately  given:  here  are  enumerated  the  acts  of  disobedience  against  the  pope 
of  which  the  Jesuits  had  been  guilty  in  India,  even  long  before  Pere   Norbert. 

Altogether  this  document  is  decidedly  unfavorable  to  the  Jesuits,  but  at  the 
same  time  exceedingly  instructive:  the  vices  of  the  institution  are  laid  bare  with 
an  acuteness  and  penetration,  which  enable  us  to  see  much  more  clearly  into 
the  system  than  we  otherwise  could  have  done.  It  cannot  exactly  be  said  that 
it  is  written  in  a  spirit  of  hostility,  for  the  good  as  well  as  the  evil  is  recognised. 
But  it  is  easy  to  perceive  the  storms  which  were  gathering  in  men's  minds 
against  the  order. 

151. 

Relatione  di  Roma  di  Gio.  Lando  Kr,  inviato  slraordinario  per  la  ser^^<'  rep'^'^  di 
Venetia  ad  Innocentio  XI  et  amb^o  struord>'io  ad  Jllessandro  VIII  in  occasione 
della  canonizazione  di  S.  Lorenzo  Giustiniani.  1691.     (17  leaves.) 

It  is  a  great  pity  that  we  do  not  possess  any  report  on  the  important  reign  of 
Innocent  XI,  which  deserves  that  name,  or  which  might  impartially  develop  the 


448  GIOVANNI  LANDO,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1691. 

consequences  attendant  on  the  measures  of  that  pope.  A  Venetian,  the  Cardinal 
Ottobono,  afterwards  Alexander  VIII,  administered  the  affairs  of  the  republic 
during  the  first  years  of  Innocent's  reign,  from  1678  to  1683,  and  as  he  did  not 
return  to  his  native  country,  he  made  no  report;  he  was  succeeded  by  Giovanni 
Lando,  but  without  any  special  official  character.  Nevertheless,  Lando  has  left 
us  a  final  report,  which  was  not  drawn  up  till  the  conclave  was  sitting,  after  the 
death  of  Alexander  VIII,  and  which  unfortunately  is  not  written  in  the  spirit  of 
the  former  Venetian  reports. 

He  begins  by  enlarging  on  the  divine  origin  of  the  papacy,  and  complains  that 
its  power  was  not  universally  acknowledged;  in  fact  that  the  number  of  heretics 
exceeded  that  of  catholics.  Even  the  accursed  quietisls  had  begun  their  opera- 
tions in  Rome  !  The  court  of  Rome  would  not  believe  that  it  was  itself  to 
blame — yet  such  was  the  case.  A  man  who  strove  to  advance  the  good  of  the 
church  by  profound  learning  or  by  setting  an  example  of  sanctity  of  life,  was  far 
less  respected  than  the  canonists,  who  wrote  in  support  of  the  pope's  dignity. 
These  exaggerations  had  no  other  effect,  than  to  provoke  the  temporal  sovereigns 
to  resist  the  court  of  Rome. 

After  having  attempted  to  define  the  limits  of  the  spiritual  and  temporal 
power,  he  gradually  approached  the  latter  subject.  He  gives  a  melancholy 
description  of  the  condition  of  the  territory  of  the  Church:  "  desolato  negli  abi- 
tanti,  spiantato  nella  coltura,  ruinato  coll'  estorsioni,  mancante  d'  industria." 
He  reckons  that  the  debt  amounted  to  42,000,000.  Alexander  VIII  lowered  the 
expenditure  by  about  200,000  sc.  a  year,  and  by  that  means  equalized  the  in- 
come and  expenditure.  The  dataria  was  like  a  mine  of  gold  to  the  pope.  Nev- 
ertheless this  money  could  not  be  kept  in  Rome:  it  came  in  in  detail,  and  went 
out  by  wholesale:  Innocent  XI  had  certainly  contributed  2,000,000  scudi  for  the 
expenses  of  the  Turkish  war  in  Hungary;  of  the  42,000,000  debt,  perhaps  about 
15,000,000  had  been  expended  in  the  service  of  Christendom. 

Still  however,  he  says,  Rome  was  a  common  country  to  all,  and  formed  a 
neutral  ground  on  which  all  nations  met,  but  each  came  solely  for  its  own  inte- 
rests. Germans  and  French  were  seldom  seen,  because  they  did  not  depend 
upon  the  Roman  court  for  promotion,  and  Spaniards  only  of  the  lower  classes; 
if  every  Italian  prince  were  to  take  the  appointment  to  ecclesiastical  offices  into 
his  own  hands,  the  court  of  Rome  would  soon  go  to  ruin.  Italy  in  return  had  a 
monopoly  of  the  patronage  of  the  papacy.  "  Tutta  la  corte,  tutte  le  dignita, 
tutte  le  cariche,  tutto  lo  stato  ecclesiastico  resta  tra  gli  Italiani."  And  of  how 
much  importance  was  this  relation  between  them!  On  account  of  the  insecurity 
of  succession  in  all  the  Italian  families,  the  welfare  of  Italy  depended  completely 
on  the  union  existing  between  Rome  and  Venice;  he  takes  this  occasion  to  insist 
on  the  necessity  of  a  good  understanding  between  those  two  powers.  His 
opinion  was,  that  much  might  be  yielded  to  Venice.  The  protection  which 
was  given  to  troublesome  friars,  and  certain  claims  made  to  jurisdiction,  were 
taken  very  ill  at  Rome. 

These  are  all,  as  we  see,  good  and  practical  remarks,  indicative  of  an  honest 
character,  but  they  do  not  satisfy  those  who  seek  for  more  positive  information 
on  subjects  connected  with  the  administration  of  the  government.  Lando,  in 
other  respects  a  strange  writer,  who  loves  no  form  of  speech  so  much  as  the 
anakoluthon — says  only  what  follows,  concerning  both  the  popes,  at  whose 
court  he  was  employed:  "  Quando  io  rifletto  a  quello  che  ho  sentito  a  risuonare 
senza  riteo-no  contro  Innocenzio  XI,  il  quale  veniva  accusato  di  non  dare  audi- 
enza,  d'asprezza,  di  crudelta,  d'inflessibile  nemico  di  principi,  di  studioso  di 
controversie,  d'  irresolute  e  tenace,  di  distruttore  delle  diocesi  e  beni  ecclesia- 
stici:  perche  stava  molti  anni  senza  provederli,  perche  aveva  calati  li  monti 
senza  sollevare  lo  stato  coll'  avvanzo  risultatone,  per  avere  tenuta  ferma  I'estor- 
sione  che  chiamano  dell'  annona,  per  essere  stato  indulgente  a'  quietisti,  e  tante 
altre  cose  con  che  non  vi  era  persona  che  non  esclamasse  contro  di  lui:  e  pa- 
reva  all'  ora  al  volgo  indiscreto  che  non  fossero  virtii  d'alcuna  importanza  al 
pontificate,  quale  memorabilissimo  d'una  costante  alienatione  del  suo  sangue  ed 


DOMENICO  CONTARINI,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1696.  449 

on'  illibata  disinteressatezza  per  lasciare  intatto  tutto  quello  era  della  camera, 
fnorche  impiegato  nelle  guerre  contro  gl'infedeli;  e  s'auguravano  all'  ora  un 
pontefice  che,  se  bene  un  poco  indulgente  alii  suoi,  lo  fosse  anco  per  gl'  altri,  e 
che  fosse  dotato  di  quelle  virtu  che  all'  ora  si  giudicavano  piu  necessarie,  perche 
pareva  mancassero.  Ma  vaduto  poi  che  assonto  Alessaudro  VIII,  benche  tutto 
umanita,  facile  all'  audienze,  dolce,  compassionevole,  pieghevole,  rispettoso  a 
principi,  nemico  d'impegni,  sbrigativo,  franco  nei  negotii  ed  in  tutte  le  sorti  di 
speditioni,  benefice  alio  stato  soUevato  di  200  mila  scudi  di  gabella  e  dell'  an- 
garia dell'  annona,  che  lia  fnlminato  li  quietisli,  che  ha  finite  quietamente  il  ne- 
gotio  rnolestissimo  del  quartiere,  ha  soccorso  lui  pure  la  guerra  contro  il  Turco, 
ed  ha  fatto  ancora  altre  attioni  importanti  nella  gran  brevita  del  sue  pontificate 
ad  ogni  modo,  perche  all'  incontro  ha  mostrato  atfetto  alii  suoi  nipoti,  perche  ha 
voluto  fidarsi  di  loro  piu  che  degl'  altri  nelle  cariche,  perche  ha  volute  provederli 
con  qualche  larghezza  ma  di  molto  inferiore  a  quello  hanno  fatto  tanti  altri,  e 
perche  in  questa  parte  ha  mostrato  un  poco  d' umanita  e  la  tolleranza  del  sangue, 
e  stato  anche  egli  bersaglio  d'invettive  maligna  e  continue  fin  alia  morte,  ma 
egualnaente  ingiuste  dell'  uno  e  dell'  altro." 

Finally,  he  refers  to  his  ofliicial  duties,  and  says  that  he  had  written  in  the 
course  of  them  above  seven  hundred  despatches. 

These  may  possibly  contain  more  facts.  Part  of  them  are  to  be  seen  at 
Venice,  and  part  at  Vienna. 

152. 

Confesstone  di  papa  Alessajidro  VIII  fat  fa  al  suo  confessor  e  il  padre  Giuseppe  Ge- 
suita  negli  ultimi  estremi  della  sua  vita.     (^318.  Rom.     21  leaves.) 

A  writer  of  the  Vatican  archives,  G.  B.  Perini,  seriously  affirms,  that  he 
found  this  document  among  other  papers  of  the  time  of  Alexander  VIII.  This 
he  wrote  on  the  9th  of  April,  1736,  when  no  one  could  have  had  any  object  in 
slandering  a  pope  who  had  already  had  so  many  successors.  This  little  work 
is,  notwithstanding  its  ominous  title,  worth  our  attention.  Let  us  see  what  the 
pope's  confessions  amount  to. 

He  begins  by  stating  that  since  1669  he  had  never  regularly  confessed: — he 
would  do  so  now,  assured  of  absolution  by  voices  from  heaven.  Upon  this  he 
confesses  actions  of  the  following  description: — he  had  made  use  of  the  permis- 
sion formerly  granted  to  him  by  pope  Clement  to  sign  papers  in  his  name,  for 
making  the  most  unwarrantable  concessions;  he  had  urged  on  Innocent  XI,  in 
his  proceedings  against  France,  and  at  the  same  time  had  secretly  conspired 
with  the  French  against  the  pope;  when  raised  to  the  dignity  of  the  papacy,  he 
had  willingly  and  knowingly  promoted  unworthy,  indeed  abandoned  men;  had 
only  thought  of  enriching  his  dependents,  and  had  connived  at  the  sale  of  justice 
and  mercy  even  in  the  palace;  and  many  more  things  of  the  same  kind. 

It  is  obvious  that  this  is  no  confession  of  a  pope;  that  would  have  contained 
very  different  matter,  and  have  disclosed  far  other  particulars.  I  conceive  this 
to  be  one  of  those  libellous  publications  so  frequent  in  those  days,  embodying 
some  prevailing  opinion  as  to  Alexander,  but  by  no  means  the  truth.  It  probably 
got  among  the  more  authentic  documents  of  that  period,  where  it  was  found  by 
some  busy  keeper  of  archives,  and  considered  by  him  as  genuine.  Among  the 
Venetian  archives  also  I  met  with  some  papers  which  were  obviously  not  au- 
thentic. 

153. 

Relatione  di  Domenico  Contarini  K.     Roma,  1696,  5  Luglio.     (^Arch.  Ven.  18 

leaves.) 

Contarini  had  already  been  employed  at  the  French  and  imperial  courts  be- 
fore he  was  sent  to  Rome.  His  mission  was  originally  to  Alexander  VIII,  whom, 
VOL.  II. — 39 


450  DOMENICO  CONTARINI,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1696. 

however,  he  found  so  ill,  that  he  could  not  be  introduced  to  him.  His  report  is 
therefore  devoted  to  an  account  of  Innocent  XII, 

Antonio  Pignatelli,  born  in  1615,  v/as  descended  from  the  Neapolitan  family 
of  Montelione,  and  entered  the  prelature  early  in  life.  He  was  made  vice-legate 
of  Urbino,  inquisitor  of  Malta,  and  governor  of  Perugia,  a  career  which  was  not 
to  be  despised,  but  which  did  not  satisfy  his  ambition.  At  times  Pignatelli  was 
inclined  to  give  up  the  ecclesiastical  career.  At  length  he  succeeded  in  getting 
appointed  to  a  nuntiatura,  which  appeared  to  open  the  best  prospect  of  prefer- 
ment. He  administered  the  Florentine  nuntiatura,  that  of  Poland  for  eight  years, 
and  that  of  Germany,  which  usually  led  to  the  cardinalate;  but  whether  it  was, 
says  Contarini,  the  influence  of  unlucky  stars,  or  the  dislike  of  the  then  govern- 
ment of  Clement  IX — instead  of  meeting  with  reward,  he  was  recalled,  and  was 
sent  to  the  extreme  boundaries  of  Naples,  as  bishop  of  Lezze.  Under  these 
circumstances  he  had  to  exert  the  whole  energy  of  his  mind,  and  the  most  manly 
constancy;  and,  in  fact,  the  moderation  and  resignation  which  he  displayed, 
astonished  the  whole  court.  He  thanked  the  pope  with  unnatural  cheerfulness 
for  that  appointment,  "  because  he  should  no  longer  have  to  bear  the  heavy  bur- 
den of  the  nuntiatura."  Contarini  concludes  that  Clement  IX  banished  Pigna- 
telli to  Lezze,  and  Clement  X  recalled  him  to  Rome,  but  Roman  authors  assert 
that  both  these  events  occurred  under  Clement  X.  However  this  might  be — 
whether  cardinal  Altieri  wished  to  atone  for  his  own  or  another's  injustice — he 
appointed  Pignatelli  maestro  di  camera  to  his  uncle,  in  which  appointment  Inno- 
cent XI  found  and  confirmed  him. 

Now,  however,  his  fortunes  took  a  sudden  turn.  In  the  year  1681  he  was 
made  cardinal,  immediately  afterwards  bishop  of  Faenza,  legate  of  Bologna,  and 
archbishop  of  Naples.  Even  on  the  death  of  Innocent  XI,  he  was  thought  of  in 
the  conclave:  after  the  death  of  Alexander  VIII,  even  the  French,  contrary  to 
the  general  expectation,  voted  for  him,  although  he  was  a  Neapolitan.  The 
reason  was,  that  they  wanted  a  mild  and  peaceable  man.  Thus  it  happened  that 
he  was  elected,  although  only  after  a  tedious  conclave,  which  lasted  five  months 
and  tired  out  all  the  cardinals. 

Innocent  XII  confirmed  Panciatichi  and  Albano  in  the  ofiices  of  secretario  di 
brevi  and  of  datario,  although  they  were  creatures  of  his  predecessor.  The  ap- 
pointment of  Spada  as  secretary  of  state  met  with  general  applause;  this  was 
made  on  the  suggestion  of  Altieri.  It  was  only  the  nephews  of  Alexander  VIII 
who  were  not  allowed  to  retain  their  offices;  the  new  pope  implicitly  followed 
the  example  of  Innocent  XI.  "  Andava  procurando  il  papa  d'  imitare  Innocentio 
XI,  di  cui  e  creatura  et  aveva  preso  il  nome  forzandosi  servisse  al  modello  del 
suo  la  forma  di  quel  governo,  levandoli  pero  quella  parte  che  nell'  austerita  e 
rigidezza  non  era  stata  laudata."  As  we  perceive,  he  endeavored  to  surpass 
his  model  in  clemency.  He  was  easy  of  access,  and  the  public  audiences  which 
he  gave  to  the  poor  especially  contributed  to  his  popularity;  although  they  did 
not,  as  the  poor  hoped,  put  a  speedy  termination  to  their  differences,  they  re- 
strained within  bounds  the  arbitrary  measures  of  the  nobles.  "  Tutti  confessa- 
vano  che  questo  publico  ricorso  portava  un  gran  freno  a  tutti  li  ministri  e  giudici: 
mentre  era  troppo  facile  la  strada  di  avvicinarsi  all'  orecchie  del  principe  e  di 
scoprirli  quelle  che  in  altri  tempi  era  impedito  o  dalla  autorita  o  dall'  astutia  di 
chi  s'  appressava  al  papa." 

An  unlucky  accident  for  a  time  prevented  the  exercise  of  his  activity,  but  he 
soon  returned  to  business. 

The  affair  with  France  was  arranged;  the  most  important  reforms  commenced. 
The  bull  concerning  nepotism  appeared,  wherein  it  was  decreed  that  the  benefices 
and  ecclesiastical  revenues  which  might  in  future  be  bestowed  on  any  pope's 
nephew,  should  never  exceed  the  sum  of  12,000  scudi.  Innocent  XII  abolished 
the  sale  of  such  important  offices  as  those  of  chierici  di  camera,  paying  back  the 
price  given,  1,016,070  scudi;  "  by  this  means  he  reduced  the  power  of  money, 
and  opened  to  virtue  the  possibility  of  rising  to  the  highest  offices."  Men  al- 
ready expected  many  other  reforms.   "  The  pope,"  says  Contarini, "  has  nothing 


NICOLO  ERIZZO,  REL.  DI  ROMA,       1702.  451 

before  his  eyes  but  God,  the  poor,  and  the  reform  of  abuses.  He  lives  in  the 
greatest  retirement,  devoting  every  hour,  without  regard  to  his  health,  to  the 
duties  of  his  office.  His  moral  character  is  without  stain;  he  is  conscientious, 
does  not  favor  his  relations,  is  full  of  love  for  the  poor,  and  is  endowed  with  all 
those  qualities  which  could  be  wished  for  in  the  head  of  the  church.  If  he  could 
always  act  for  himself,  he  would  be  one  of  the  greatest  popes." 

His  conduct,  however,  did  not  please  all  parties.  Contarini  laments  that  In- 
nocent had  no  nephews,  who  might  interest  themselves  personally  in  the  good, 
reputation  of  their  uncle — that  too  much  power  was  thus  left  in  the  hands  of  his 
ministers  ("  vedendosi  offuscate  quelle  grandi  e  risplendenti  virtu  dalla  solertia 
de'  ministri  troppo  pratici  dell'  arte  della  corte.")  It  is  alleged  against  them, 
that  in  order  to  divert  the  zeal  of  Innocent  XII  from  church  reform,  they  turned 
his  attention  exclusively  towards  rendering  assistance  to  the  poor.  This  soon 
occupied  all  his  thoughts.  "Questo  chiodo  fermo  I'ardente  volonta  del  papa  di 
riformare." 

The  author  maintains  that  Innocent  XII  may  have  saved  and  laid  by  about 
two  millions  of  scudi.  He  is  thoroughly  convinced  of  the  purity  of  his  inten- 
tions, and  calls  him  a  man  of  blameless  and  innocent  life. 

154. 

Relatione  di  Roma  di  Nicolo  Erizzo  Kr^  1702,  29  Ottobre,     (40  kavu.) 

^.  Erizzo  had  formerly  accompanied  P.  Mocenigo  in  his  mission  under  Cle- 
ment X;  now  he  was  himself  ambassador:  he  reached  Rome  during  the  pontificate 
of  Innocent  XII,  and  remained  there  the  first  years  of  that  of  Clement  XI.  His 
long  acquaintance  with  Rome  gives  double  value  to  his  report. 

He  first  treats  of  former  popes,  and  after  some  general  remarks  comes  to  Inno- 
cent XI,  "  that  holy  man,  who  was  certainly  not  very  eminent  for  his  scientific 
acquirements,  but  who  possessed  considerable  knowledge  of  political  economy, 
and  not  only  equalized  the  revenue  and  the  expenditure,  but  found  means  at  the 
same  time,  to  give  large  assistance  to  the  emperor  and  Poland  in  their  contest 
with  the  Turks."  Alexander  VIII,  at  any  rate,  did  not  bestow  upon  his  nephew 
the  money  belonging  to  the  exchequer.  On  the  other  and,  he  lost  enormously 
by  the  failure  of  the  house  of  Nerli,  and  his  death  was  ascribed  by  many  people 
to  this  calamity.  Innocent  XII  closed  the  abyss  of  nepotism:  although  he  did 
so  much  for  the  poor,  abolished  the  salt  tax,  executed  buildings  for  the  court  and 
works  in  the  sea-ports,  he  still  left  a  considerable  sum  in  the  treasury.  But  he 
lived  too  long  to  please  the  college  of  cardinals,  whom  he,  on  his  side,  did  not 
prize  very  highly.  He  appeared  to  them  to  sacrifice  the  interests  of  the  holy  see 
to  his  compliances  with  the  wishes  of  the  royal  courts. 

At  length,  on  the  27th  of  September,  1700,  he  expired,  and  the  cardinals  eagerly 
rushed  to  the  business  of  the  conclave.  Their  object  was  to  elect  a  pope  who 
should  indemnify  them  for  the  injury  they  thought  they  had  sustained.  They 
therefore  selected  cardinal  Marescotti,  a  man  "of  stout  heart,  worthy  to  rule, 
resolute  in  purpose,  and  of  an  inflexible  temper:"  Erizzo  calls  him  a  great  man. 
He  had  the  support  of  the  imperial  and  Spanish  ambassadors.  But  the  appear- 
ance of  too  great  zeal  in  the  election  of  a  pope,  is  often  dangerous,  and  in  Mares- 
cotti's  case  it  was  fatal.  The  French,  who  feared  his  open  enmity,  succeeded 
in  excluding  him.  A  number  of  others  were  then  proposed,  but  some  objection 
was  raised  against  every  one  of  them;  one  was  too  vehement,  another  too  quiet, 
and  a  third  had  too  many  nephews.  The  friends  of  the  Jesuits  opposed  the  election 
of  cardinal  Noris,  because  he  had  dealt  unfairly  with  them  in  his  history  of  Pela- 
gianism.  The  most  zealous,  here  for  the  first  time  designated  as  zelanti,  would 
willingly  have  chosen  CoUoredo,  but  others  thought  him  too  austere.  At  length, 
on  receipt  of  the  news  of  the  death  of  Charles  II,  "the  cardinals,"  says  Erizzo, 
evidently  touched  by  the  hand  of  God,  in  one  moment  relinquished  all  their  pas- 
sions, and  all  the  hopes  with  which  they  had  severally  flattered  themselves,  and 
directed  their  attention  to  cardinal  Albani  with  that  intense  conviction  which  is 


452  NICOLO  ERIZZO,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1702. 

the  best  proof  of  a  divine  impulse."  Cardinal  Albani  refused  the  honor,  and 
Erizzo  is  convinced  that  the  opposition  he  made  was  true  and  sincere.  When  at 
length  he  gave  Vi^ay,  it  appeared  to  be  rather  from  scruples,  and  in  order  to  avoid 
being  longer  entreated,  than  from  his  own  free  will. 

Erizzo  proceeds  to  describe  the  family  and  personal  character  of  the  newly- 
elected  pope. 

The  Albani  originally  came  from  Urbino.  When  the  aged  Francesco  Maria 
of  Urbino  came  to  the  determination  to  give  up  his  dukedom  to  Urban  VIll  be- 
fore his  death,  he  sent  one  of  the  Albani,  who  had  advised  him  to  take  that  step, 
to  acquaint  the  pope  with  his  intention.  He  despatched  him  twice.  The  first 
time  he  repented,  and  recalled  him.  Erizzo  maintains  that  he  changed  his  mind 
a  second  time,  and  sent  counter-orders,  but  that  Albani  did  not  return  the  second 
time,  and  delivered  the  act  of  abdication  to  Urban  VIIl  without  further  delay. 
In  reward  for  this  act  he  was  made  senatore  di  Roma,  and  his  son  became 
maestro  di  camera  to  cardinal  Barberini,  and  was  father  to  Giovan-Francesco 
Albani,  afterwards  pope.  Giovan-Francesco  devoted  himself  to  literature  and 
the  ecclesiasttcal  profession:  it  was  his  good  fortune  to  be  thrown  into  personal 
communication  with  the  popes  at  that  period.  Erizzo  states  that  "  under  Inno- 
cent XI,  he  learned  to  deliberate  more  before  he  resolved,  than  his  natural 
character  inclined  him  to  do,  and  to  persevere  in  what  he  had  once  undertaken: 
under  Alexander,  he  gave  a  freer  and  bolder  form  to  the  negotiations:  he  was 
esteemed  at  once  prudent  and  determined,  prompt  and  circumspect,  and  appa- 
rently well  disposed  to  everybody.  These  arts  he  practised  under  Innotent 
XII;  that  suspicious  old  man  could  not  endure  either  his  datario  or  his  secretary 
of  state;  Albani  alone  had  free  access  to  him,  and  found  means  to  make  himself 
necessary  both  to  the  pope  and  to  his  court. 

The  first  step  of  Clement  XI,  after  his  election,  was  to  point  out  to  the  foreign 
envoys  many  innovations  which  had  crept  in  under  his  predecessors,  and  which 
he  had  determined  to  abolish:  he  summoned  the  governatore  to  the  coronation — 
a  ceremony  which  the  governors  cf  Rome  were  always  desirous  of  avoiding,  on 
account  of  the  disputes  for  precedency:  he  abolished  all  places  of  asylum  and 
refuge;  but  the  foreign  ambassadors  saw  that  he  did  that  only  to  make  an  im- 
pression on  the  court. 

The  appointments  he  made  did  not  appear  to  Erizzo  very  judicious.  Clement 
surrounded  himself  exclusively  with  weak  men.  "  Felicitato  il  coraggio  di 
questi  suoi  ordini  dal  successo  e  dal  rispelto  de'  regj  rappresentanti,non  credette 
Sua  S^  d'aver  bisogno  a  pilazzo  de'  ministri  di  gran  valore:  onde  chiamovvi  per 
segretario  di  stato  il  cardinale  Paulucci  di  cortissima  esperienza,  ed  elesse  per 
datario  il  cardinale  Sacripante,  infaticabile  e  diligentissimo  per  quell'  impiego, 
ma  non  insignito  che  della  qualita  di  buon  curiale.  Indi  diede  a  mons"'  Olivieri 
suo  parente  la  segretaria  de'  brevi,  che  aveva  digia  egregiamente  esercitata  sotto 
di  lui  stesso:  e  pose  nolle  cariche  che  piu  lo  avvicinavano,  li  antichi  suoi  amici 
e  parenti,  come  mons"'  Paracciani  gran  legista,  mons''  Origo  per  segretario  delle 
lettere  latine  e  Maffei  per  coppiere  confidente,  tutta  gente  di  pochissima  estra- 
zione,  urbinati  o  delli  vicini  municipj,  che  non  avendo  veduto  se  non  Roma 
hanno  per  conseguenza  pochissima  cognizione  delli  principi  e  molto  meno  poi 
degli  atfari  del  mondo.  Non  voile  presso  di  se  cardinali  di  grande  testa  ne 
ministri  che  da  essi  dipendessero,  preferendo  la  sua  quiete  e  la  sua  autorita  a 
que'  consigli,  che  non  gli  potevano  venire  dalle  suddette  persone  domestiche 
non  eseroitate  nelli  maneggi  e  digia  tra  loro  gelose  e  discordi.  Meno  voile  Don 
Orazio  suo  fratello,  padre  di  tre  figlioli  di  grande  aspettazione  uomo  d'una  sin- 
golare  modestia  ed  integrita,  lasciatolo  alle  sue  angustie  per  pompa  dell'  osser- 
vanza  della  bolla  contro  il  nipotismo,  che  la  S'^  Sua  giuro  nel  giorno  della  sua 
esaltazione  con  ospetto  d'evitarne  interamenie  lo  scandolo,  il  quale  pero,  per 
sentimento  di  molti,  semper  vetabitur  et  retinebitur  semper." 

Great  difficulties  soon  arose;  the  war  of  the  Spanish  succession  became  ex- 
ceedingly dangerous  to  the  court  of  Rome.  Clement  acted  at  first  with  extreme 
weakness  and  vacillation.     Erizzo  thinks  that  his  whole  conduct  was  to  be 


FRANCESCO  MOROSINI,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1707.  453 

traced  to  an  excess  of  cunning;  for  instance,  that  his  proposal  of  an  Italian  con- 
federation to  the  Venetians  was  made  chiefly  with  the  view  of  sounding  the  in- 
tentions of  Venice. 

From  these  remarks  of  political  and  general  interest,  Erizzo  proceeds  to  eccle- 
siastical matters,  more  especially  those  disputes  which  were  incessantly  arising 
between  Venice  and  Rome.  He  remarks  that  Rome  had  a  twofold  character: 
the  one  sacred,  in  so  far  as  the  pope  was  the  guardian  of  the  sanctuary,  and  of  the 
divine  law,  and  this  they  were  to  revere;  the  other  temporal,  in  so  far  as  he 
sought  to  extend  his  power,  which  had  nothing  in  common  with  the  custom  and 
habits  of  the  early  ages  of  the  church:  against  this  they  ought  to  be  on  their 
guard.  He  cannot,  however,  suppress  his  vexation  that  the  last  government  had 
passed  over  Venice  at  a  promotion  of  cardinals; — he  laments  that  the  republic 
no  longer  possessed,  as  formerly,  the  right  of  bestowing  the  patronage  of  the 
bishopricks  within  its  own  territory; — how  many  poor  nobles  it  would  in  that 
case  be  enabled  to  provide  for! — now,  the  subjects  of  Venice  endeavored  to  attain 
to  high  offices  by  indirect  means — by  the  influence  of  foreign  potentates: — car- 
dinal Panciatichi  had  introduced  the  maxim  into  the  dataria,  that  it  was  pre- 
cisely those  who  were  most  independent  of  the  temporal  sovereigns  in  whose 
territories  the  diocese  lay,  who  ought  to  be  encouraged  and  promoted; — he 
thinks  it  an  abuse  that  the  popes'  nephews  should  have  such  power  over  the 
ecclesiastical  property  of  his  native  land,  and  is  much  ofi"ended  at  the  readiness 
to  invest  them  with  the  rank  of  a  Venetian  nobile: — a  list  of  nuncios  for  selec- 
tion was  sent  to  other  states,  even  to  the  grand  duke  of  Tuscany,  but  the  repub- 
lic was  not  treated  with  that  honor; — Rome  even  refused  the  title  of  "  Carissimo" 
to  the  doge  of  Venice.  We  see  that  new  causes  of  dispute  were  constantly 
arising,  in  addition  to  the  older  ones. 

The  Venetian  envoy  therefore  recommends  the  republic  to  be  more  in  earnest 
with  Rome.  Though  a  pope  could  not  now  do  as  much  good  as  formerly,  yet 
he  could  do  much  mischief,  if  he  were  young,  bold  and  frugal. 

155. 

Relatione  del  iV.   U.  Gio  Franc.  Blorosini  K^  fu  ambasciatore  al  sommo  pontejice 
ClementeXI.     11Q1,\1  Dec.     {36  leaves.) 

Morosini,  the  successor  to  Erizzo,  was,  from  January  1702  to  November  1706, 
at  the  court  of  Clement  XI,  whose  government  then  first  displayed  its  peculiar 
character. 

Morosini  describes  at  length  the  zealous  manner  in  which  the  pope  followed 
in  the  steps  of  his  illustrious  predecessors.  Even  the  tears  with  which  he  re- 
fused the  tiara  were  not  without  a  precedent.  He  performed  all  those  external 
acts  which  afford  a  good  example.  "  Vita  sobria  e  regolata:  frequenti  pubbli- 
che  devotioni  alia  scala  santa,  a  visitie  di  chiese,  al  servitio  negli  hospitali: 
somma  edificatione  et  accuratezza  nei  riti  sacri  e  nelle  piu  solenni  ed  humili 
funtioni,  ai  quali  vuol  supplire  anche  con  pregiuditio  della  salute.  Al  paragone 
pure  dell'  interesse  comparisce  egualmente  incolpabile:  prima  consultore,  poi 
esecutore  delle  holla  del  nipotismo.  Con  ogni  facilita  dona  at  vescovi  poveri  le 
sue  propine,  e  nudrisce  del  proprio  molti  operarj  ed  opere  pie.  Nella  scelta  de' 
vescovi,  sopra  tutto  essentiale  al  servitio  della  chiesa,  con  la  debita  pesatezza 
precede,  cercando  1'  informationi  dai  fonti  piii  sinceri,  senza  dar  luogo  che  molto 
parcamente  al  favore,  Ne  esamina  talvolta  alcuno  egli  stesso  ad  usanza  dei 
papi  antichi.  Dell'  altre  dignita  parimenti  e  beneficj  ecclesiastici  va  cosi  misu- 
rato  ed  attento  nella  distributione  che  anche  sopra  gli  stessi  suoi  congiunti  vuol 
che  si  scorga  giustificata  la  convenienza  d'  accomodarli  dal  requisite  di  studj 
e  costumi  commendabili." 

Clement  treated  the  jurisdictional  questions  in  the  same  spirit — that  is,  with 
all  the  zeal  demanded  by  his  office.  In  some  cases  he  gained  ground.  The 
new  king  of  Spain  was  induced  to  request  permission  of  him  to  summon  eccle- 
siastics before  the  civil  tribunals,  and  to  levy  tithes.     The  king  of  Poland  sent 

39* 


454  FRANCESCO  MOROSINI,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1707. 

some  members  of  the  higher  clergy  to  be  tried  before  the  pope's  tribunal.  The 
viceroy  of  Naples,  after  long  opposition,  submitted  to  the  pope  at  the  critical 
moment  when  the  Germans  were  advancing  upon  southern  Italy  ("  un  trionfo 
che  sara  registrato  nelli  annali  della  chiesa;  .  .")  Lorraine  and  Savoy  were 
therefore  attacked  with  the  greater  vigor.  The  pope  well  knew  how  to  avail 
himself  of  the  most  favorable  moment  ("  studiosissimo  d'  ingrandire  con  i  mo- 
tivi  di  pieta  la  potenza.")  According  to  Morosini,  the  whole  court  was  imbued 
with  a  similar  spirit.  They  would  hear  of  no  distinction  between  church  and 
state:  the  church  was  all  in  all;  every  congregation  was  to  be  considered  sacred, 
whatever  were  the  subjects  of  its  consultations:  no  distinction  was  made  between 
shepherds  of  the  church  and  prelates  of  the  court,  for  the  former  were  excused 
from  the  duties  of  their  office,  and  were  employed  in  public  business.  People 
used  piety  as  a  sort  of  current  coin  indispensable  to  advancement  in  life.  Four 
of  the  congregations  were  held  up  as  peculiarly  worthy  of  note: — that  of  the 
inquisition,  which  deserved  the  greatest  support,  as  it  watched  over  the  purity 
of  doctrine,  (only  it  was  extraordmary  that  the  very  worst  species  of  heresy — 
he  means  quietism — was  to  be  met  with  in  Rome  itself; — )  that  of  the  propa- 
ganda, (but  unfortunately  few  people  could  be  found  who  would  devote  them- 
selves with  all  their  energy  to  the  missions; — )  that  of  the  bishops  and  monastic 
clergy,  which  exercised  a  very  necessary  supervision,  especially  over  the  latter; 
— and  that  of  the  immunity,  the  members  of  which  were  placed  as  centinels  to 
guard  the  boundaries  of  the  spiritual  and  temporal  authorities:  if  matters  had 
proceeded  according  to  their  will,  the  power  of  the  temporal  sovereigns  would 
soon  have  been  annihilated. 

Morosini  next  directs  his  attention  to  the  state.  He  repeats  the  complaint 
which  had  lately  been  so  universal,  of  the  decline  of  population  and  of  agricul- 
ture; the  pope  would  willingly  have  introduced  useful  reforms,  for  example,  the 
cultivation  of  the  Campagna;  this  however  led  to  nothing  but  splendid  projects. 
Morosini  remarks,  that  the  spiritual  dignity  increased  the  temporal  authority. — 
The  power  of  the  senate  he  regards  as  a  mockery  of  that  august  name.  The 
barons  were  subjected  to  the  same  punishments  as  the  common  people,  the  pope 
held  them  under  strict  supervision,  knowing  full  well  their  propensity  to  acts  of 
violence.  Lastly,  he  touches  upon  political  affairs.  I  must  quote  literally  tlie 
most  important  passages  concerning  the  relation  in  which  the  pope  stood  towards 
France  and  the  emperor,  upon  which  everything  in  those  times  depended.  "Se 
11  papa  abbia  avuta  mano  o  partecipatione  nel  testamento  di  Carlo  II,  io  non  ar- 
diro  d'  asserirlo,  ne  e  facile  penetrare  il  vero  con  sicurezza.  Bensi  adurro  solo 
due  fatti.  L'  uno  che  questo  arcano,  non  si  sa  se  con  verita,  fu  esposto  in  un 
manifesto  uscito  alle  stampe  in  Roma  ne'  primi  mesi  del  mio  ingresso  all'  am- 
basciata,  all'  ora  che  dall'  uno  e  1'  altro  partito  si  trattava  la  guerra  non  meno 
con  I'  armi  che  con  le  carte.  L'  altro  che  il  papa  non  s'  astenne  di  far  pubblici 
elogi  al  christianissimo  d'  essersi  ritirato  dal  partaggio,  ricevendo  la  monarchia 
intiera  per  il  nipote.  Fatto  riflesso  a  tali  premesse,  non  pare  che  rendano  stu- 
pore  le  conseguenze  vedutessi  di  direttione  fluttuante  e  fra  se  stessa  contraria, 
non  potendo  mai  riuscir  uniform!  attioni  nate  da  diversi  principj:  e  tali  erano  I' 
obbligo  da  una  parte  d'  ostentarindifferenza  propria  di  padre  comune,  e  I'  occulto 
affetto  et  impegno  preso  dall'  altranel  giudicare  senza  maggior  pesatezza  li  van- 
taggi  et  il  merito  della  causa.  Considero  piamente  la  S^  Sua  il  decoro  e  bene- 
ficio  della  religione  nelT  escludere  glieretici  dall'  usurpato.  Concepi  speranza, 
facilitata  dal  genio  a  Frances!,  che  o  non  vi  sarebbe  guerra  o  si  farebbe  inutil- 
mente  contro  le  forze  di  quell'  invitta  natione:  e  dandosi  a  credere  che  la  mo- 
narchia si  manterebbe  unita,  non  stimo  in  un  tal  vaticinio  meritar  disprezzo, 
errando  con  la  finezza  Spagnola,  la  quale  in  tal  caso  ebbe  ragioni  di  necessita 
pill  che  di  politica.  L'  esito  instrui  dell'  altre  ponderationi  che  dovevano  avan-' 
zarsi.  S'  ammasso,  scoppio  e  tuttavia  infuria  fatale  agl'  inimici  et  agli  amici 
quel  fiero  nembo  che  la  gelosia,  I'astio,  l' interesse  eccitarono  nolle  potenze 
collegate  ad  abbattere  la  macchina  sospettata  nella  Francia  di  monarchia  univer- 
sale  Riusci  ad  ogni  modo  per  molto  tempo  ai  Frances!  lo  studio  di 


LORENZO  TIEPOLO,  REL.  DI  ROMA.      1712.  455 

mantenersi  nel  credito  d'  invincibili  appresso  il  papa,  il  quale  pienodiconfidenza 
seguendo  tacitamenle  i  loro  consigli  veniva  dagl'  incauti  lodato  d'  una  condotta 
che  oscurasse  quella  d'  ogni  altro:  pcrche  dove  la  Ser™Republica  in  particolare 
osservando  una  sincera  neutralitd  pareva,  patisce  danni  nelle  sostanze  de'  sudditi, 
aggravj  al  decoro  e  lo  sdegno  d'  anibi  li  partiti;  egli  all'  incontro  col  professare 
neutralita  e  minacciare  assieme  di  romperla  imraantinente  contro  quel  partito  che 
1'  offendesse,  ma  intendendosela  occultamente  con  Frances!,  era  da  questi  colti- 
vato  et  occorrendo  difeso  senza  dispendio,  da  Cesarei  trattato  con  riguardo  per 
non  fornirlo  di  pretest!  a  deponer  anche  1'  apparenza  di  neutrale:  furon  imrauni 
per  un  pezzo  li  suoi  stati:  vide  rispettate  le  censure  in  mezzo  all'  armi,  e  com- 
parse  flotte  di  eretici  ne'  suoi  mari  senza  il  minimo  oltraggio.  Ma  il  rovescia- 
mento  della  fortuna  Francese,  particolarmente  in  Italia,  ha  fatto  scorgere  se 
meritasse  alloraencomii  o  la  condotta  o  la  sorte,  e  se  le  sane  e  sincere  insinua- 
tion! fatteli  da  V.  V.  E.  E.  replicar  spesso  col  mezzo  dei  loro  ministri  di  soda 
indifferenza  come  padre  comune  per  renders!  arbitro  e  venerate  a  beneficio  pro- 
prio  e  della  cristianita  e  d'  aumentare  le  sue  truppe  sotto  buoni  official!  per  ap- 
poggiar  meglio  il  rispetto  contro  1' altrui  intemperanza,  dovessero  sbracciarsi 
come  consigli  infelici,  anche  nell'  esperienza  di  chi  li  porgeva.  II  frutto  d'aver 
preferite  art!  pid  obblique  e  studj  d'  economia,  la  peggior  consigliera  della  poli- 
tica,  fu  di  soffrir  dopo  e  tutt'  ora  c!6  ch'  e  noto,  ma  quel  ch'  e  piu,  con  apparenza 
di  non  soffrir  senza  colpa  nel  tribunale  della  fama,  ch'  e  sovrano  anche  di  prin- 
cipi.  Spedi,  come  adduce  in  sua  difesa,  nuncj  estraordinarj  per  la  pace  univer- 
sale senza  riguardo  a  spesa  et  all'  ingiuria  dell'  esclusione  incontrata  a  Vienna: 
propose  leghe,  accordi,  armistitij  per  la  quiete  particolare  di  questa  provincia, 
ma  fuor  di  tempo  edopo  che  le  dimostrationi  di  partialita  del  principio  e  nel  pro- 
gresso  notate  introdussero  il  verme  nei  migliori  semi:  onde  1'  essers!  reso  una 
volta  sospetto  fu  un  spogliar  il  zelo  di  autorita  e  constituire  per  sempre  impotente 
il  principal  instrumento  della  Concordia.  Difficile  riuscira  in  effetto  alia  S'^  Sua 
il  purgar  questa  imputatione,  anzi  quella  d'aver  contribuito  a  tirare  nel  suo  senso 
tutt!  li  princip!  d'  Italia  appresso  quali  voleva,  notoria  essendo  la  condotta  non 
solo  di  quell!  di  Parma,  suo  feudatario,  ma  della  casa  di  Fiorenze:  onde  la  sola 
cautela  costante  della  Ser"^  Republica  ha  data  soggetione  al  papa  e  documento 
agli  altri,  mercandone  pero  immeritata  odiosita  appresso  Frances!  che  sopra  di 
lei  i\\  da  Sua  B"^  scaricata." 

156. 
Lorenzo  Tiepolo  K^  Prot^  Relatione  di  Roma,  1712.     (40  leaves.) 

The  collisions  between  the  spiritual  and  temporal  authorities,  excited  more 
attention  every  year.     Lorenzo  Tiepolo  touches  first  on  this  subject. 

He  treats  it  with  unusual  earnestness.  "The  matter,"  he  says,  "  was  pur- 
posely embarrassed  and  confused;  the  grace  of  God  was  therefore  doubly  needed 
to  enable  them  to  discriminate  between  what  was  due  to  the  secular  potentates, 
without  infringing  upon  the  respect  which  was  due  to  the  papal  see." 

He  first  describes  again  the  personal  character  of  Clement  XI,  expressing  his 
admiration  of  the  learning,  zeal,  affability  and  moderation  displayed  by  that 
pontiff:  "  but  it  might  be,"  he  says,  "  that  all  these  qualities  were  not  directed 
towards  their  only  legitimate  object,  viz.  virtue  for  her  own  sake,  but  to  human 
considerations,  and  that  therefore  they  would  not  be  blessed  by  the  Almighty; 
it  might  be  that  the  zeal  with  which  he  devoted  himself  to  the  objects  of  go- 
vernment proceeded  from  too  good  an  opinion  of  his  own  personal  merits,  and 
was  less  directed  to  public  utility  than  to  the  attainment  of  the  praise  and  glory 
which  would  attend  his  exertions; — praise  could  effect  any  thing  with  him;  his 
physician,  for  example,  made  use  of  his  known  weakness  to  maintain  his  in- 
fluence; it  was  flattery  which  incited  him  to  maintain  intact  the  honor  of  the 
holy  see: — hence  it  happened  that  he  paid  so  little  regard  to  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  princes  and  states,  and  even  allowed  his  courtiers  to  talk  of  them 


456  ANDREA  CORNER,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1724. 

in  a  contemptuous  manner,  consistent  neither  with  the  high  station  of  the 
sovereign  pontiff,  nor  with  christian  charity. 

From  the  pope,  he  goes  on  to  describe  his  ministers,  whom  he  thinks  as  little 
remarlvable  as  their  predecessors,  fit  only  to  occupy  subordinate  offices,  but  not 
to  hold  the  reins  of  government.  1.  Cardinal  Albani.  The  pope  had  waited 
till  his  mission  to  Germany  was  over,  before  he  named  him  cardinal.  The 
court  was  pleased  at  this,  thinking  then  to  find  a  channel  of  communication  and 
an  interest  with  the  pope;  Clement  XI  however  allowed  him  to  use  little  or  no 
influence  over  him — ("  e  certo  che  1'  autorita  del  card'"  nipote  non  apparisce  a 
quel  segno  che  per  1'  ordinario  s'  haveva  veduto  in  quella  corte.")  2.  The 
secretary  of  state,  cardinal  Paulucci — a  kind-hearted  man,  not  very  able  at  busi- 
ness, and  depending  with  a  sort  of  fear  upon  the  pope.  3.  Corradini,  the  audi- 
tors di  papa:  "  dotto  nel  dritto,  ma  di  non  uguale  esperienza  negli  interessi  del 

principi: forte  nell  impegno,  ma  pieghevole  alia  ragione;"  the  only  one 

on  whom  implicit  confidence  could  be  placed:  whoever  had  right  clearly  on  his 
side  did  wisely  to  lay  matters  before  him;  less  so,  if  the  case  was  doubtful:  he 
was  not  on  good  terms  with  the  nephew;  it  was  even  believed  that  the  nephew 
had  promoted  him  to  be  cardinal  with  the  view  of  removing  him  from  the  pope's 
presence.  4.  Orighi,  the  secretario  di  consulta,  the  rival  of  Corradini,  who  on 
that  account  attached  himself  closely  to  the  nephew,  "pare  che  piu  con  I'accor- 
tezza  et  adulatione  che  con  la  fermezzi  et  ingenuita  abbia  avanzato  la  sua  for- 
tuna."  5.  Cardinal  Sagripante,  the  datario,  who  had  become  rich  only  by 
practising  rigid  economy;  strict  in  the  administration  of  his  office,  and  taking 
no  part  in  politics.  The  revenues  of  the  dataria  daily  decreased;  even  in  Spain 
people  would  no  longer  endure  its  dishonest  rapacity:  hence  it  came  to  pass, 
that  those  cardinals  who  had  not  learned  to  manage  their  property  well,  could 
no  longer  keep  up  their  former  pomp — "sipuo  dire  essere  un  vero  distintivo 
dell'  abbadie  de'  cardinali  il  ritrovare  le  case  in  abandono  e  le  chiese  dirocate." 
Should  an  election  of  a  pope  occur,  the  creatures  of  Clement  XI  would  scarcely 
attach  themselves  to  cardinal  Albani,  he  possessed  so  little  influence. 

Tiepolo  now  proceeds  to  a  description  of  the  political  relations  of  Rome. 
As  we  have  observed,  his  views  are  politico-ecclesiastical;  he  investigates 
the  disputes  between  the  court  of  Rome  and  the  temporal  sovereigns; — it  was 
said  that  the  pope  had  an  equal  love  for  all,  but  it  might  have  been  said 
with  greater  truth,  that  his  love  was  equally  faint,  and  his  respect  equally  slender 
for  all. 

"  E'  ben  vero  che  se  pochi  pontefici  si  hanno  preso  a  tal  punto  quest'  assunto 
di  far  pompa  di  superiorita  sopra  i  principi,  e  forza  di  dire  che  anche  pochi  pon- 
tefici hanno  havuto  la  sfortuna  uguale  al  presente  di  non  poter  uscire  dagl'  im- 
pegni  volontariamente  con  gli  stessi  principi  presi,  se  non  con  qualche  diminu- 
tione  del  suo  honore.  Pure  se  ha  qualche  interna  inclinatione,  quest'  e  riposta 
verso  la  Francia,  benche  quella  corte  replicatamente  si  dolga  delle  sue  partialita 
verso  la  casa  d'  Austria,  e  in  fatti  in  piii  incontri  1'  evento  ha  comprovato  i  suoi 
lamenti,  ma  perche  ha  havuto  tutta  la  parte  il  timore.  In  cio  la  corte  di  Vi- 
enna, 0  sia  a  caso  o  per  la  cognitione,  rilevata  del  vero  temperamento  del  pon- 
tefice  ha  nel  trattar  seco  fatta  la  profittevole  scielta  delle  minaccie  e  delle 
apprensioni." 

He  then  continues  these  general  remarks  on  the  several  states  until  he  comes 
to  Venice,  and  dwells  at  the  greatest  length  upon  the  comparatively  unimportant 
affairs  of  that  republic. 

157. 

Relatione  di  Andrea  Corner  K^  ritornato  dall  amh'^i^  di  Roma,  1724,  25  Luglio. 

(42  leaves.) 

In  spite  of  the  best  intentions  and  the  most  blameless  conduct,  Clement  XI 
had  excited  vehement  antipathies.  In  this  report,  where  he  again  appears  on 
the  scene,  we  perceive  that,  after  his  death  at  any  rate,  public  opinion  was 


PIETRO  CAPELLO,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1728.  457 

greatly  altered.  Then  every  one  admired  him,  even  those  very  people  who  had 
shortly  before  blamed  bim.  It  was  found  (what  had  never  been  believed)  that 
if  he  iiad  sometimes  promised  more  than  he  could  perform,  he  had  done  so  from 
genuine  good  nature.  It  came  to  light  that  he  had  distributed  from  his  own  pri- 
vate purse  munificent  alms,  amounting  in  the  twenty  years  of  his  reign  to  one 
million  scudi,  which  sum  he  might  have  conscientiously  applied  to  the  expenses 
of  his  house.  Corner  relates  that  Clement,  shortly  before  his  death,  had  begged 
pardon  of  his  nephew  cardinal  Annibale,  for  not  leaving  his  family  belter  pro- 
vided for.  ("Parera  che  il  pontificato  di  Clemente  sia  statto  effimero,  quando 
fu  de'  pill  lunghi.") 

The  change  which  was  expected  took  place  in  the  conclave;  the  members  of 
the  whole  sacred  college,  with  but  few  exceptions,  had  been  renewed  during  the 
reign  of  Clement  XI;  but  as  cardinal  Albani  had  taken  as  little  part  in  these 
nominations  as  in  the  government  generally,  the  cardinals  separated  according 
to  their  several  nations.  At  first  Paulucci,  the  secretary  of  state  of  Clement, 
was  proposed  as  his  successor;  but  the  imperial  ambassador,  count  Althan,  de- 
clared that  his  master  would  never  recognise  Paulueci's  election;  he  threw  this 
out  for  their  eminences'  consideration.  Some  friends  of  the  Albani  family  had 
already  directed  their  choice  towards  Michael  Angelo  Conti;  one  of  them,  mon- 
signor  Riviera,  was  secretary  of  the  conclave.  He  first  consulted  cardinal  Spi- 
nold,  who  placed  himself  willingly  at  the  head  of  the  party,  and  proposed  him, 
after  having  tried  the  ground  and  found  that  Conti  was  not  disagreeable  to  any 
one.  Count  Althan  without  delay  laid  the  matter  before  the  court  of  Vienna. 
The  fact  that  Conti  had  been  nuncio  iu  Portugal,  and  had  made  himself  agreea- 
ble to  queen  Anne  of  Austria,  the  sister  of  Charles  VI,  was  of  considerable 
service  to  him.  The  Austrian  court  declared  itself  favorable  to  Conti,  who 
could  thus  reckon  on  the  support  of  the  whole  Austrian  connection,  more  particu- 
larly Portugal  and  Poland.  The  Spanish  ambassador  referred  the  matter  to  his 
court,  which  sent  back  an  unfavorable  answer;  this  however  came  too  late,  for 
Innocent  XIII  had  been  already  elected  (8th  of  May,  1721.) 

Innocent  was  endowed  with  admirable  qualities  both  for  spiritual  and  tempo- 
ral government.  The  drawback  was,  that  he  was  of  a  sickly  constitution,  which 
occasioned  him  to  be  sparing  in  giving  audiences.  Hence  it  followed,  that  an 
audience  gave  a  man  importance,  and  one  answered  the  purpose  of  many.  His 
imderstanding  was  acute  and  good,  and  his  answers  decisive.  "The  Maltese 
envoy,"  says  Corner,  "  will  not  forget  how,  after  a  somewhat  vehement  impor- 
tunity for  assistance  on  his  part,  the  pope  instantly  gave  him  his  blessing,  and 
rang  the  bell,  as  a  signal  for  his  departure."  When  the  Portuguese  ambassador 
demanded  the  promotion  of  Bicchi  to  the  dignity  of  cardinal.  Innocent  at  last 
refused  to  listen  to  him  any  more  ("  non  ritrovando  merito  nel  prelato  e  pessando 
sopra  tutti  ii  riguardi  che  potea  avereper  una  corona  di  cui  era  stato  protettore"). 

The  Roman  families  connected  with  Innocent  XIII,  who  had  expected  promo- 
tion at  his  hands,  were  entirely  disappointed;  even  his  nephews  could  with  diffi- 
culty obtain  the  allowance  of  12,000  ducats,  which  had  become  the  usual  income 
of  a  nepos. 

The  chief  object  of  the  pope's  exertions  was  the  adjustm.ent  of  the  disputes 
concerning  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  in  which  however  his  success  was  very 
imperfect.  A  belter  understanding  was  established  with  the  imperial  court,  as 
might  naturally  be  expected  from  the  circumstances  of  Innocent's  election. 

158. 

Relatione  del  N.  H.  Pietro  Capello  K^  ritornato  cf  ambasciator  di  Roma,  1728,  6 
Marzo.     (14  leaves.) 

Innocent  XIII  died  on  the  7th  of  March,  1724,  after  a  reign  of  little  more  than 
thirty-four  months. 

Capello,  who  had  been  sent  to  the  court  of  Innocent,  agrees  with  his  predeces- 
sors in  the  account  he  gives  of  him.     He  finds  him  inclined  to  peace,  of  sound 


458  PIETRO  CAPELLO,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1728. 

judgment,  great  prudence  and  firmness.  He  confirms  the  report  that  this  pope 
was  agitated  by  distressing  scruples  in  his  last  moments,  on  account  of  the  pro- 
motion of  Cardinal  Dubois,  whom  he  had  raised  to  the  cardinalate  out  of  regard 
to  his  power  and  influence.  "  La  di  lui  morte  fu  ben  un'  argomento  delle  piii 
morali  reflessioni:  mentre  attaccato  da  scrupoli  di  coscienza,  tarlo  che  non  lascia 
di  rodere  anco  la  mente  dei  papi,  non  pote  mai  lasciarsi  persuadere  a  compire  la 
nomina  di  quattio  cardinali  nella  vacanza  d'  altrettanti  cappelli:  e  per  quello  si 
e  potuto  iscoprire  fu  giudicato  che  non  sentisse  di  consumare  una  tale  elettione 
forse  per  pentimento  d'  averne  eseguita  alcun'  altra  con  maniere  atte  a  turbare  la 
di  lui  delicata  coscieaza.  Tale  non  ordinario  accidente  partori  funeste  conse- 
guenze  alia  di  lui  casa,  a  favor  della  quale  non  resto  alcun  partito  da  disponere 
dopo  la  di  lui  morte:  ma  con  tutto  cio  vi  fu  universale  argomento  per  giudicar 
molto  bene  di  sua  persona,  che  dimostro  per  tali  suoi  ottimi  sentimenti  un  spirito 
egualmente  nobile  che  rassegnato." 

Benedict  XIII  was  elected  on  the  29th  of  May,  1724.  Capello  thinks  him 
very  ditferent  from  his  predecessor,  being  remarkably  resolute,  ardent  and  vehe- 
ment in  all  ecclesiastical  affairs.  He  remarks  that  there  were  few  men  of  talent 
in  the  sacred  college;  no  strong  factions,  nor  any  appearance  of  the  formation  of 
one,  during  the  pontificate  of  Benedict,  since  the  jealousy  between  Coscia  and 
Fini  would  sufllice  to  prevent  it.  There  existed  a  faction  attached  to  the  tempo- 
ral powers,  but  it  had  but  little  stability.  The  success  of  the  duke  of  Savoy, 
who  had  at  length  attained  his  object,  had  produced  the  greatest  impression  on 
the  court.  Hence  Capello  infers  that  with  time,  every  thing  might  be  accom- 
plished at  the  papal  court;  the  only  requisite  was  quiet;  a  man's  zeal  in  his  own 
cause  must  never  break  out  into  open  complaints. 

Capello  next  enters  more  at  large  upon  the  interests  peculiarly  Venetian.  In 
the  first  place  he  represents  afresh,  that  Venice  must  secure  a  position  of  greater 
importance  and  consideration  at  Rome.  He  again  explains  what  conduct  should 
be  held  towards  the  pope,  who  must  be  gained  over  by  spiritual  concessions,  and 
his  goodwill  gradually  and  imperceptibly  conciliated.  He  then  discusses  tem- 
poral affairs,  and  particularly  those  of  trade.  It  is  evident  that  the  Roman  go- 
vernment in  the  beginning  of  the  18th  century  paid  very  serious  attention  to 
commercial  and  manufacturing  improvements. 

The  inhabitants  of  Dulcignote  and  Ragusa  carried  on  a  trade  with  Ancona  by 
no  means  agreeable  to  the  Venetians.  They  imported  wax  in  particular  in 
large  quantities,  which  was  formerly  brought  from  Venice,  but  now  began  to  be 
prepared  in  the  States  of  the  Church. 

Innocent  XII  had  begun  to  build  St.  Michaele  a  Ripa;  Clement  XI  had  en- 
larged it,  and  at  the  period  in  which  Capello  wrote  it  had  attained  to  importance 
through  its  woollen  and  silk  manufactures:  "  dalla  figura  d'  un'  ospitale,  dove 
per  carita  alimentavano  molti  giovani,  fu  convertita  con  amplificatione  di  sito  e 
con  grandissima  giunta  di  fabriche  in  una  casa  di  commercio,  nella  quale  a  pre- 
sente  si  travagliano  le  manifatture  di  lana  e  di  seta."  The  cloth  of  St.  Michaele 
already  rivalled  that  of  France,  and  was  exported  through  Ancona  to  Turkey 
and  Spain.  I  will  extract  the  whole  passage.  "  In  questo  sontuoso  edificio  vi 
si  e  introdotto  la  fabrica  degl'  arazzi  con  egual  perfettione  di  quelli  che  si  tra- 
vagliano in  Fiandra  et  in  Francia:  e  vi  e  fondato  un  lanificio,  nel  quale  vi  entra 
la  lana  et  escono  i  panni  perfetionati  di  tutto  punto.  La  fabrica  di  seta  dipen- 
dente  da  questo  luogo  s'  esercita  in  piii  contrade  di  Roma,  e  quelle  della  lana 
sono  in  tanti  generi  divise,  con  idea  d'  addattarle  all'  uso  del  paese  per  haverne 
con  un  spaccio  facile  il  pronto  ritratto.  Si  fabricano  in  S.  Michele  tutti  li  panni 
per  le  militie,  li  scoti  per  servitio  de'  monasterj,  le  tele  di  tutti  i  generi  per  il 
vestiario  delle  ciurme,  e  li  panni  sono  divisi  in  varii  generi  che  restano  distri- 
buiti  per  una  data  quantita,  con  oblige  alii  mercanti  di  fame  1'  esito.  Di  recente 
si  e  dato  anco  mano  alia  fabrica  di  panni  colorati  ad  uso  di  Francia,  che  passano 
in  Ancona  e  Sinigaglia  per  concambio  alle  mercantie  che  vengono  di  Turchia. 
In  somma,  la  casa  di  S.  Michele  e  una  delle  piu  vasle  idee  che  possa  esser  com- 
pita  da  un  principe  grande,  e  sarebbe  sicuramente  1'  emporio  di  tutta  1'  Italia,  se 


PRESENTE  SITUAZIONE  DELLO  STATO  ECCLESIASTICO.         459 

non  fosse  constituita  in  una  citta  dove  ad  ogn'  altra  cosa  si  pensa  che  al  com- 
mercio  et  alia  mercatura,  essendo  diretti  quest!  gran  capital!  da  una  congrega- 
t!one  di  tre  cardinali,  tra  quali  vi  e  il  segretario  di  state,  sempre  occupato  e  di- 
vertito  ne'  piu  grav!  affari  del  governo.  Con  tutto  c!6  questa  casa  di  commercio 
sussiste  con  floridezza,  e  coll!  suoi  travagl!  s'  alimentano  migliara  di  persona 
ricavandosi  dalle  sue  manifatture  pronto  il  ritratto.  La  fabrica  degl'  arazz!  si 
mantiene  da  se  stessa,  perche  si  lavoro  ad  uso  de'  particolari,  et  il  maggior 
effetto  di  quest!  lavor!  si  e  quello  desiderabile  a  lutti  1!  stati,  che  il  danaro  non 
esca  ad  impinguare  1'  estere  nation!." 

How  curious  it  is  to  find  a  Venetian  recommending  his  countrymen  to  take  as 
a  model,  a  manufacturing  institution  of  the  popes!  They  had  also  founded 
establishments  for  intellectual  culture,  which  he  recommends  to  imitation. 
"  Oltre  le  art!  mecaniche  v!  sono  pure  le  art!  liberal!,  che  servono  ad  ornamento 
ed  utilita  dello  state.  II  solo  noma  di  Roma  ed  il  credito  degl!  antichi  suoi 
monumenti  attrae  a  se  stessa  molte  estere  nation!  et  in  particolare  gl'  oltramon- 
tani.  Sono  in  quella  citta  instituite  molte  accademie,  dove  oltre  lo  studio  dalle 
belle  lettera  non  meno  fiorisce  quello  della  pittura  e  scoltura:  oltre  quella  di 
Campidoglio,  che  sussiste  sotto  la  protettione  di  quel  rettaglio  d'  autorita  eserci- 
tata  con  tanto  credito  ne'  secoli  passat!  da  quella  insigne  republica.  Ve  na  sono 
pure  anco  dell'  altre  instituite  e  governate  dall'  estere  nation!,  tra  le  quali  si  dis- 
tingue quella  che  sussiste  col  nome  della  corona  di  Francia." 

Pietro  Capello  is  of  opinion  that  a  similar  academy  should  be  founded  in  Ve- 
nice, which  also  possessed  the  most  beautiful  monuments  of  antiquity.  Even 
Bologna  had  attempted  such  an  institution  with  great  success. 

There  were  other  tendencies  of  a  similar  nature,  connected  with  those  men- 
tioned by  Correr,  on  which  other  documents  throw  some  light. 

159. 

Osservationi  della  presente  situalione  dellu  siato  ecclesiastico  con  alcuni  progeiii  ulili 
al  governo  civile  ed  economico  per  ristabilire  P  erario  della  reV^o-  camera  apostolica 
dalli  passati  e  correnti  suo  discapiti,    {31S.  Rom.') 

At  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century  there  was  a  conviction  prevalent 
all  over  the  south  of  Europe,  that  the  condition  of  mankind  was  deplorably 
bad,  and  that  they  had  unwarrantably  neglected  their  own  best  interests:  a 
necessity  and  a  desire  to  bring  about  a  better  state  of  things  was  strongly  felt. 
How  much  was  written,  and  what  efforts  were  made  in  Spain  to  restore  the 
finances  and  trade  to  prosperity!  The  "  Testamento  politico  d'  un  accademico 
Fiorentino,  Colonio,  1734,"  which  proposes  means  of  bettering  the  condition  of 
trade,  agriculture  and  the  public  revenue,  is  still  well  thought  of  in  the  papal 
territories.  It  is  in  reality  a  well-intentioned,  able  and  striking  production,  full 
of  sound  remarks.  This  desire  for  general  improvement  was  not  confined  to 
private  individuals;  for  numerous  projects,  calculations  and  plans  directed  to  the 
same  purpose,  and  mora  or  less  of  an  oflicial  character,  are  to  be  found  in  the 
collections  of  that  period.  The  observations  now  under  review,  which  were 
written  about  the  time  of  the  Testamento  politico,  must  be  classed  under  this 
head.  They  were  intended  for  Clement  XII.  The  author  of  them  endeavors  to 
point  out  those  disorders  and  abuses  which  more  especially  required  reform. 

After  dwelling  some  time  on  the  frightful  number  of  murders  which  occurred 
in  the  papal  territory,  (in  Rome  and  the  four  legations  they  amounted  to  at 
least  a  thousand  yearly,)  and  suggesting  that  steps  should  be  taken  to  ascertain 
what  were  the  means  of  prevention  used  by  other  rulers,  the  author  proceeds  to 
the  finances.  He  states  the  deficit  at  120,000  scudi  a  year.  He  suggests  the 
following  remedies:  1.  A  reduction  of  officers  receiving  high  pay  without  even 
living  in  garrison.  2.  Retrenchment  of  the  expenditure  in  the  palaces.  3. 
Direct  administration  of  the  customs,  instead  of  farming  them  out — a  system 
which  he  condemns,  because  the  farmer  was  hostile  to  the  prohibition  of  foreign 
manufactures.     4.  Diminution  of  the  influence  of  the  subaltern  officers,  who 


460  PROVEDIMENTO  PER  LO  STATO  ECCLESIASTICO. 

found  their  advantage  in  the  increase  of  taxes.  He  remarks  that  the  annona 
could  not  maintain  itself,  because  the  imports  were  so  great  both  from  Turkey 
and  the  north;  the  corn-dealer  could  not  bear  up  against  the  competition.  His 
indignation  is  the  greatest  at  the  sums  of  money  going  out  of  the  country  for 
cattle,  oil  and  wine,  all  of  which  were  produced  in  superabundance  at  home. 
What  would  it  signify,  if  those  articles  bore  a  somewhat  higher  price,  if  money, 
"  the  blood  of  the  state,"  circulated  where  it  ought*?  At  any  rate  the  holders  of 
the  monti,  who  received  their  interest,  but  did  not  reside  in  the  country,  ought 
to  be  taxed,  as  was  the  case  with  the  absentee  feudal  land-holders  in  the  neigh- 
boring kingdom  of  Naples. 

The  state  of  the  marsh  of  Ancona,  in  particular,  he  regards  as  most  pitiable. 
The  number  of  inhabitants  was  yearly  diminishing.  In  his  opinion,  the  cause 
was  to  be  sought  in  the  checks  placed  on  the  exportation  of  corn,  which  was 
absolutely  prohibited  between  June  and  October,  and  only  permitted  during 
the  rest  of  the  year  on  payment  of  certain  duties,  which  yielded  but  a  small 
profit  to  the  papal  treasury,  and  had  the  effect  of  sending  the  foreigner  to  some 
cheaper  market.  The  fair  of  Sinigaglia  proved  mischievous,  by  rendering  the 
neighboring  district  dependent  on  foreign  parts:  in  order  to  be  convinced  of 
this,  it  was  only  necessary  to  visit  Urbino,  the  marsh  of  Ancona  and  Umbria, 
where  neither  arts  nor  opulence  were  any  longer  to  be  found,  but  a  general 
decay  was  visible. 

The  author  conjures  the  pope  to  appoint  a  congregation  consisting  of  a  few 
and  select  members,  to  devise  remedies  for  these  evils;  above  all,  to  choose 
able  and  honest  officers  only,  and  to  chastise  such  as  bore  a  different  character. 
"  Such,"  he  concludes,  "  are  the  hopes  entertained  by  the  subjects  of  your 
holiness." 

160. 

Provedimenio  per  lo  stalo  ecclesiastico.     {MS.  Rom.     Autograph  ijistrudions  to 

public  officers.) 

Here  is  another  proof  of  the  existence  of  projects  for  the  introduction  of  the 
mercantile  system  which  then  met  with  such  great  approbation  in  Europe. 
Had  they  been  carried  out  with  spirit,  perhaps  a  fresh  impulse  would  have 
been  given  to  commercial  industry.  But  the  misfortune  of  the  papacy  was,  that 
each  succeeding  pope  was  eager  to  follow  a  line  of  policy  directly  opposed  to 
that  of  his  predecessor.     Of  this,  the  present  document  affords  a  proof. 

Tn  the  year  1719,  the  importation  of  foreign  cloth  from  Venice  and  Naples, 
and  especially  also  from  Germany,  increased  to  such  a  degree,  that  Clement  IX 
was  induced  to  prohibit  it  entirely.  In  Vergani  also  ("della  importanza  del 
nuovo  sistema  di  finanza")  mention  is  made  of  the  two  decrees  to  that  effect, 
published  on  the  7th  of  August  1719,  and  the  1st  of  August  1720,  Vergani, 
however,  is  without  doubt  mistaken  in  denying  that  they  were  of  any  service. 
Pietro  Capello,  as  early  as  the  year  1728,  remarked  upon  the  impulse  given  to 
Roman  industry.  It  is  expressly  asserted  in  this  "  Provedimento,"  composed 
under  Clement  XII,  that  the  number  of  manufactures  had  greatly  increased  in 
consequence  of  this  very  prohibition.  Innocent  XIII  and  Benedict  XIII  both 
confirmed  it.  "In  pochi  anni  si  eressero  a  proprie  spese  de'  particolari  in  molte 
citta  e  terre  dello  stato  fabriche  nuove  di  lanificii,  di  valche,  di  spurghi,  di  tin- 
torie  et  altre,  in  specie  a  Roma,  Narni,  Perugia,  Rieti,  Tivoli,  Alatri,  Veroli, 
Segni,  Subiaco,  S.  Severino,  Giulianello." 

A  congregation,  however,  assembled  in  the  year  1735  by  Clement  XII,  was 
induced  to  remove  the  prohibition,  and  to  allow  the  importation  of  cloth  again 
into  Rome,  at  a  duty  of  20  per  cent.,  and  into  the  provinces,  of  12  per  cent. 
The  effect,  according  at  least  to  the  MS.  before  us,  was,  that  the  recently  esta- 
blished manufactories  were  ruined.  The  writer  calculates  that  a  sum  of  100,000 
scudi  went  out  of  the  country  for  cloth.     He  expresses  a  desire  that  the  prohi- 


ALUISE  MOCENIGO,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1737.  461 

bilion  should  be  renewed  and  extended  to  silken  g^oods;  I  do  not  find,  however, 
that  his  wishes  were  fulfilled. 

161. 

Mtri  provedimenti  di  commercio.     (^MS.  Rom.) 

Confirmation  of  the  fact  of  the  momentary  impulse  given  to  manufactures  by 
the  prohibition  of  importation.  The  old  complaints  of  the  prohibition  of  expor- 
tation. A  variety  of  articles  came  from  Tuscany,  but  were  any  one  to  export 
thither  but  a  measure  of  corn,  he  would  incur  the  penalty  of  confiscation  of  his 
property,  excommunication,  and  even  forfeiture  of  life.  Moreover,  a  thorough 
confusion  of  the  currency  had  gained  ground  in  Rome,  as  well  as  in  Germany. 
The  papal  coin  was  too  heavy,  although  Innocent  XI  and  Clement  XI  had 
already  issued  lighter  than  tiiat  in  circulation  before  their  reign.  A  quantity  of 
foreign  money,  on  which  there  was  a  great  loss,  became  current.  The  pope 
was  importuned,  in  his  turn,  to  issue  a  lighter  coinage  of  different  kinds,  which 
he  began  to  do  with  regard  to  the  zecchini. 

Several  other  documents  of  a  similar  nature  lie  before  us;  to  make  extracts 
from  them  all  would  lead  us  too  much  into  detail.  It  is  sufficient  to  remark, 
that  the  States  of  the  Church  shared  the  commercial  and  economical  spirit 
which  pervaded  the  rest  of  Europe,  although  peculiar  circumstances,  political 
constitution,  and  irremediable  abuses,  prevented  its  producing  any  considerable 
results.  It  was,  moreover,  at  variance  with  the  quiet  of  the  aristocracy,  and 
with  the  prevailing  taste  for  the  pleasures  of  a  life  of  mere  enjoyment  without 
ulterior  objects,  and  for  the  delights  of  indolence: — the  "dolce  far  niente." 
Winckelmann,  a  German,  was  in  raptures  during  his  visit  to  Italy,  which  took 
place  shortly  after  this  period.  The  mode  of  life  seemed  to  him  a  deliverance 
from  the  restless  activity  and  strict  regularity  which  characterise  the  north. 
The  scholar's  views  were  right,  with  reference  to  his  own  pursuits;  he  required 
leisure,  attention  to  his  favorite  subjects,  and  complete  freedom;  and  these  ends 
might  be  attained  for  the  moment,  and  for  the  individual.  An  entire  nation, 
however,  can  only  arrive  at  prosperity  and  power  by  the  exertion  of  all  its 
strength. 

162. 

Relazione  28  9*''«  1 737  del  N.  V.  Aluise  AToceni^o  IV K^  e  Proc^  ritornato  di  Roma. 

{Jlrch.  Veil?) 

We  here  discover  what  obstacles  were  placed  by  the  government  in  the  way 
of  the  commercial  prosperity  of  its  subjects.  Mocenigo  is  by  no  means  a  fault- 
finder: he  acknowledges  the  increase  in  the  trade  of  Ancona,  which  seems  to 
cause  him  some  solicitude;  he  thinks  the  administration  of  justice  in  a  good 
state,  particularly  in  the  rota,  but  that  of  the  government  he  declares  to  be  tho- 
roughly corrupt;  falsification  of  accounts  was  of  daily  occurrence:  the  expendi- 
ture was  greater  than  the  revenue,  and  of  any  remedy  there  seemed  no  pros  t 
pect.  Pope  Clement  had  resorted  to  the  lotto,  a  measure  which  the  ambassador 
designates  as  highly  injurious,  ("  1'  evidente  esterminio  e  ruina  de'  popoli.") 

His  opinion  of  pope  Clement  is,  that  he  was  more  distinguished  by  the  accom- 
plishments of  a  gentleman  and  a  magnificent  prelate,  than  by  the  talents  or 
energies  requisite  for  wielding  the  heavy  burthen  of  the  papacy.  He  describes 
him  and  his  rule  only  in  the  following  outlines. 

"  II  pontificato  presente  influisce  piuttosto  le  nobili  intraprese  e  la  magnifi- 
cenza,  tale  essendo  stata  sempre  1'  inclinazione  del  papa  sino  della  sua  gioventvi,  e 
tuttavia  nell'  eta  sua  cadente  e  rovinosa  sostenuta  dal  genio  e  dagli  esempj  del  card'* 
Corsini  nipote,  che  piii  ancora  si  distingue  nell'  inclinazione  per  le  belle  arti  e 
per  il  modo  affabile  di  trattare  che  per  un  fondo  di  vera  sufficienza  negli  affari 
del  governo.  La  serie  dei  succeasi  nel  cadente  pontificato,  in  cui  per  To  piii  ha 
governato  I'  Eminenza  Sua,  rende  chiara  testimonianza  a  questa  verita,  e  si  pud 
VOL.  II. — 40 


462  ALUISE  MOCENIGO,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1737. 

dire  che  i  dissapori  violenti  occorsi  quasi  con  tutte  le  corti  avrebbono  dovuto 
opprimere  il  card'  nipote,  se  egli  non  fosse  stato  sostenulo  da  un  credito  fondato 
in  un  cuore  disinteressato  e  mancante  piuUosto  per  difetto  di  talento  clie  di  cattiva 
volonta.  Vero  e  ciie  Roma  non  scusa  in  lui  la  preniura  con  cui  vuole  in  ogni 
caso  disporre  di  tutti  gii  affari  politici,  geloso  sino  all' eccesso  della  sua  autorita, 
e  quindi  aver  egli  allontanato  dal  rainistero  il  card''^  Riviera,  il  piu  capace  di 
tutti  per  gli  affari  di  stato,  ed  aver  ivi  sostituito  il  card'  Firau  per  disponerne  a 
piacere  e  senza  contrasto.  Per  altro,  sia  inclinazione,  sia  vertu,  certa  cosa  e  che 
durante  tutto  il  pontificato  di  Clemente  XII  nel  coso  di  sette  anni  con  la  dispo- 
sizione  assoluta  delli  tesori  pontificj  la  casa  Corsini  non  ha  aumentate  le  rendite 
sue  patrimoniali  di  8  m.  scudi  annul,  esempio  ben  raro." 

The  pope's  nephew  was  again  possessed  of  considerable  power,  although  not 
of  wealth.  The  secretary  of  state  depended  completely  upon  him,  and  no  confi- 
dence was  to  be  placed  on  the  word  of  the  secretary,  if  the  nephew's  favor  had 
not  been  previously  secured. 

Mocenigo  proceeds  from  the  home  affairs  to  the  connections  with  foreign 
courts,  which  became  daily,  as  we  have  already  said,  more  and  more  intricate. 
I  will  extract  the  whole  of  this  passage,  so  important  to  the  history  of  the  dis- 
putes then  existing  in  the  church. 

"  La  corte  di  Napoli  anela  continuamente  all'  abolimento  della  solita  investi- 
tura  con  argomenti  legali,  istorici  e  naturali:  ne  sarebbe  diiBcile  che  vi  riuscisse, 
quando  il  re  Don  Carlo  acconsentisse  ad  una  solenne  rinunzia  di  ogni  sua  pre- 
tesa  sopra  Castro  e  Ronciglione.  Ma  questo  non  e  il  tutto;  mentre  i  Napolitani 
condotti  dalle  scuole  dei  loro  giurisconsulti  sono  talmento  avversi  alia  corte  di 
Roma  che  ogni  cosa  studiano  per  sottrarsi  dalla  dipendenza  del  papa  nel  tem- 
porale:  e  quindi  ogni  giorno  escono  nuovi  regolamenti  e  nuove  pretese  cosi  ben 
sostenute  dai  scrittori  loro  valenti  che  la  corte  Romana  n'  e  piu  che  mai  imbaraz- 
zata  e  gia  si  vede  nella  necessita  di  rilasciarne  una  gran  parte  per  mettere  in 
salvo  il  resto.  II  punlo  si  e  che  queste  riforme  tendono  principal mente  ad  im- 
pinguare  1'  erario  regie  e  quindi  a  scemare  le  rendite  e  1'  autorita  pontificia  in 
quegli  stati.  II  padre  Galliani,  uomo  di  profonda  dottrina  ed  erudizione,  e  in 
Roma  il  grande  propugnatore  per  la  corte  di  Napoli,  tanto  piu  efficace  quanto 
nelle  sue  lunghe  consuetudini  in  quella  metropoli  ha  penetrato  nel  piu  fondo  dei 
misteri  del  papato,  e  proveduto  d'  una  memoria  felicissima  tutto  ha  presente  per 
prevalersene  nell'  opportunita." 

"II  grande  appoggio  della  corte  di  Napoli  e  quella  di  Spagna,  dove  1'  irrita- 
mento  parve  tempo  fa  giunto  all'  eccesso  e  dette  occasion!  a  quelle  strepitose 
propositioni  di  riforma  della  dataria  e  ristabilimento  del  juspatronato  regie,  delle 
quali  ebbi  piu  volte  1'  onore  di  trattenere  V'^  Serenita  nei  riverenti  miei  dispacci, 
6  che  ora  si  vedono  gia  concluse  con  aggiustamento  piii  utile  per  la  corte  di 
Spagna  che  per  quella  di  Roma. 

"La  corte  di  Torino  con  costante  direzione  nel  maneggio  degli  affari  politici, 
protetta  dalle  boUe  e  concessioni  di  Benedetto  XIII,  non  si  e  mai  lasciata  rilas- 
ciare  un  memento  da  quei  fondamenti  che  per  essa  sono  inconcussi  etroppofacil- 
mente  atiaccati  del  presente  pontificato.  II  card'^  Albani,  uomo  per  sagacita  e 
risoluzione  senza  pari,  ha  sin  ora  sostenuto  con  tutla  1'  efficacia  le  ragioni  di 
quella  corte,  a  segno  che  non  lascio  mai  giungere  ad  effetuazione  le  minaccie 
fatte  dal  pontefice  presente,  e  secondo  tutte  le  apparenze  ne  deve  sortire  fastoso 
col  successore. 

"  Anco  la  corte  di  Francia  pati  alcuni  motivi  di  querela  per  le  vicende  della 
Polonia:  ma  furono  cose  di  si  poco  memento  che  puo  ella  sola  contarsi  affezio- 
nata  e  stabile  al  presente  pontificato,  e  cio  perche  negli  affari  ecclesiastici  poco 
o  nulla  piii  resta  da  discutere  con  Roma,  osservandosi  pontualmente  dall'  una 
e  dall'  altra  parte  i  concordat!  e  la  praramatica,  ma  principalmente  perche  la 
corte  di  Roma  va  con  essa  piii  cauta  che  con  qualsivoglia  altro  nell'  introdurre, 
sostenere  e  resistere  alle  novita  che  intervenir  potessero.  11  sempre  mai  lodevole 
card''  Fleuri,  grand'  esemplare  nel  ministero  politico,  ha  saputo  tener  sempre 
soggetta  la  politica  alia  religione  senza  mai  confondere  1'  autorita  spirituale  con 


FRANC.  VENIER,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1744.  463 

la  temporale:  e  qnesto  fa  che  durante  il  suo  tninistero  la  corte  di  Roma  sia  si 
trattenuta  nei  limili  dovuti  e  quasi  con  una  perpetua  condescenza,  a  sej^no  chc 
1'  avrebhe  costituito  1'  arbitro  di  tutte  le  sua  differenze,  se,  gli  altri  potontati  non 
avessero  temuta  la  grande  equita  e  1'  imparzialita  di  quell'  eroe  nel  ministero 
politico. 

"  Gravissimi  furono  i  sconcerti,  tuttavia  non  appianati  ancora,  con  la  corte  di 
Portooallo,  dove  il  carattere  di  quel  re  fa  che  acquistano  giornalmente  vigore 
ed  insistenza  le  sue  pretese  quanto  piii  si  contrastano:  e  per  dirla  con  cliiarezza, 
le  differenze  insorte  col  Portogallo  e  con  la  Spagna  avendo  da  qualche  tempo 
sospese  le  rendite  opulentissime  di  que'  vasti  regni,  ha  quasi  scompaglnata  la 
corte  e  la  cilta  di  Roma,  dove  migliaja  di  famiglie  da  qualche  anno  in  qua  sono 
ridotte  dall'  opulenza  alia  poverta  e  tante  altre  dalla  sufRcienza  alia  miseria. 
Questo  fa  che  la  disposizione  d'  infiniti  beneficj  in  8pagna,  in  Portogallo  e  nel 
regno  di  Napoli  rimanendo  sospesa,  anzi  correndo  apparcnza  che  rimaner  possa 
all'  autorita  temperale  di  que'  regnanti,  gran  numero  dei  loro  sudditi  secolari  e 
regolari  altre  volte  consacrati  a  sostenere  la  corte  di  Roma  presentemente  1'  ab- 
bandonano,  e  gran  nnmero  ancora  dei  Romani  stessi  vendono  condotti  a  coltivar 
le  potenze  straniere  dall'  avidita  e  necessita  loro.  Particolare  e  curiosa  e  stata 
la  condotta  della  corte  di  Roma  verso  le  pretese  di  questo  principe  di  aver  il 
cardinale  nato  il  patriarca  di  Lisbona.  Fu  considerato  da  quel  re  come  condi- 
zione  indispensabile  dell'  accomodamento  delle  vertenze  che  corrono  tra  le 
due  corti,  di  godere  una  tal  distinzione,  ed  il  papa,  usando  in  cio  dell'  antico 
costume  Romano,  si  e  dimostrato  alcune  volte  del  tntto  alieno,  altre  quasi  pre- 
pense di  soddisfare  le  premure  del  re.  La  cosa  non  e  ancora  decisa,  ed  in  ogni 
maniera  che  vengai  consumata  fornira  argomenti  non  indifferenti  di  discorsi  e 
forse  di  querele  tra  gli  altri  principi. 

"Altre  volte  il  pretendente  faceva  un'  oggetto  massimo  della  corte  di  Roma, 
la  quale  si  lusingava  molto  sopra  1'  appoggio  delle  corti  di  Francia  e  Spagna, 
dacche  si  riunirono  ambedue  nella  casa  di  Borbon:  ma  in  oggi  scopertasi  la  ge- 
losia  tra  linea  primogenita  e  !a  cadetta  e  conosciutosi  che  la  regina  di  Spagna 
non  ha  veramente  altre  mire  che  1'  ingrandimento  dei  proprj  figli,  1'  esule  pre- 
tendente e  la  degna  sua  famiglia  divengono  presto  a  molti  oggetto  piii  grave  an- 
cora che  di  conforto. 

"  L'  imperatore  ha  fatto  e  fa  tuttavia  tremare  il  presente  ministero  di  Roma, 
vedendosi  egli  stesso  dar  mano  ad  introdurre  nei  suoi  stati  d'  Italia  quelle  ri- 
forme  d'abusi  che  devono  col  tempo  servire  di  esempio  sommamente  pregiudiciale 
ai  Romani:  e  cio  ch'  e  peggio  per  loro,  appena  ha  introdotto  le  sue  truppe  nella 
Toccana,  che  ivi  pure  si  veggono  incamminate  le  medesimo  direzioni,  a  segno 
che  di  tutti  gli  stati  esteri  al  dominio  Romano  non  se  ne  vede  per  nno  continuar 
ciecamente  sul  piede  dei  secoli  passati.  La  corte  di  Vienna  professando  tempo 
fa  acri  motivi  di  querela  per  le  distinzioni  usate  a  Spagnoli,  poco  amati  dal 
popoli  Romano,  si  e  totalmente  attratto  il  favor  d'  esso  popolo  in  Roma  e  nello 
state  sotto  il  pontificato  presente  col  maneggio  accortissimo  de  suoi  ministri  ed 
emissarj,  ch'  e  cosa  maravigliosa  1'  udire  in  universale  il  popolo  Romano  dichia- 
rato  in  favore  dell'  imperatore.  Tuttavia  in  oggi  tanta  e  la  forza  dell'  interesse 
della  famiglia  Corsini  che  non  vi  e  sagrificio  che  non  si  faccia  affine  di  guadag- 
narsi  1'  amicizia  di  Cesare:  di  che  1'  Ecc""  Senate  ne  ha  abbondanti  prove  nelle 
direzioni  de'  negozj  vertenti." 

163. 

Jtelazione  del  N.  II.  Franc.  Venier  K^  ritornalo  ambasciat.  da  Roma,  1744,  24  Jlpr. 

Unfortunately  only  two  loose  leaves,  devoted  to  a  description  of  Benedict  XIV. 

Venier  asserts  that  the  cardinals  had  never  wished  to  have  this  pope:  "  inal- 
zato  anzi  dalle  sue  rare  virtu,  dalle  vicende  di  quel  conclave,  dalle  sue  note  lun- 
ghezze,  che  da  un'  efficace  favore  de'  Cardinali  che  lo  esaltarono.  Fu  opera  sola 
del  divino  spirito." 

"  II  papa,"  he  continues,  "  dotato  di  cuore  aperto  e  sincere  trascuro  sempre 


464  ALUISE  MOCENIGO,  REL.  DI  ROMA.      1750. 

ogn'  unadi  quelle  arti  che  si  chlamano  romanesche  e  lo  stesso  carattere  che  fece 
conoscere  senza  riserva  allora  che  era  prelate,  fu  quelle  del  card'  Lambertini  e  si 
puo  dire  quellodel  papa." 

164. 
Relazione  di  Aluise  Mocenigo  IV KaV"  riturnato  amhasdat.  di  Roma,  1750,  14  Jlpr. 

This  is  not  the  same  person  as  the  envoy  of  the  year  1737.  The  first  was  the 
son  of  Aluise  Mocenigo  the  third:  this  is  a  son  of  Aluise  Mocenigo  the  first. 

It  is  unfortunate  that  he  too  has  contented  himself  with  three  leaves:  I  shall 
extract  entire  the  most  important  passages,  in  the  dearth  of  authentic  information 
concerning  the  Roman  court  at  this  period. 

"  II  regnante  Benedetto  XIV  non  solo  non  e  mai  stato  nell'  impiego  di  nun- 
ziature  presso  alcuna  corte,  ma  ne  pur  ha  sostenuto  alcuna  legazione:  egli  es- 
sendo  vescovo  d'  Ancona  e  stato  fatto  cardinals,  et  essendo  arcivescovo  di  Bo- 
logna fu  assonto  al  supremo  grado  in  cui  regna.  Possede  per  pratica  fatta  sin 
dagli  anni  suoi  piu  freschi  1'  ordine  della  curia,  e  non  se  ne  scorda  certamente, 
oltre  di  che  si  picca  d'  esser  perfetto  canonista  et  ottimo  legale,  non  ammettendo 
egli  in  cio  differenza  dall'  esser  suo  di  decretalista,  studio  che  non  lascia  aldi 
d'  oggi  ancora.  Percio  egli  e  parzialissimo  del  suo  uditore  mons''^  Argivilliers, 
perche  si  dirige  colle  stesse  dottrine.  ('onformandosi  dunque  le  massime  del 
papa  con  quelle  del  suo  uditore,  si  rende  questi  nel  pontificato  present  uomo 
d' importanza;  quando  particolarmente  per  I'esercizio  suo,  ch' eristretto  alle  sole 
civili  ispezioni,  non  avrebbe  altro  che  il  vantaggio  di  vedere  in  ogni  giorno  il 
monarca  ed  ora  entra  adir  parere  negli  affan  di  stato.  Per  dir  vero,  egli  e  uomo 
di  probila,  ma  di  nessuna  esperienza  negl'  interessi  dei  principi,  austero  ed  inac- 
cessibile,  scarso  di  corrispondenza  forastiere  non  solo  ma  ancora  tra  li  stessi 
palatini.  Per  1'  aura  di  favore  ch'  ei  gode  sembra  che  contrasti  al  card'  Valenti 
segretario  di  stato  1'  accesso  vantaggioso  presso  del  papa,  che  la  gran  raente  di 
quel  porporato,  quando  voglia  gli  prema  et  a  lui  convenga,  in  mezzo  alle  piu 
difficili  determinazioni  e  massime  sempre  possiede  ed  ottiene.  Ed  eccomi  al 
caso  di  superfluita  e  repetizione.  Di  questo  soggetto,  perspicace  nella  coltura 
degli  affari  politici  e  di  stato,  ministro  d'  esperienza  accorto  e  manieroso,  avran 
detto  quello  conviene  li  miei  ecc""  predecessori,  e  circa  questo  non  altro  posso 
aggiungere  se  non  ch'  egli  col  nuovo  posto  di  camerlengo  di  S.  Chiesa,  conferi- 
togli  da  S.  S'^  in  tempo  della  mia  ambasciata,  ha  fermato  anche  dopo  la  vita  del 
pontefice  quel  ben  onorifico  e  lucroso  posto,  che  lo  rendera  ancora  necessario  e 
ricercator  quando  forse  dopo  di  aver  dimessa  la  secretariadi  stato  1'  emulazione, 
invidia  e  li  mal  contenti  avrebbero  potuto  spiegar  la  loro  forza  ed  il  loro  sdegno. 
Va  ora  esente  da  questi  sfoghi,  non  perche  sia  da  ogni  parte  circondato:  ma  sa 
egli  far  fronte  e  scansar  ogni  assalto:  se  a  lui  giova,  cimenta;  in  caso  diverse 
non  cura.  Oltre  al  nominato  uditor  del  papa,  poco  o  niente  amico  suo  vi  e  an- 
cora mons''  Millo  datario,  con  il  quale  benche  a  mio  tempo  apparissero  riconcili- 
ati  in  araicizia,  in  sostanza  non  lo  erano,  ed  il  detto  datario  e  piuttosto  del  partito 
dell'  uditore.  Questi  tre  soggetti  si  possono  dir  quelli  che  nel  presente  pontifi- 
cato abbino  ingerenza  ed  intelligenza  negli  affari  dello  stato.  Ma  se  li  due  pre- 
lati  sono  accelti  per  1'  esposto  di  sopra  ed  il  card'  sa  rendersi  necessario  per 
le  tante  ragioni  ben  note,  pero  arrivano  dei  momenti  che  il  papa  ascolta  gli  uni  e 
1'  altro  e  poscia  tutto  a  sua  volonta  e  talento  differentemente  risolve.  Per  questo 
ancora,  se  vi  sono  degli  altri  ben  distinti  soggetti  tra  li  palatini,  non  contano 
gran  cosa  nel  presente  pontificato  o  almeno  in  rapporto  ai  gravi  affari  dello  stato. 
Uno  e  il  card'^  Passionei,  studiosissimo  edamantedelle  scienze,  pratico  ministro 
per  le  nunziature  sostenute,  e  non  ha  altra  ingerenza  che  nella  secretaria  dei 
brevi.  Del  giovane  prelato  mons'  Marcantonio  Colonna  maggiorduomo  il  zio 
card'  Girolamo  promaggiorduomo  e  uno  tra  li  predileti  del  papa:  ma  egli  non  si 
da  pena  d'  altro  che  di  quelle  cose  che  interessino  le  particolari  sue  brame.  II 
seo-retario  alle  zifre  mons"  Antonio  Rota,  conosciuto  dal  papa  e  dall'  universale 
dilutto  il  sagro  collegio  ed  a  parte  dalle  congregazioni  coram  sanctissimo  per 


GIR.  ZULIAN,  REL.  DI  ROMA.       1783.  465 

un'  uomo  della  piii  scelta  politica  ed  un  pensamento  il  piu  fino,  che  per  1'  ag-gi- 
ustatezza  dell'  estero,  dove  abbia  ad  esservi  un  tratto  d'  accortezza,  altro  non  ha 
migliore,  talmente  conosciuto  necessario  che  con  distinto  mode  si  ammette  anche 
podagroso  nelle  occorrenti  congregazioni,  non  ha  pero  maggiori  ispezioni  che 
quelle  del  suo  carico  o  le  avventizie." 

165. 

Girolamo  Zulian  Relazione  di  Roma,  15  Becembre,  1783. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  republic,  that  peculiar  talent  for  this  sort  of  political 
business  which  had  distinguished  the  Venetians,  declined. 

The  reports  become  shorter;  the  observations  which  they  contain  are  not  to 
be  compared  with  those  in  the  older  reports  for  penetration  and  comprehensive- 
ness. 

Zulian,  whose  report  is  the  last  which  I  have  used,  treats  no  longer  of  politics, 
of  foreign  affairs,  or  of  the  personal  character  of  Pius  VI;  he  merely  touches 
upon  certain  points  of  the  internal  administration. 

The  papal  exchequer,  according  to  him,  showed  a  considerable  deficit,  which 
was  much  increased  by  the  extraordinary  expenditure,  the  building  of  the  sacristy 
of  St.  Peter's,  and  the  draining  of  the  Pontine  marshes — which  two  works  then 
cost  about  two  millions:  this  deficit  the  government  endeavored  to  cover  by  an- 
ticipating the  revenue,  and  by  the  creation  of  a  paper  currency.  Much  money 
besides  went  out  of  the  country.  "  Le  canapi,  le  sete,  le  lane  che  si  estraggono 
dalla  stato,  non  compensano  li  pesci  salati,  li  piombi,  le  droghe  e  la  immensa 
serie  delle  manifatture  che  si  importano  in  esso  da  Genova  specialmente  e  dalla 
Francia.  II  gran  mezzo  di  bilanciar  la  nazione  dovrebbe  essere  il  commercio 
de  grani:  ma  la  necessita  di  regolarlo  per  mezzo  di  tratte  aflSne  di  proveder  sem- 
pre  I'annona  di  Roma  a  prezzi  bassi  lo  rende  misero  e  spesso  dannoso.  Quindi 
resta  oppressa  I'agricoltura  e  spesso  succedono  le  scarsezze  del  genere  che  ob- 
ligano  a  comprare  il  formento  fuori  dello  stato  a  prezzi  gravissimi.  E'comune 
opinione  pertanto  che  questo  commercio  cumulativemente  preso  pochissimo  pro- 
fitto  dia  alia  mazione.  Resta  essa  debitrice  con  tutte  quasi  le  piazze  coUe  quali 
e  in  relazione,  e  da  cio  deriva  in  gran  parte  quella  rapida  estrazion  di  monete 
che  mette  in  discredito  le  cedole  e  forma  la  po  verta  estrema  della  nazione.  Si 
considera  che  il  maggior  vantaggio  di  Rome  sta  colla  piazza  di  Venezia  per  li 
varj  generi  che  lo  stato  pontificio  tramanda  a  quelle  di  Vostra  Serenita." 

The  measures  resorted  to  by  Pius  VI  for  the  encouragement  of  agriculture  are 
well  known.     They  are  here  treated  of,  but  not  with  any  very  profound  views. 

Zulian  remarks  that  Pius  VI  had  made  the  cardinals  still  more  insignificant 
personages  than  they  were  before.  On  his  return  from  Vienna  he  had  put  them 
ofif  with  the  most  vague  and  meagre  information:  to  be  sure  it  may  be  said  in 
reply,  that  he  had  but  little  to  tell.  The  fact,  however,  is  true.  Pallavicini, 
the  secretary  of  state,  in  all  respects  a  remarkable  man,  was  disabled  from  taking 
much  share  in  business  by  frequent  illness.  Rezzonico,  according  to  Zulian, 
was  the  person  who  had  most  influence  over  Pius. 


40» 


INDEX. 


*^*  The  Appendix  to   Vol,  II  furnishes  historical  and  documentary 
notices  in  addition  to  those  in  the  text  of  this  history. 


A. 


Absolution,  i.  147,  486,  499;  ceremony  of 
giving',  to  Henry  IV  of  France,  446. 

Abstinence,  and  religious  fasting,  i.  123. 

Abuses  of  tlie  church  of  Rome,  scheme  of 
reform  proposed  by  tiie  cardinals  to 
Paul  III,  103  n.,  104;  argued  in  the  Ger- 
man  diet,  by  contending  parties,  106, 
109.  (See  Church,  Papacy,  Rome,  tfcc.) 

Abyssinia,  catholic  missions  in,  ii.  81. 
Seltan  Segued  preferred  Rome  to  the 
Alexandrian  church,  82;  Alfonso  Men- 
dcz  sent  by  Gregory  XV  to,  ib. 

Accolti,  Benedetto  delli,  legate  at  Ancona, 
i.  241. 

Accolti,  Benedetto,  an  enthusiast,  i.  214; 
his  criminal  design,  and  execution, 
215. 

Adrian  VI,  of  Utrecht,  succeeds  Leo  X,  i. 
71,  76;  his  gravity  and  high  reputation, 
62;  his  personal  sentiments,  and  letters, 
72;  the  '  Itinerarium  Adriani,'  by  Or- 
tiz, ib.  n.;  neutrality  of  this  pope  in  the 
wars  of  Christian  princes,  ib.;  his  zeal 
against  the  Turks  in  their  invasions  of 
Christendom,  73;  difficulties  of  his  po- 
sition in  effecting  reform  in  the  holy 
Bee,  74;  he  revokes  reversions  to  the 
spiritual  dignities,  ib.;  his  unpopularity, 
ib.,  247;  inscription  on  the  tomb,  74. 

Aix-la-Chapelle,  protestant  strength  at,  i. 
313. 

Akbar,  emperor  of  Hindosfan,  mission  of 
Gcronimo  Xavier  to  his  court,  ii.  78. 

Alamanni,  poems  of,  i.  290. 

Albani,  Gianfrancesco,  pope  Clement  XI, 
ii.  225. 

Alberigo  of  Barbja.no,  celebrated  captain, 
i.  233. 

Alberoni,  cardinal,  his  administration,  ii. 
228. 


Albigenses,  cruel  persecutions  of  the,  i. 

40. 
Aldobrandino,  Salvestro,  a  Florentine,  and 
father  of  Clement  VIII,  i.  434,  481;  his 
profession  the  law,  434;  his  five  cele- 
brated sons,  435;  monument  to  his  wife 
Lisa  Deti,  ib. 
Aldobrandino,  Giovanni,  cardinal,  i,  435, 

459,476. 
Aldobrandino,  Bernardo,  i.  435. 
Aldobrandino,    Tommaso,    philologist,    i. 

435. 
Aldobrandino,  Pietro,  an  eminent  lawyer, 

i.  435. 
Aldobrandino,    Ippolyto,    pope    Clement 

VIII,  i.  434. 
Aldobrandino,    cardinal  Ippolyto,    ii.   ap- 
pendix, 403. 
Aldobrandino,  Pietro,  nephew  of  Clement 
VIII,  his  administration   in  the  latter 
years  of  the  aged  pope,  i.  477,  480,  482. 
ii.  appendix,  356. 
Aldrovandi,  Ulisse,  i.  288. 
Aldus  Manutius,  i.  287. 
Alexander  III,  pope,  ii.  144. 
Alexander  VI,  pope,  personal  ambition  of, 
i.  47;  character  of,  48;  his  son  Cassar 
Borgia,  48;  assisted  by  the  Guelfic  party, 
they  take  Rimini,  Pesaro,  and  Faenza, 
49;  they  seek  to  establish  an  hereditary 
dominion,    49;   results   of  their  violent 
measures,  50;  intending  to  poison  a  car- 
dinal,  the   dish   is    purposely  given   to 
himself,  whereof  he  dies,  50;   venality 
of  his  administration,  53,  245;  sale  of 
indulgences  by,  54;  his  personal  licen- 
tiousness, 61;  appendi,v,  ii.  261. 
Alexander  VII,  cardinal  Fabio  Chigi  elect- 
ed pope,  ii.  155;  is  persuaded  by  Oliva 
that  it  was  wrong  to  refuse  employment 
to  his  nephews,  156;  course  of  his  ad- 
ministration entrusted  to  a  council  of 


46S 


INDEX. 


cardinals,  157;  his  literary  hours,  ib.; 
his  apatliy  in  concerns  of  state,  158, 
182,  186. 

Alexander  VIII,  pope,  early  death  of,  ii. 
223. 

Alfonso  II,  duke  of  Ferrara,  i.  448 — 454. 

Alkmar,  citizens  of,  cut  their  dikes,  and 
declare  for  William  of  Orange,  i.  345. 

Allatio,  Leone,  instructions  to,  relative  to 
the  Heidelberg  library,  ii.  appendix, 
379. 

Allen,  William,  the  Jesuit,  i.  355;  is  made 
a  cardinal  by  Sixtus  V,  397. 

Alva,  duke  of,  marches  from  Naples  to- 
wards Rome,  i.  182;  whilst  menacing 
Paul  IV,  he  shows  deference  to  his  ho- 
liness, 182,  186;  defends  Naples,  184; 
his  executions  in  Flanders,  227,  339; 
taxes  and  confiscations  by,  340;  is  cruel 
and  rapacious,  ib.;  Holland  and  Zealand 
defy  his  power,  345. 

'  Amadis  de  Gaul,'  Spanish  chivalry  de- 
picted in,  i.  120,  121,  290. 

Amadis  of  Bernardo  Tasso,  i.  ib. 

Ambrogio,  secretary  to  Paul  III,  i.  156. 

America,  South,  or  the  Spanish  Indies, 
Catholicism  of,  i.  318;  mission  to,  ii.  76; 
Jesuits'  seminary  in  Mexico,  ib.;  uni- 
versities in  Mexico  and  Lima,  ib. 

Ancients,  study  of  the  classical  works  of 
the,  i.  55,  287;  imitation  of,  by  modern 
latinists,  56,  62;  for  what  objects  studied 
in  Italy  and  in  Germany,  63;  the  Jesuits 
rivalled  the  protestant  schools  in  clas- 
sical  tuition,  325. 

Anchin,  benedictine  abbey  of,  Jean  Len- 
tailleur  abbot,  i.  359. 

Ancona,  trade  of,  i.  233,  260,  279;  ii.  103; 
revenues  of,  i.  241;  the  marsh  of,  232, 
233,  241;  history  of,  262,  et  seq. 

Angelo,  castle  of  St.,  i.  80,  154,  276;  ii. 
104. 

Anglo-Saxon  youths  at  Rome,  i.  31;  pil- 
grims, ib.;  their  Catholicism,  32. 

Annates,  and  tithes,  of  the  see  of  Rome, 
i.  43,  44,  53,  245. 

Anne  of  Austria,  queen  of  Louis  XIII,  ii. 
96;  Buckingham's  reported  passion  for, 
ib.;  allusions  to,  205. 

Antiquities  of  Rome,  i.  283—285,  287. 

Antoniano,  cardinal  Silvio,  i.  196,  299. 

Antonio,  Fra,  of  Volterra,  i.  102. 

Antwerp,  city  of,  i.  346;  is  besieged  by 
the  Spaniards,  365;  terms  of  surrender, 
366. 

Apollo  Belvidere,  the,  i.  284. 

Aquapendente,  scientific  labors  of,  ii.  491. 

Aquciviva,  Claudio,  general  of  the  Jesuits 
at  Romr,  ',  374:  his  character  and  con- 
duct, 463—467,  471,  501. 

Aqueducts  of  Rome,  i.  282. 

Aquila,  bishop  of,  i.  Ill,  112,  n. 


Arabian  conquests,  i.  30. 

Arabians,  cultivated  learning  and  science 
in  the  middle  ages,  i,  56;  perverted  spirit 
of  their  translations,  ib. 

Araoz,  Jesuit  in  Valencia,  i.  141. 

Architecture,  modern  sacred,  i.  294. 

Aremberg,  duke  of,  slain  at  Heiligeriee, 
i.  339. 

Argento,  Gaetano,  his  school  of  jurispru- 
dence in  Naples,  ii.  229. 

Arians,  kingdoms  in  the  west  founded  by, 
i.  30,  31. 

Arigone,  ecclesiastic,  i.  298. 

Ariosto,  his  admiration  of  Bembo,  i.  57; 
harmony  of  his  poetry,  58,  293;  Leo 
X's  friendship  for,  60;  his  '  Orlando 
Furioso,'  449  n. 

Aristotle,  Arabic  translations  of,  i.  56; 
Italian  followers  of,  291;  opposera  of, 
292;  ii.  206. 

Aristocracy,  of  various  European  states, 
powerful  in  the  17th  century,  ii.  159, 
160. 

Armada,  the  Spanish;  history  of  the  alli- 
ance of  Sixtus  V  and  Philip  II,  against 
Elizabeth,  i.  393—398. 

Arnauld,  the  abbe  Antoine,  controversial 
writings  in  favor  of  Jansenism,  by,  ii. 
207. 

Arnauld,  Angelique,  and  the  nuns  of  Port- 
royal,  i.  205. 

Arnauld  d'  Andilly,  celebrated  Jansenist, 
ii.  205. 

Arras,  bishop  of,  i.  358,  361;  insurrection 
at,  360. 

Art,  carried  to  perfection  in  Italy,  i.  59, 
96. 

Assassinations  prompted  by  bigotry,  i. 
364,  400,  410,444,471;  ii.  56. 

Astolpbus,  Lombard  king,  i.  31. 

Astrology,  applied  by  the  Arabians  to  the 
practice  of  medicine,  i.  56. 

Astronomy,  of  the  Arabian  authors,  i.  56; 
modern,  324. 

Atonement,  the,  through  Christ,  i.  124. 

Augier,  Edmond,  Jesuit,  i.  341. 

Augsburg,  diet  of,  i.  81,  3.32;  convoked  by 
the  emperor  Charles  V,  i.  83;  attended  by 
Ferdinand  I,  321,  310;  confession  of,  ii. 
31,  33,  114;  peace  of,  349;  ii,  14;  catho- 
lics gain  the  ascendency  in,  314,  327;  i. 
380;  ii.  33.     ^e  ii.  appendix,  398. 

Augustin,  St.,  doctrines  of,  i.  137,  205;  ii. 
469,  232. 

'  Augustinus,'  the,  of  Jansenius,  ii.  203. 

Augustus,  elector  of  Saxony,  i.  382;  his 
wife  Anne  of  Denmark,  a  Lutheran,  ib. 

Aulic  council,  the,  ii.  31. 

Austria,  the  catholic  church  of,  i.  106;  ii. 
29,  91;  progress  of  the  protestant  tenets 
in,  i.  312;  reformed  preachers  of  the 
mountainous  territory  of,  ib.;  Jesuits  es- 


INDEX. 


469 


tablished  in,  by  Ferdinand  I,  321,  322; 
protestants  of,  349;  their  exile  by  Ro- 
dolph  II,  375,  377;  house  of,  its  intlu- 
ence  over  the  catholic  cantons  of  Swit- 
zerland, 392;  persecution  of  protestants 
in  the  hereditary  dominions  by  Rodolph 
II,  ii.  29,  et  seq.  36;  resistance  of  the 
estates,  ib.  37;  the  Exercitium  religio- 
nis  granted  by  Rodolph,  by  constraint, 
36;  affairs  political  and  religious  of,  60; 
ii.221,  231. 

Autos  da  fe,  i.  140,  225. 

Azpilcueta,  Spanish  canonist,  i.  299. 

Azzolini,  cardinal,  ii.  155,  159,  184. 


B. 


Babylon,  patriarch  of,  ii.  81. 

Baden,  the  margrave  Jacob  of,  converted 
to  Romanism,  i.  385;  the  margrave 
Wilhelm,  ii.  65. 

Baden-Baden,  margrave  Philip  of,  i.  331. 

Badoer,  relatione  of,  ii.  appendix,  340. 

Buglioni,  Roman  family  of,  i,  49,  51,  ib. 
234. 

Bajus  of  Louvain,  his  doctrine,  i.  469. 

Bamberg,  the  Reformation  espoused  a1,  i. 
312;  bishop  Ernest  von  Mengersdorf 
desires  the  restoration  of  Catholicism  at, 
373;  Neithard  von  Thiingen  restores 
the  Romish  communion,  ii.  27. 

Bandino,  P.  Ant.,  on  the  manners  of  Ro- 
man ecclesiastics,  i.  62, 

Banditti,  Italian,  i.  239, 261,  262;  measures 
adopted  by  Sixtus  V  for  their  extermi- 
nation, 268;  the  priest  Guercino  con- 
demned, 269;  the  bandit  Delia  Fara,  ib.; 
count  Giovanni  Pepoli  condemned,  ib.; 
alarmed  by  the  severities  of  Sixtus,  the 
bandits  murder  each  other,  270;  their 
re-appearance,  under  Piccolomini,  i. 
426. 

Baner,  celebrated  Swedisii  commander, 
ii.  14. 

Barba,  Bernardino  della,  i.  241,  242. 

Barberini,  family  of,  ii.  103, 161,  appendix, 
407. 

Barberini,  Maffco,  pope  Urban  VIII,  ii. 
86,  103,  et  seq.  appendix,  356. 

Barberino,  Francesco,  nephew  of  Urban, 
ii.  105. 

Barcelona,  treaty  of,  between  Clement 
VII  and  Charles  V,  i.  81,  89,  114. 

Barclay,  George,  controversies  of,  i.  409  n. 

Bari,  duchy  of,  i.  184. 

Barnabites,  order  of  the,  i.  120;  under  the 

form  of  regular  clergy,  ib.  224. 
Baronius,   Csesar,  the  'Annals'  of,  i.  289, 

299,  482,  486. 
Barriere,  Jean  de  la,  cistercian  abbot,  i. 
386. 


Bartholomew's  day,  St.,  massacre  of  pro- 
testants on,  i.  227,  344,  432. 

Basciano,  his  monastery  on  Monte  Co- 
rona, i.  117  n. 

Basilica  of  Rome,  its  Augusteum  or  im- 
ages of  the  Caesars,  i.  28;  converted  to 
a  Christian  temple,  ib. 

Basle,  council  of,  i.  42,  44,  46,  204;  bishop 
of,  ii.  40. 

Bathi,  Giuliano,  i..  96. 

Bavaria,  dukes  of,  i.  114,  312;  the  protest- 
ant  movement  in,  ib.;  the  duke  adheres 
to  Catholicism,  319;  the  estates  of,  327; 
Albert  V  of,  ib.  329,  376,383  n.;  is  con- 
sidered the  chief  of  the  catholic  churches 
of  Germany,  331,  348;  duke  Ernest  of, 
bishop  of  Freisingen  and  archbishop  of 
Cologne,  368;  duke  William  of,  384; 
Maximilian  I  of,  400,466;  ii.  32, 55, 28, 
63,  64,  66,  114;  Swedes  overrun  the 
duchy  and  take  Munich,  119. 

Beam,  church  property  restored  in,  ii.  52; 
factions  of  Beaumont  and  Grammont 
in,  56. 

Belgians  serving  Philip  II,  in  Germany, 
i.  368. 

Belgium,  returns  to  Catholicism,  i.  367, 
381. 

Bellarmine,  cardinal,  celebrated  contro- 
versial  writings  of,  i.  298,  474,  489;  his 
doctrines,  408,  409,  411,  492;  anecdote 
of,  ii.  59. 

Bembo,  Pietro,  his  high  scholastic  merit, 
i.  57;  improves  the  Italian  language, 
ib.;  his  house  in  Padua  frequented  by 
literati,  97. 

Benedict  XIV,  cardinal  Prospero  Lam- 
bertini,  ii.  228;  his  equanimity,  ib.;  hia 
concordat  with  Spain,  229;  grants  the 
title  of  most  faithful  to  the  king  of  Por- 
tugal, ib.;  his  death,  235. 

Benedictines,  the,  illustrious  men  of  this 
order,  i.  39;  rule  of  St.  Benedict  of 
Nursia,  1 16;  abbeys  of,  in  Flanders,  359; 
the  restored  monasteries,  ii.  114;  the 
French,  46. 

Benefices,  collation  to,  i.  54;  of  the  church 
of  Rome,  74;  plurality  of,  211;  fines  on 
translation  to  new  benefices,  252;  ex- 
pectation of  promotion  to,  302;  nomi- 
nation to  German,  384;  the  Spanish 
benefices,  ii.  229. 

Bentivoglio,  Giovanni,  his  palace  at  Bo- 
logna,  i.  51. 

Bentivoglio,  cardinal  Guido,  Memoirs  of, 
ii.  appendix,  350. 

Berlin  library,  i.  341  n. 

Berne,  city  of,  politics  and  protestantism 
of,  i.  356;  the  catholics,  aided  by  the 
authority  of  Charles  Emanuel  of  Sa- 
voy, banish  the  protestants,  393. 

Berni,  poems  of,  i.  289,  290. 


470 


INDEX. 


Berulle,  cardinal,  his  negotiations  against 

England,  ii.  45,  46,  94. 
Bibbiena,  comedies  of,  i.  57;  epistles  of  the 

cardinal ,  61. 
Biberach,  a  protcstant  town,  i.  380. 
Bible,  study  of  the,  i.  63;  Scripture  the  im- 
mediate guide  of  German  theologians, 
64;  the  Vulgate,  102,  132;  allusion  to 
the  Levites,  i.  490;  the  Jansenist,  or 
Portroyal  version  of,  ii.  208;  Italian 
version  of,  i.  97. 
Bishops,  pre-eminence  of  the  Roman,  i. 
29;  nomination  to  sees  in  Germany,  44; 
in  England,  ib.;  in  Spain,  ib.;  of  Italy, 
53;  their  revenues,  54;  pastoral  duties 
of,  102;  temporal  power  of,  109;  ques- 
tion of  the  residence  of  in  their  dio- 
ceses, 203;  and  of  their  divine  right, 
210;  the  prince-bishops  of  Germany,  i. 
312,  et  seq.;  the  ecclesiastical  electors 
of  Germany,  313;  ii.  27;  the  protestant 
bishops  of  Germany,  i.  314;  eminent 
Flemish,  358,  361. 
Boccaccio,  his  influence  on  the  literature 

of  his  age,  i.  62. 
Bodeghem,  Bartholomew,  of  Delfl,  i.  333. 
Bohemia,  dukes  of,  i.  35;  advances  made 
by  theologians  of,  to  Erasmus,  63;  pro- 
testants   of,   i.  82;  ii.  26,  28—30,  60; 
Jesuits  in,  i.  322;  ii.  26;  privileges  of 
the  utraquists,  30,  61,  62;  the  defensive 
measures    of    the   Bohemians,    36,    60; 
they  return  to  Catholicism,  62,  appen- 
dix, 386. 
Boiardo,  his  poem  of  Rinaldo,  i.  58;  his 
Orlando  Innamorata  re-cast  by  Berni, 
i.  289,  449. 
Bologna,  conference  at,  i.  84;  council  of, 
162, 168;  municipality  of,  234;  their  re- 
demption of  the  subsidy,  a  direct  tax, 
248;  university  of,  272;  school  of  paint- 
ing in,  293;  informatione  di,  ii.  appen- 
dix, 364. 
Bolognetto,  cardinal,  i.  298;  his   mission 
to  Stephen   Bathory,    king  of  Poland, 
ii.  8. 
Bona,  queen  of  Poland,  i.  184. 
Bonelli,  cardinal,  i.  220. 
Boniface.  St.,  the  German  apostle,  i.  32; 

his  influence  in  Gaul,  ib. 
Boniface  VIII,  his  bulls  of  excommunica- 
tion resisted  by  the  Gallican  and  Ger- 
man  churches,  i.  41. 
Bonn,  city  of,  invaded  by  Truchsess  arch- 
bishop-elector of  Cologne,  who  had  em- 
braced the  reformed  creed,  i.  367. 
Books,  prohibition  of  heretical,  i.  82,  139, 

329,  488. 
Borghese,  cardinal,  elected  pope  [Paul  V], 

i.  482. 
Borghese,  cardinal,  nephew  of  Paul  V,  ii. 
57. 


Borghese  family,  the,  i.  483. 

Borgia,  Caesar,  ambitious  career  of,  i.  48, 
234;  encouraged  by  his  father  Alexan- 
der VI,  he  endeavors  to  establish  an 
hereditary  principality,  49:  he  puts  the 
Orsini  to  death,  49;  slays  Peroto  in  pre- 
sence of  the  pope,  50;  his  personal 
strength  and  beauty,  50;  his  power  at 
Rome,  40;  midnight  murders  by,  ib.; 
his  duchy  seized  on  by  Julius  II,  51; 
aided  by  Louis  XII,  65;  ii.  appendix  261. 

Borgia,  Francesco,  duke  of  Gandia,  i.  141, 
149. 

Borgia,  cardinal,  ii,  107,  119. 

Boris  Godunow,  ii.  21. 

Borromeo,  Carlo,  St.,  his  virtuous  charac 
ter,  i.  199,  215;  the  consulta  established 
by,  200;  was  archbishop  of  Milan,  222; 
maintained  ligid  discipline,  223;  the 
Milanese  evinced  veneration  for  him  on 
his  escape  from  assassination,  ib.;  his 
canonisation,  298;  influence  of  his  re- 
putation on  catholic  affairs,  i.  357. 

Borromeo,  Federigo,  cardinal,  i.  298. 

Boucher,  Jean,  his  democratic  doctrines, 
i.  410;  his  'Sermons,'  ib.  443. 

Bourbon,  Charles  duke  of,  assaults  Rome, 
May  5,  1527,  at  the  head  of  an  adven- 
turous army,  i.  80;  allusion  to,  182. 

Bourbon,  cardinal  of,  i.  399. 

Bourbon  family,  govern  Naples,  ii.  227. 

Bourbons  of  France,  the  restoration  of, 
and  subsequent  ecclesiastical  concerns, 
ii.  250,  adjinem. 

Bourdelot,  M.  ii.  176. 

Brabant  reduced  by  the  prince  of  Parma, 
i.  365;  Peter  Peckius,  ii.  57. 

Bramente,  edifices  raised  at  Rome  by,  i. 
59. 

Brandenburg,  elector  of,  i.  44;  the  Luthe- 
ran church  established  in,  88,  314;  Jo- 
achim of,  109;  Albert  of,  a  leader  of 
the  protestants,  183;  the  margraves  Jo- 
achim and  Christian  Ernest  of,  ii.  35. 

Breda,  siege  of,  ii.  90. 

Bremen,  archbishopric  of,  i.  314;  Henry 
of  Saxe-Lauenburg's  death,  369,  383. 

Britain  conquered  by  the  Saxons,  i.  30. 

Brittany,  the  stronghold  of  the  French 
protestants,  i,  316. 

Brixen,  bishopric  of,  i.  378. 

Bruccioli  Italian  translator  of  the  Bible, 
i.  97;  his  dialogues,  ib. 

Bruges,  celebrated  Flemish  emporium,  i. 
364,  366. 

Bruno,  Giordano,  a  true  philosopher,  i. 
291. 

Brunswick,  princes  of,  i.  314;  the  arch- 
bishopric of  Halberstadt,  i.  ib. 

Brussels  submits  to  Philip  II,  i.  365. 

Bucer,  his  arguments  at  the  conference  of 
Ratisbon,  i.  106,  111. 


INDEX. 


471 


Buckingliam,  Villiers  duke  of,  ii.  73,  87; 

his  failure  in  tlie  expedition  against  the 

Isle   of   Rh6,   96;    wiien   preparing   to 

succor  La   Rochellc  he  is  assassinated 

by  Felton,  97. 
Bugenliagen,  founder  of  Lutheranism  in 

Denmark,  i.  310. 
Bulls,  various  papal,  alluded  to,  i.  53  n., 

54  n.,  132  n.,  136,  178,  219,  220,  224, 

232,  244,  248,  249,  271,  274,  457;  ii. 

232,  239. 
Buoncompagno,  Ugo,  pope  Gregory  XIII, 

i.  231—239,  253. 
Buoncompagno,  Giacomo,  son  of  Gregory 

XIII,  i.  254,  261. 
Buonfigliulo,  Rudolfo,  i.  258. 
Burgundians,  the,  i.  31;   chiefly  Arians, 

ib. 
Burmannus,  Caspar,  references  to,  i.  71  n., 

72  n. 


Cabrera's  history  of  Philip  II,  i.  361. 

Caesar,  worship  of,  i.  28. 

Cajetan,  cardinal,  i.  71. 

Calatigirona,  Bonaventura,  general  of  the 
Franciscans,  i.  475,  476. 

Calendar,  the  Gregorian,  i.  256,  et  seq. 

Calvin,  John,  at  first  supposed  a  Lutheran, 
i.  153;  genuine  spirit  of,  where  predo- 
minant, i.  315;  is  invested  with  power 
at  Geneva,  316;  his  severer  theological 
system,  468. 

Calvinism,  its  anti-catholic  doctrines,  i. 
150,  153,  468;  its  irresistible  force  in 
captivating  the  minds  of  men,  315; 
countries  in  which  it  arose,  and  to 
which  it  extended  its  creed,  315;  divi- 
sions of  the  Calvinists  into  episcopali- 
ans, puritans,  Arminians,  and  gomar- 
ists,  ii.  50. 

Calvinists,  the,  Rome  especially  intolerant 
towards,  i.  137. 

Camaldoli,  strict  seclusion  of  the  order  of, 
i.  116. 

Camera  apostolica,  the,  i.  105,  277. 

Camerino,  confiscated  by  Paul  III,  and 
given  to  Ottavio  .Farnese,  i.  158;  re- 
stored to  the  church,  165. 

Campagna,  breed  of  horses  of  the,  i.  232; 
banditti  of  the,  261. 

Cam  panello,  torture  inflicted  on,  i.  291. 

Camp?ggi,  the  legate,  accompanies  Cle- 
ment VII  into  Germany,  i.  81;  his  bold 
project  against  the  independence  of  the 
empire,  81;  his  Instructio  data  Casari 
[Charles  V,]  at  the  diet  of  Augsburg, 
82;  authentic  copy  of  that  document, 
82  n.,  ii.  appendix,  366. 


Campion  and  Parsons,  Jesuits,  their  mis- 
sion to  England,  i.  355. 

Canisius,  Peter,  Jesuit,  i.  142,  319;  cate- 
chism of,  authorised  to  be  used  by  ca- 
tiiolics,  325,  376;  mission  of,  to  the 
German  ecclesiastical  electors,  332. 

Canon  law,  the,  i.  485. 

Canonists,  the  German,  ii.  242. 

Canonisation,  i.  300;  ii.  58,  59. 

Canons  of  the  church,  i.  314,  485. 

Capello,  Polo,  i.  50  n.,ii.  appendix,261,263. 

Capistrano,  friar  minorite,  i.  43. 

Capuchins,  the  discipline  and  silence  main- 
tained by,  i.  117,  367,  386,  495;  ii.  69. 

Caracci,  school  of  painting  of  the,  i.  293; 
Ludovico,  ib.;  Agostino,  Annibal,  ib. 

Caracciolo,  '  Life  of  Paul  IV,'  by,  i,  62 
n.,  96  n.,  117,  190  n.;  ii.  appendix,  310. 

Caraffa,  cardinal  Giovanni  Pietro,  i.  96, 
103,  112,  136,  165;  his  character  of 
zealot,  117;  his  eloquent  preaching  as  a 
theatin,  119;  Loyola  visits  his  convent 
at  Venice,  127;  at  the  council  of  Trent, 
133;  grand  inquisitor,  136,  et  seq.;  for 
his  pontificate,  see  Paul  IV. 

Caraffa,  cardinal  Carlo,  i.  180,  181,  183, 
186,  187,  188;  is  tried  by  command  of 
Pius  IV,  199;  his  execution  with  divers 
kinsmen  of  Paul  IV,  ib. 

Caraffa,  duke  of  Palliano,  i.  182, 186, 188; 
murders  his  duchess,  198;  his  execu- 
tion, 199. 

Caraffa,  marquis  of  Montebello,  i.  182, 
199;  the  marchesa,  188. 

Caraffa,  Carlo,  papal  nuncio  in  Germany, 
ii.  60,  61  n.,  63  n.,  91  n.,  92;  ii.  appen- 
dix, 375,  386,  396. 

Caraffa,  A.,  his  mission  as  nuncio  to  the 
Rhenish  states,  ii.  appendix,  399. 

Cardinals,  conclaves  of  the,  i.  71,  108,  171, 
427,  432,  434,  446,  482;  ii.  103,  148, 
155,  157,  appendix,  345,  348;  scheme 
of  church  reform  drawn  up  by,  i.  103; 
preside  at  the  council  of  Trent,  133; 
six,  appointed  r.s  inquisitors,  136;  cor- 
rupt nomination  of,  156;  ambition  of, 
239;  con/jregationsof,  by  whom  founded, 
273,  398,  432;  ii.  157;  qualifications 
and  qualities  for  the  dignity,  i.  274;  du- 
ties and  conduct  of,  300,  303;  number 
of,  274;  in  the  pontificate  of  Sixtus  V, 
297,  423;  of  Clement  VIII,  477. 
Carinthia  and  Carniola,  ii.  29,  91. 
Carlovingian  dynasty,  the,  i.  32. 
Carnesecchi  of  Florence,  i.  102;  burnt  at 

Rome,  221. 
Carnival,  excesses  of  the,  i   387. 
Caro,  Annibal,  'Letters'  of,  i.  168  n. 
Carpi,  cardinal,  i.  159,  189;  death  of,  205. 
Carranga,  archbishop  of  Toledo,  i.  225; 
his  death  by  sentence  of  the  inquisition 
at  Rome,  ib. 


472 


INDEX. 


Cartes,  Des,  mathematician,  ii.  173. 

Carvallio,  Portuguese  minister,  expels  the 
Jesuits,  ii.  235. 

Casa,  Giovanni  della,  '  poems'  of,  i.  139. 

Cassimir,  count  palatine;  history  of  this 
protestant  prince,  i.  367 — 368. 

Cassoni,  count,  ii.  222. 

Castelvetri  flies  to  Germany,  i.  138. 

Castro,  the  war  of,  ii.  141 — 148. 

Castro,  Francisco  de,  i.  497. 

Catechism,  the  Roman,  i.  226;  of  the  Je- 
suit Canisius,  325;  of  the  Jesuit  Augier, 
341. 

Catherine  of  Arragon,  divorce  of,  i.  89. 

Catherine  de  Medicis,  betrothed  to  Henry 
II,  i,  85;  she  declares  against  religious 
toleration  in  France,  342,  343;  founds 
the  capuchin  convent  in  Paris,  386;  ii. 
appendix,  288. 

Catholicism,  general  disposition  in  the 
west  to  embrace  the  doctrines  of,  i.  31; 
beginning  of  the  regeneration  of,  505; 
tenets  •  of  some  Italian  ecclesiastics 
analogous  to  the  reformed  religion,  101; 
new  orders  of  regular  clergy  contri- 
bute powerfully  to,  120;  propagation  of, 
131,225;  compared  with  protestantism, 
134;  separation  from,  final,  153;  obsta- 
cles to  its  triumph  over  the  rival  creeds, 
ib;  the  primitive  element  of  protest- 
antism excluded  by  the  Romish  reform 
under  Pius  IV,  213;  spirit  of  rigid  Ca- 
tholicism, 214;  system  of  dogmatic 
Catholicism,  whence  sprung,  213;  its 
new  conflict  with  protestantism,  231;  ii. 
15;  its  influence  beneficial  to  Italian 
poetry,  i.  292;  and  to  painting,  294;  also 
to  architecture,  295;  revival  of  the  spirit 
of,  305;  decline  of,  throughout  Germa- 
ny, 311,  371,  372;  possessions  of  the 
catholic  church  wrested  by  the  protest- 
ant authorities,  314;  prospects  of,  ib.; 
its  vigorous  assaults  upon  the  existence 
of  protestantism,  318,  393;  restoration 
of,  in  the  Austrian  dominions,  the  Ne- 
therlands, <fcc.,  330,  332,  368,  393;  the 
Professiojideo,  332,  352;  violent  modes 
of  upholding,  at  length  exchanged  for 
conciliatory,  and  advantage  of  the  lat- 
ter, 362,  382;  triumph  of  Catholicism  in 
France,  385 — 393;  its  pretensions  of 
being  the  only  true  religion,  408;  the 
more  orthodox  catholics,  502;  triumphs 
of,  ii. 55, 60, 84, 97;  in  South  America,  76; 
in  Mexico,  ib.;  in  the  East  Indies,  at 
Goa,  &c.,  77;  barriers  erected  against 
the  progress  of,  123. 

Catholics.  See  Catholicism,  Papacy,  Rome, 
&c. 

Cavalli,  Dispaccio  di  Spagna,  &c.,  i.  338 
n.,  339  n.,  340  n. 


Cecchini,  cardinal,  autobiography  of,  ii. 
appendix,  414. 

Celibacy,  its  effect  on  the  secular  clergy, 
i.  39. 

Cerroni,  family  of,  Guelphic  partisans,  i. 
283;  the  Rinaldi  and  Ravagli  of  this 
clan,  inimical  to  each  other,  ib. 

Chancery,  the  papal,  i.  53,  105;  the  can- 
celleria  built  by  Julius  II,  281. 

Chapters,  privileges  and  exemption  of,  i. 
211,  384;  endowments  of,  transferred  to 
protestants,  314. 

Charity,  i.  132. 

Charlemagne  overthrows  the  Lombard 
kingdom,  and  ratifies  the  donation  of 
the  exarchate  to  the  popes,  i.  33;  is 
crowned  by  Leo  III,  at  Rome,  as  em- 
peror of  the  west,  34;  nations  obedient 
to,  ib.;  his  absolute  power  in  Italy,  ib. 

Charles  Martel,  his  victory  over  Abdal- 
rahman  IV,  i.  32. 

Charles  V,  the  emperor,  his  claim  on  Lom- 
bardy,  i.  68;  his  treaty  with  Leo  X  for 
the  conquest  of  Milan  from  the  French, 
69;  sends  an  embassy  to  his  former  pre- 
ceptor Adrian  VI,  72;  alliance  with 
Clement  VII,  76;  consolidates  his  power 
over  all  Italy,  81;  his  kind  and  thought- 
ful character  inclines  him  to  leniency 
regarding  the  German  Lutherans,  82; 
not  the  interest  of  this  powerfiil  mo- 
narch to  execute  papal  decrees,  83;  he 
confers  with  Clement  at  Bologna,  84; 
his  sincere  wish  for  a  peaceable  setlle- 
ment  of  religion,  106,  110;  his  early 
times,  107  n.;  opposition  to  his  views  of 
conciliation,  114;  he  prepares  for  war 
against  the  protestant  princes  of  Ger- 
many, 131;  his  alliance  with  Paul  III 
against  the  Turks,  157;  makes  peace 
with  Francis  I,  at  Nice,  158;  war  re- 
newed for  Milan,  159;  alliance  of  his 
daughter  Margaret  with  Ottavio  Far- 
nese,  158,  160,  161;  he  unites  with 
Paul  III,  and  attacks  the  protestant 
league  of  Smalcalde,  162,  316;  publishes 
the  Interim,  168;  his  personal  and  po- 
litical views,  169,  172;  is  nearly  over- 
powered by  the  German  protestants  and 
their  foreign  supporters,  173;  state  of 
his  dominions,  178;  his  dispute  with 
Paul  IV,  179;  sends  Alva  against  Rome, 
.182. 

Charles  II,  king  of  Spain,  ii.  225—230. 

Charles  of  Austria,  the  rival  of  Philip  V, 
is  recognised  by  Clement  XI,  but  ex- 
pelled from  Spain,  ii.  226. 

Charles  III,  king  of  Spain,  banishes  the 
Jesuits,  ii.  237. 

Charles  VIII,  king  of  France,  i.  68. 

Charles  IX,  of  France,  i.  227,  257;  mas- 
sacre of  St.  Bartholomew's  day,  by,  344. 


INDEX. 


473 


Charles  X,  king  of  France,  his  throne 
overturned,  and  occupied  by  Louis  Phi- 
lippe of  Orleans,  ii.  256. 

Charles,  the  archduke,  i.  349,  376,  378. 

Charles  of  Sweden,  duke,  ii.  14,  15,  18, 
21. 

Charles  I,  when  prince  of  Wales,  his  pro- 
jected marriage  with  a  Spanish  prin- 
cess, ii.  73;  repairs  to  Madrid,  74;  con- 
ditions of  the  nuptials,  75,  87;  Charles, 
however,  marries  Henrietta,  daughter 
of  Henry  IV,  of  France,  ib.;  reign,  94, 
96,  123. 

Chaste],  Jean,  attempts  to  assassinate 
Henri  IV,  i.  444. 

Chastity,  vow  of  Loyola,  and  Xavier,  Fa- 
ber,  &,c.,  take  the,  i.  127. 

Chatillon,  marshal  de,  ii.  68. 

Chieregato,  papal  nuncio,  instructions  by 
Adtian  VI  to,  i.  7.3. 

Chigi,  house  of,  i.  281;  the  Chigi  library, 
275,311  n.;  cardinal,  ii  121. 

Chigi,  cardinal  Fabio,  121;  elected  pope, 
ii.  155.     {See  Alexander  VII.) 

Chigi,  Mario,  inspector  of  tiie  annona,  ii. 
156. 

Chigi,  Flavio,  cardinal  padrone,  ii.  156, 
157. 

Chigi,  Agostino,  ii.  156,  157. 

China,  missions  to,  ii.  77;  father  Ricci's 
success  in,  79;  visits  Pekin,  ib.;  Confu- 
cius, ib.;  Christian  churches  built,  SO; 
credit  gained  by  foretelling  lunar 
eclipses,  ib. 

Chivalry,  Christian;  the  ardor  for  crusades 
abated,  i.  43;  religious  orders,  &c.,  44; 
the  knights  templars,  ib. 

Choiseul,  duke  de,  ii.  234. 

Christ,  birth  of,  i.  26;  life  of,  ib.;  purity 
and  sublimity  of  his  teaching,  ib.;  Jesus 
annulled  the  law  by  its  fulfilment,  ib.; 
monogram  of  the  name  of  Jesus,  28; 
gospel,  the,  98;  "  Of  the  benefits  of  the 
death  of;'  99,  100,  102,  139;  Caspar 
Contarini  on  the  law  of,  104;  the  grace 
of,  105;  Loyola's  views  of  the  royal 
character  of  Jesus,  122;  Luther's  doc- 
trine of  the  atonement,  124;  righteous- 
ness of,  133,  134;  the  Lord's  supper, 
109,  126,  203,  204,  311—313;  tomb  of, 
417;  the  inherent  righteousness  of,  469; 
order  of,  44. 

Christendom,  stale  of,  on  the  downfall  of 
the  Roman  empire  in  the  west,  i.  30; 
in  the  eighth  century,  ib.;  struggle  to 
curtail  the  power  of  the  popes  through- 
out, 45;  invasion  of  by  the  Ottoman 
power,  72.    See  Europe,  &c. 

Christianity  in  the  Rotnan  empire,  i.  25; 

universality  of  the  faith,  26;  invites  all 

mankind,  ib.;  forbade  sacrifices   to  the 

Roman  emperor,  27;  the  religion  pro- 

VOL.  II. — 41 


per  to  man,  28;  effect  of  the  fall  of  the 
Roman  empire,  on,  30;  is  overpowered 
in  the  east  by  Islamism,  33;  its  indif- 
ferent tone  at  Rome,  according  to  Lu- 
ther, 62;  the  Reformation  and  its  causes, 
63,  et  seq.;  the  protestant  faith  desig. 
nated  as  the  purer  form  of,  90;  the  in- 
quisition instituted  to  support  the  Ro- 
mish doctrines,  137;  the  three  great 
forms  of,  irreconcilable,  153.  [See 
Church,  &c.) 

Christina,  queen  of  Sweden,  daughter  of 
Gustavus  Adolphus,  ii.  170;  her  ardor 
in  state  affairs,  172;  passion  for  study, 
ib.;  a  patroness  of  eminent  philologists, 
ib.,  176,  183;  her  habits  and  character, 
173,  her  religious  doubts,  178,  187;  she 
receives  the  Jesuits  from  Rome,  178, 
179;  her  curious  mode  of  professing 
Catholicism,  187,  184;  abdication  of  the 
crown  of  Sweden,  179 — 181;  her  tra- 
vels, ib.;  she  puts  Monaldeschi  to  death, 
182;  public  opinion  excited  against  that 
illegal  execution,  182;  her  residence  at 
Rome,  ib. — 185;  further  allusions  to, 
221  n. 

Chrodegang,  monastic  rule  of,  i.  116. 

Chrysostom  on  idolatry,  i.  27. 

Church,  early  government  of  the,  i.  29; 
republican  forms  of,  ib.,  the  primitive 
hierarchy,  ib.,  pre-eminence  of  the 
bishop  of  Rome  recognised  early,  ib.; 
nature  of  the  constitution  of,  at  Rome, 
ib.;  difficulties  of  the  Roman  bishops 
from  the  invasions  of  Lombards  and 
Arabs,  30;  catholics  among  the  Franks, 
Burgundian.'!,  and  Visigoths,  31;  of 
Rome,  Germanised,  34;  the  western  or 
Romish,  ib.;  temporal  authority  of  Ger- 
man and  Italian  bishops,  35,  36;  subjec- 
tion of  the  popes  to  the  emperors,  36; 
clerical  investitures  by  temporal  princes 
abrogated  by  Gregory  VII,  38;  Latin, 
no  longer  the  universal  language  of  the 
western  churches,  41;  the  Gallican  and 
German,  rebel  against  Romish  excom- 
munications, ib,;  Edward  III  resists 
the  Romish  pontiff,  42;  consequences  of 
the  schisms  of  the  Romish,  ib.;  nomi- 
nation to  bishops'  sees  in  the  hands  of 
various  European  kings,  44,  45;  decline 
of  the  spirit  of  subservience  to  the 
popes,  45;  account  of,  in  the  16th  cen- 
tury, 46;  intrusion  of  a  secular  spirit 
into,  53;  laws  of  the  Roman  see,  54; 
tilhes  and  taxes  at  Rome,  53,  243,  et 
seq.;  benefices  hereditarily  handed  down 
by  the  appointment  of  coadjutors,  54; 
influence  of  the  Franciscans,  54,  55; 
Romish  doctrines  of  purgatory,  &c.  ib.; 
corruption  of,  and  grasping  at  benefices 
and  offices,  55,  73,  244;  philosophy  and 


474 


INDEX. 


heresy  avowed  at  Rome,  61,  62;  indiffer- 
ence of  the  Italian  and  German  nations 
towards,  63;  the  Reformation,  64;  con- 
ncclion  of  state  politics  of  Europe  with 
tlie  Reformation,  65,  71,  75, 113;  Adrian 
VI,  attempts  a  reform  of  the  lioly  see, 
74;  the  diet  of  Spires  resolves  to  effect 
a  reformation  of  the  errors  of,  78;  de- 
cree of  the  empire  signed  by  P'erdinand 
of  Austria,  granting  toleration  to  the 
German  States,  ib.;  the  reformed  church 
established  in  Saxony,  Hesse,  &lc.,  79; 
Clement  VII,  after  his  humiliation,  re- 
turns an  ungracious  reply  to  German 
protestant  delegates,  81;  the  pope's 
memorial  presented  by  him  to  Charles 
V,  ib.;  the  emperor  alarms  the  court  of 
Rome  by  the  proposition  of  a  general 
council,  S3;  German  Lutheran  churches 
firmly  established,  88;  career  of  Cle- 
ment VII,  closes  in  misfortunes  for  the 
holy  see,  89,  90;  doctrines  of,  analogous 
to  the  Reformation,  96,  98,  et  seq.;  ques- 
tion  of  ecclesiastical  supremacy  101, 
212;  government  of  the  Roman,  102; 
the  sacred  union  of  the  Church  defend- 
ed, 102,  105,  112;  attempt  to  reconcile 
the  protestants,  by  internal  reforms  at 
Rome,  103,  106,  109;  articles  of  church 
re-union  proposed,  109;  failure  therein, 
115;  temporal  government  of,  409;  com- 
munion, 109,  126;  ii.  204,  311,  313; 
doctrines  of  atonement  and  reconcile- 
ment, 123,  134;  council  of  Trent,  130, 
&c.;  doubts  that  had  arisen,  in  the 
Church  of  Rome,  required  that  a  coun- 
cil should  be  convened,  131;  the  ques- 
tion of  dogmas  made  to  precede  that  of 
reform  of  the  Romish  church,  131, 140; 
bull  of  Paul  III,  for  the  reformation  of 
the,  132;  institutes  of  the  Church  of 
Christ,  135;  the  visible  and  the  invisible 
churches  defined,  ib.;  influence  of  the 
establishment  of  the  inquisition,  at 
Rome,  OH  mens'  minds,  137;  influence 
of  Jesuitism,  149,  150;  of  Calvinism, 
150;  failure  of  attempts  to  reconcile  the 
three  chief  creeds,  153;  the  Interim 
published  in  Germany,  168;  congrega- 
tion for  papal  reform,  appointed  by  Paul 

IV,  178;  losses  sustained  by  the  catho- 
lic church,  195;  state  of  the  German 
and  English  reformed  churches,  202; 
third  council  of  Trent,  details  respect- 
ing it,  ib.  et  seq.,  502,  503:  details  of 
reform  effected  by  this  council,  213; 
church  discipline  carried  to  rigorous 
excess  by  Pius  V,  218,  219;  renewed 
conflict  between  Catholicism  and  pro- 
testantism, 231,  503;  patrimony  of  the 
Roman,  232;  fund  dedicated  by  Sixtus 

V,  for  the  use  of  the  church,  276,  278; 


church  music,  295,  296;  the  Counter- 
Reformation  a  chief  object  of  this  his- 
tory, 309,  et  seq ,  405,  et  seq.,  503;  cleri- 
cal secularization  further  carried  out,  in 
the  northeast  of  Europe,  310,  314;  pro- 
testant churches  of  Germany,  311;  et 
seq.;  spiritual  princes  of  Germany,  312, 
314;  canons  of  the  church,  314;  influ- 
ence of  religion  in  altering  the  political 
constitution  of  states,  317;  what  king- 
doms remained  obedient  to  the  pope, 
319;  contrasts  in  religion  throughout 
Plurope,  350;  the  church  of  Sweden,  its 
fluctuations,  351,  et  seq.;  contest  of  the 
two  creeds  in  Flanders,  358,  359,  et 
passim;  the  same  contest  narrated  as  to 
Germany,  367,  384;  relaxation  of  dis- 
cipline, 404;  connection  between  church 
and  state,  406,  et  seq.;  doctrines  held  by 
Romish  controversialists  and  the  Jesuits, 
407,  410;  state  of  the  Galilean  church 
under  Henry  IV,  445.  547;  controversy 
of  Molina  and  the  Dominicans,  469, 
470;  exemptions  of  clergy  from  state 
burthens,  taxes,  &c.,  490,  492,  493; 
schism  of  the  Venetian  church  threat- 
ened, 496;  censures  of  that  church  pro- 
nounced by  Paul  V,  494,  495,  499;  im- 
portant change  in  the  Romish,  502; 
restoration  of  the  balance  of  the  two 
confessions,  ii.  120,  123;  importance  of 
the  peace  of  Westphalia  in  the  conclu- 
sion of  aggravated  religious  conflicts, 
122;  the  established  church  of  England, 
ii.  223,  &c. 

Chytrpens,  his  treatise  on  the  confession  of 
Augsburg,  i.  352. 

Citeaux,  abbey  of,  i.  386. 

Civilisation  of  the  14th  and  15th  centuries 
contrasted,  i.  40,  43;  its  progress  eflFects 
a  revolution  in  ecclesiastical  affairs,  45; 
art  of  printing,  and  revival  of  learning, 
promote,  56. 

Civita  Vecchia,  port  of,  i.  556. 

Clario,  Isidoro,  corrector  of  the  Vulgate, 
i.  102. 

Classics,  the,  study  of,  renewed  in  Italy, 
i.  55. 

Clavius,  Christophorus,  i.  256,  298,  301. 

Clement  VII,  when  cardinal  Giulio  de' 
Medici,  enters  Milan  in  triumph,  i.  69; 
concurs  in  the  election  of  Adrian  VI 
on  the  demise  of  his  own  cousin  Leo  X, 
71;  is  chosen  as  successor  to  Adrian, 
75;  his  moderation,  ib.;  zealous  fulfil- 
ment of  his  pontifical  duties,  ib.;  his 
services  to  Charles  V,  76;  takes  offence 
at  the  grasping  policy  of  that  emperor, 
ib,;  his  intrigues  against  the  Spanish 
power,  77;  his  declaration  against 
Charles  V  and  ths  Spaniards  in  Italy, 
78;  his  character  not  equal  to  arrest  the 


INDEX. 


475 


progress  of  Reformation,  79;  endanger- 
ed in  Rome  by  tlie  effervescence  of  the 
German  populations  wiiicli  had  secured 
their  religious  liberties,  ib;  the  assault 
of  Rome  by  Charles  of  Bourbon,  80; 
Clement  besieged  in  the  castle  of  St. 
Angelo,  80,  88;  to  recover  Florence  for 
the  Medici,  Clement  renews  his  alliance 
with  the  emperor,  SO;  constrained,  for 
the  honor  of  the  holy  see,  though  un- 
willingly, to  convoke  an  ecclesiastical 
council,  84;  deeply  offended  by  Charles 
V  refusing  to  repress  the  Luttierans,  84, 
85;  motives  of  his  new  alliance  with 
Francis  I,  to  whose  son  (Henry  II)  he 
gives  the  hand  of  his  niece  Catherine 
de  Mcdicis,  85;  the  state  policy  of  this 
pope  most  favorable  in  its  consequences 
to  the  establishment  of  the  protestant 
churches,  88;  his  relations  with  Henry 
VIII  and  with  England,  89;  he  exacts 
that  Henry's  suit  for  a  divorce  should  be 
pleaded  at  Rome,  ib.;  Clement's  career 
closed  amid  political  and  domestic  dis- 
cord, ib.;  his  sorrows,  90;  his  pontificate 
calamitous,  ib.;  his  attack  on  the  liberty 
of  Ancona,  241;  finances  and  taxes  of, 
247;  conclave  of,  ii.  appendix,  268,  288. 

Clement  VIII,  cardinal  Ippolyto  Aldo- 
brandino  elected  pope,  i.  434;  his  early 
history,  435,  ii.  10;  his  habits,  and  at- 
tention to  the  papal  administration,  i. 
435,  et  seq.;  gives  absolution  to  Henry 
IV,  437,  447;  his  negotiations  with 
Henry  relative  to  the  government  of  the 
Galilean  church,  445,  447;  ceremony  of 
the  absolution  of  the  king  performed  at 
Rome,  446;  Clement  makes  conquest  of 
Ferrara  from  don  Cesare  d'  Estc,  455, 
460;  his  conduct  respecting  the  Jesuits; 
474;  political  situation  of,  475,  482; 
vigorous  administration,  477,  ii.  29;  his 
policy  in  rendering  the  power  of  France, 
under  Henry  IV,  a  counterbalance  to 
Spanish  preponderance,  481;  his  death, 
ib.;  life  of,  ii.  appendix,  349,  352. 

Clement  IX,  cardinal  Rospigliosi,  ii.  157, 
138;  on  his  accession  he  declines  to  dis- 
miss the  papal  ministers  as  hitherto, 
and  retains  them  in  ofRce,  159;  his  boun- 
ty, ib.;  state  of  Europe  in  his  time,  ib 

Clement  X,  pope,  his  dispute  with  Louis 
XIV  on  the  regale,  ii.  217. 

Clement  XI,  Gianfrancesco  Albani  elected 
pope,  ii,  225;  he  congratulates  Philip  V 
on  his  accession  to  the  throne  of  Spain, 
ib.;  esteemed  a  perfect  type  of  the  court 
of  Rome  for  courteous  manners  and  ir- 
reproachable conduct,  ib.;  his  joy  at  the 

-  successes  of  France,  18S;  he  excites 
powerful  adversaries  to  attack  him  in 
Italy,  226;  is  constrained  to  recognise 


the  archduke  Charles,  as  Charles  III  of 
Spain,  ib.;  his  loss  of  Parma  and  Pia- 
cenza,  227;  his  consequent  enmity  to 
cardinal  Albcroni,  328. 

Clemetit  XII,  pope,  invests  don  Carlos  as 
king  of  Naples  and  Sicily,  ii.  227. 

Clement  XIII,  pope,  endeavors  in  vain  to 
protect  the  Jesuits,  ii.  236,  238;  his 
death,  ib. 

Clement  XIV,  Lorenzo  Ganganelli,  pope, 
ii.  238;  his  religious  moderation,  239; 
he  abolishes  the  society  of  Jesuits,  240. 

Clement,  Jacques,  regicide,  i.  400,  410. 

Clergy,  early  became  a  distinct  class,  i. 
29,  490;  corruption  of  some  ecclesiastics 
at  Rome,  53,  51;  marriage  of,  109;  celi- 
bacy of,  gave  a  monastic  character  to 
the  entire  class,  116;  the  regular  clergy, 
118,  120,  224;  their  new  condition  and 
costume,  119,  120;  condition  of  the  Ro- 
mish hierarcli3\213;  the  secular  clergy, 
310,387;  education  of  the,  in  Germany, 
315;  zeal  of  the  French  catholic  preach- 
ers, 387,  390;  power  of,  at  the  close  of 
the  16th  century,  405;  their  exemption 
from  taxes,  «fec.,  490,  492,  493;  ii.  230. 

Cleves,  William  Duke  of,  i.  313,  371;  state 
of  religious  divisions  in,  ii.  38. 

Clovis,  miracles  that  contributed  to  the 
conversion  of  king,  i.  31. 

Cluny,  abbots  of,  i.  39;  monastic  rule  of, 
disseminated,  116. 

Cologne,  archbishopric  of,  i.  313,  347; 
schools  of,  315,  321;  Jesuits'  college  at, 
321;  the  elector  archbishop  Truchsess 
and  nobility  of,  embrace  protestantism, 
367;  et.  seq.;  the  elector  superseded  by 
Ernest  of  Bavaria,  who  restores  Catho- 
licism, 370, 378,  380;  ii.  27.  See  ii.  ap- 
pendix, 390,  391. 

Colonna,  Roman  family  of,  i.  48,  51,  185; 
the  prothonotary  Colonna  executed  by 
Sixtus  IV,  4S;  piety  and  learning  of 
Vittoria  Colonna,  99, 102,  n.;  Vespasiano 
and  Giulia,  100;  castles  of  the  Colonna 
seized  by  Paul  IV,  181;  reconciled  with 
the  Orsini  by  Sixtus  V,  271;  Marc  An- 
tonio Colonna,  184;  Ascanio  Colonna, 
cardinal,  242,  433;  the  constable  M.  A. 
Colonna,  271.  iSee  also  i'l.  160,  et  pas- 
sim. 

Commendone,  quotation  from,  i.  302,  313 
n.  ii.  appendix,  323. 

Commerce  of  Italy,  i.  233,  301. 

Commolef,  the  Jesuit,  i.  472. 

Communes,  Italian,  i.  235,  238. 

Comnmnion,  the,  in  one  kind,  i.  126,  135, 
311,  352;  in  the  two  kinds,  109,  203, 
204,  312,  352;  according  to  the  Roman 
form,  ii.  27, 

Como,  cardinal  Gallio,  di,  i.  297. 


476 


INDEX. 


Compositions,  church,  at  Rome,  i.  103, 
252;  reform  of  that  practice,  105. 

Conclaves,  papal,  i.  71,  &c.  427,  &c.  ii. 
148.  Appendix,  268,  288,  345,  348.— 
See  Cardinals. 

Concordats  of  Roman  pontiffs,  with  the 
German  prelates,  i.  42;  of  Vienna,  44; 
between  Leo  X  and  Francis  I,  43,  66, 
445;  of  Benedict  XIV  with  Spain,  ii. 
229;  of  Pius  VI  and  Napoleon  Bona- 
parte,  246;  second  concordat,  signed  at 
Fontainebleau,  250;  revoked  by  Pius 
VII,  251. 

Cond^,  prince  of,  besieges  Paris,  i.  341;  is 
excommunicated  by  Sixtus  V,  389. 

Conde,  prince  of,  his  education,  i.  446. 

Confession,  practice  of,  i.  123,  125,  130; 
influence  obtained  by  the  priests  and 
Jesuits  in  the  confessional,  141,  147, 
405;  '  Manual  of  confessors,'  409;  con- 
fession of  Augsburg,  81,  82,  310,  314. 
349,352,  ii.  14;  confession  of  Geneva, 
i.  316;  confession  of  the  Netherlands, 
approximates  to  Calvinism,  317;  catholic 
confession  of  faith,  329,333;  confession 
of  faith  of  the  council  of  Trent,  333, 
351,  469. 

Confiscation  of  the  property  of  protestants 
in  Germany,  proposed,  i.  82. 

Congregations,  monastic,  of  Italy,  i.  116; 
of  cardinals,  273,  298,  432,  477;  of  the 
Jesuits,  497. 

Congregazione  di  stato,  ii.  157. 

Conrad  II,  the  emperor,  his  victory  in 
Champagne,  i.  35;  his  power  in  Italy, 
ib. 

Conscience,  cases  of,  i.  147. 

Constance,  acts  of  the  council  of,  i.  42. 

Constantino,  labarum  of,  i.  28. 

Constantinople,  the  Greek  empire  and 
churcli,  i.  29;  iconoclastic  dissensions, 
31,33;  the  patriarchs  of,  34. 

Contarelli,  the  datarius  of  Gregory  XIII, 
i.  254. 

Contarini,  Gasper,  cardinal,  i.  97, 103, 108; 
liis  learning,  religion,  and  virtue,  97; 
liis  commentary  on  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans,  98  n. ;  lays  his  writings  on 
genuine  church  principles  before  Paul 
III,  105;  appointed  legate  in  Germany, 
106,  108;  his  studies,  107;  his  public 
life,  107,  et  seq-;  his  habits  and  charac- 
ter, 108;  his  negotiations  with  the  Ger- 
man diet  for  the  desired  pacification  of 
the  church,  106,  111;  failure  of  his  en- 
deavors, 1 15;  his  new  instructions  from 
Paul  III,  as  to  the  council  of  Trent, 
131,  133;  ii.  appendix,  286,308. 

Contarini,  Giulio,  at  the  council  of  Trent, 
i.  132. 

Contarini,  Marco  Antonio,  on  the  papal 
court,  i.  155  n. 


Contarini,  Nicolo,  i.  415,  455  n.,  457  n., 
458,  491. 

Contarini,  P.,  quoted,  ii.  89  n,,  105  n.  See 
appendix,  393. 

Contarini,  Aluise,  ii.  104  n.,  118;  describes 
the  court  of  Rome  under  Urban  VIII, 
ii.  appendix,  400. 

Contarini,  Domenico,  ii.  223  n. 

Conte,  Natale,  i.  288. 

Contrario,  Ercolc,  put  to  death  by  Alfonso 
II  of  Ferrara,  i.  451;  controversies,  473, 
502;  of  Jesuitism  and  Jansenism,  ii.  202, 
212,  231. 

Cordara,  Julius,  '  History  of  the  Jesuits,' 
by,  ii.  appendix,  371. 

Corduba,  don  Gonzalez  de,  ii.  101. 

Cornero,  relatione  of,  ii.  appendix,  382. 

Corpus  Christi,  the  festival  of,  i.  375. 

Correggio,  paintings  by,  ii.  183. 

Cortese,  Gregorio,  abbot  of  San  Giorgio 
at  Venice,  i.  97, 288. 

Cosmo  de'  Medici,  patron  of  learning,  i. 
56,  139;  an  opponent  to  the  ambition  of 
Paul  III  and  the  Farnesi,  161, 172,  186; 
is  entirely  devoted  to  Pius  V,  221. 

Cossacks,  the,  ii.  26. 

Cotton,  pere,  Jesuit,  confessor  to  Henry 
IV,  i.  473. 

Councils  of  the  church,  i.  83,  85,  205,  et 
passim;  of  Basil,  42,  204;  of  Bologna, 
162;  of  Constance,  42;  of  Pisa,  68;  of 
Trent — its  first  sitting,  130;  its  second 
sitting,  172,  191;  its  later  sittings,  202, 
502;  references  to  the  decrees,  &c.  of 
Trent — see  Papacy,  et  passim.  Also, 
ii.  appendix,  290,  298,  &c. 

Courtray,  Jesuits'  college  at,  i.  366. 

Cracow,  bishops  of,  ii.  8,  9;  protestant 
cemetery  at,  desecrated,  25. 

Creed,  of  Luther,  i.  98,  100;  attempt  to 
unite  the  Roman  and  the  Lutheran, 
106;  Luther's  strong  objection  to  the 
amalgamation  of  the  two,  112;  of  Cal- 
vin, 315,  317. 

Cross,  the,  becomes  an  emblem  of  regilion, 
i.  28,  285,  286. 

Cruciata,  the,  i.  45. 

Crusade,  the  first,  i.  39;  carnage  at  Jeru- 
salem by  the  triumphant  crusaders,  40; 
their  zeal,  43;  luke-warmness,  in  the 
15th  century,  when  a  crusade  was  pro- 
posed  against  the  Turks,  ib. 

Curia,  the  papal,  i.  53,  105,  235, 295—305, 
427,  442;  ii.  229,  239;  revenues  of  the 
curia,  i.  73;  projects  of,  81;  Henry 
VIII's  cause  of  divorce  cited  before  the 
tribunal  of,  89;  abuses  of  the,  inquired 
into,  103;  opinions  of,  maintained  by 
the  Italian  prelates  at  Trent,  204,  206. 

Curione,  Celio  Secundo,  escapes  from  the 
inquisition,  i.  138, 


INDEX. 


477 


D. 


Dandolo,  M.  quoted,  i.  169  n.,  171  n.,  172 
n.  ii.;  appendix,  308. 

Dante  Aiigliieri,  290. 

Dataria,  office  of,  at  Rome,  i.  53,  252,  384. 

David,  Jean,  Jesuit  ot'Courtray,  i.  3t)G. 

Debtoftlie  Ecclesiastical  Stales,  ii.  133- 
135. 

Decretals  of  the  popes,  i.  209,  485. 

Delfino,  G.,  his  relatione  di  Roma,  ii.  ap- 
pendix, 352. 

Delft,  assassination  of  William  Prince  of 
Orange  at,  i.  365. 

Demetrius,  the  false,  in  Ru»3sia,  ii.  22-23. 

Denmark,  the  reformed  church  of,  i.  88, 
90;  it  was  established  in,  by  the  preach- 
ing of  the  Lutlieran  Bugeiihugen,  310; 
king  of,  a  new  champion  of  tlie  cause 
of  protestantism  in  Germany,  ii.  88;  he 
loses  the  battle  of  Lutter,  and  his  ge- 
neral, Mansfield,  flies,  91. 

Desmond,  earl  of,  insurrection  of,  in  Ire- 
land, i.  354. 

Dietrichstcin,  cardinal,  ii.  63,  120. 

Dillengen,  university  of,  i.  315,  324,  332. 

Dios,  Juan  de,  ii.  47. 

Dispensations,  bull  of  Sixtus  IV  respect, 
ing,  i.  53;  abuse  of,  103;  supplied  by  the 
emperors,  when  the  popes  refused  con- 
firmation of  appoinlnjents  to  German 
bishoprics,  384. 

Divorces,  pleas  for  royal,  before  the  popes, 
i.  89. 

Doganus,  or  custom-houses,  246,  251. 

Dogmas  of  tlie  church,  i.  132,  140. 

Domenichino,  i.  293. 

Dominic,  St.,  life  of,  i.  121. 

Dominicans,  devout  exercises  and  penances 
of  the,  i.  123;  their  power  in  the  inqui- 
sition, 136;  they  attack  Molina,  470; 
controversy,  473;  of  Spain,  474,  498. 

Donate,  Leonardo,  i.  415;  his  mission  from 
Venice  to  Sixtus  V,  421,  422,  453  n.; 
elected  doge,  488,  excommunicated  by 
Paul  V,  494. 

Donauwerth,the  execution  at,  ii.  32  n.,  33. 

Doria  family,  the,  political  transactions  of, 
i.  164;  the  Doria  palace,  293. 

Douay,  Jesuits'  college  at,  i.  355,  360; 
university  of,  359. 

Drama,  Italian,  i.  57;  opening  of  modern 
theatres  ul  Rome, 57  n.,  60;  tragedy,  57; 
comedy,  57,  60. 

Drownings,  by  the  inquisition  of  Venice, 
i.  140. 

Dunkirk  submits  to  Philip  II,  i.  363. 

E. 

Eastern  empire  and  chnrch,  the,  i.  29;  the 
Iconoclasts,  31;  Leo  the  Isaurian,  33;  en- 
41* 


croachments  of  Islamism  in,  32;  th« 
patriarchate,  34;  overthrown  by  Maho- 
met II,  43;  alliances  of  Sixtus  V  in  the 
east,  417. 

Echter,  Julius,  bishop  of  Wilrzburg,  i. 
371;  he  at  first  imitates  the  conduct  of 
archbishop  Truchsess  of  Cologne,  372; 
but,  warned  by  tlie  exile  of  that  reform- 
er, he  zealously  supports  Catholicism 
and  the  Jesuits,  ib. 

Eck,  Dr.,  German  divine,  i.  111. 

Edict,  French,  of  1562,  tolerating  the  re- 
formed  religion,  i.  316;  of  Nantes,  473; 
ii.  42. 

Education,  of  poor  orphans  at  Venice,  i. 
119;  theological,  at  the  university  of  Pa- 
ris, 126,  et  seq.;  designs  of  the  Jesuits 
in  educating  youth,  130,  142,  146,  321- 
325;  their  attention  to  moral  education, 
146;  they  taught  gratuitously,  ib.;  state 
of  scholastic  establishments  in  Germany, 
315;  Portroyal,  system  of,  ii.  202-209. 

Edward  111  supported  by  his  parliament 
in  resisting  the  pretensions  of  Rome,  i. 
42. 

Edward  VI  establishes  the  protestant  faith 
in  England,  i.  167. 

Egmont,  count,  execution  of,  i.  339. 

Egypt,  design  of  Sixtus  V  upon,  i.  417. 

Eichsfeld,  Catholicism  restored  at,  by  Da- 
niel Brendel,  elector  of  Mayence,  i.  334. 

Elizabeth,  re-establishes  the  protestant 
church  of  England,  i.  194,353;  the  Irish 
rebellion  quelled  by  her  genera!,  Sir 
Richard  Bingham,  257;  Gregory  XIII 
hostile  to,  ib.;  is  excommunicuted  by 
Pius  V,  343;  le.igue  of  Spain,  Pius  V, 
&,c.,  against,  342,  343,  353;  destruction 
of  Philip  IPs  invincible  armada,  393- 
398;  persecutions  for  religious  opinions 
in  her  reign,  394-395. 

Emanuel,  king  of  Portugal,  papal  conces- 
sions to,  i.  45. 

England,  commencement  of  disputes  with 
the  papal  authority,  i.  42;  authority  of 
Henry  VII  over  the  church,  44;  Henry 
VIII's  disputes  with  Clement  VII,  89; 
the  reformation  in,  90;  Henry  VIII 
unites  the  supremacy  over  the  English 
church  to  his  royal  dignity  101;  Edward 
VI  establishes  the  reformed  church  in, 
167;  Mary  I,  persecution  of  protestants 
by,  194,  225;  Elizabeth  re-estublishes 
the  church  of,  194,  et  scq.;  the  Irish 
rebellion,  257;  Calvinism  the  creed  of 
the  reformed  church  under  Edward  VI, 
315;  its  modification  therein  by  alliance 
with  the  state,  ib.;  catliolic  portion  of 
the  nobility  of,  319,  353;  ii.  71;  alliance 
of  the  catholic  powers  against  F^lizabcth, 
and  destruction  of  the  invading  arma- 
ment of  Philip  II,  i.  343,  353,  393-398; 


478 


INDEX. 


the  queen's  measures  for  the  defence  of 
protestantism  in,  391,  et  seq.;  she  ba^ 
nishes  the  Jesuits,  and  puts  many  par- 
tisans of  the  designs  of  Rome  to  death, 
394-395;  a  spirit  of  rebellion  excited  by 
catholic  partisans  in,  407;  state  of  Catho- 
licism in,  ii,  71,  123;  Urban  VIII,  Ri- 
cheiieu,  and  Philip  IV  form  a  design 
against,  94,  95;  the  constitution  of,  123; 
its  aristoeratical  tendencies,  159;  victo- 
ries of  Marlborough  over  the  French, 
226;  established  church  of,  222;  catholic 
emancipation  bill,  passed  in  1829,254, 

Epernon,  duke  of,  i.  390. 

Erasmus  offended  by  false  philosophical 
doctrines,!.  61;  his  paraphrase  and  com- 
mentaries on  the  New  Testament,  63; 
is  defended  against  the  schoolmen  by 
Adrian  VI,  72;  his  estimate  of  the  power 
of  Charles  V  in  mailers  concerning  the 
faith  of  Germany,  82. 

Ernest  of  Bavaria,  elector  and  archbishop 
of  Cologne,  i.  368-370;  his  other  bishop- 
rics, 368,  370,  378;  ii.  27. 

Este,  house  of,  i.  178,  448;  Alfonso  II  of 
Ferrara,  448-454;  don  Cesare  d'  Este, 
454,  455,  458;  is  excommunicated  by 
Clement  VIII,  457. 

Este,  cardinal  d',  i.  170;  ii.  appendix,  351. 

Este,  Leonora  d',  her  character,  i.  450. 

Este,  Lucrezia  d',  i.  450,  457,  458;  her 
will,  459. 

Este,  marquis  Filippo  d',  i.  453. 

Esterhazy,  count  palatine,  in  Hurgary,  ii. 
64. 

Etr^es,  cardinal,  his  despatch  to  M.  de 
Louvois,  ii.  222  n. 

Eu,  in  Normandy,  Jesuits'  college  at,  1. 
385. 

Eucharist,  the,  i.  109,  126, 135.  204,  311- 
313. 

Eugenius  IV,  pope,  i.  281. 

Europe,  state  of  civilisation  of,  in  the  14th 
and  15th  centuries,  i.  40;  national  lan- 
guages of,  41;  kingdoms  of,  firmly  esta- 
blished, 43;  connection  of  the  Reforma- 
tion with  the  political  state  of,  65;  inte- 
rests of  Charles  V  and  of  Francis  I  oc- 
casion a  protracted  war,  66,  74;  balance 
of  power,  an  object  with  the  popes,  76; 
numerous  religious  systems,  in  the  16th 
century,  153;  general  movement  in, 
productive  of  wars,  173,  el  passim;  state 
of  religion  throughout,  in  the  reign  of 
Sixtus  V  over  the  Romish  church,  3 JO, 
et  seq.;  constitution  of  some  states  of, 
changed  by  the  Reformation,  317;  state 
of,  moral,  and  political,  at  the  close  of 
the  16th  century,  406;  spirit  of  freedom 
awakened  by  jealousy  of  the  Spanish 
power  in,  414,  415,  421;  equilibrium  of, 
restored  by  the  opposition  of  Henry  IV 


to  Spain,  502;  the  German  civil  war,  ii. 
50-55;  conflicting  political  relations  of, 
84-97;  wars  of  Louis  XIV,  221,  223,  et 
seq.;  war  of  the  Spanish  succession,  224 
-230:  altered  state  of,  and  internal  agi- 
tations, 230-234,  242,  ad  Jinem. 

Eusebius,  on  Christianity,  i.  26. 

Excommunications,  bulls  of,  i.  457,  494. 

Exorcism,  ii.  14. 


F. 


Faber,  Peter,  his  intercourse  of  academic 
studies  with  Loyola,  i.  126,  141  n.;  his 
success  at  Louvaine,  141. 

Faenza,  the  Manfredi  expelled  from,  i.  49; 
Caesar  Borgia  lord  of  ib.  n.;  feuds  allayed 
by  the  Jesuits  at,  141;  political  relations 
of,  236,  239,  240. 

Faith,  doctrinal  system  of,  i.  105,  111,  124, 
132,  137;  the  catholic  rule  of,  202;  Ro- 
mish profession  of,  subscribed  and  swora 
to,  213,226. 

Fano,  city  of,  i.  234;  its  podestJi  ib.  the  holy 
union  of,  239;  resistance  to  the  papal 
subsidy  at,  249. 

Farnese,  cardinal  Alessandro  di,  instruc- 
tions to,  i.  76  n.,  76,  113;  (see  Paul  III., 
103,  et  seq.,  141  n.,  154, 155,  et.  seq.,  171;) 
Pier-Luigi  Farnese,  son  of  Paul  III, 
141  n.,  164, 165,  242,  assassinated,  165; 
Ottavio  Farnese  acquires  Camerino,  158, 
170;  espouses  Margaret  daughter  of 
Charles  V.,  158,  160,  161,  166, 172,222; 
Pietro  Luigi  Farnese  obtains  Novara, 
158;  Vittoria  Farnese,  159;  cardinal  Al- 
essandro Farnese,  161, 166,  168  n.,  170, 
196,278;  his  resistance  to  Clement  VliI, 
479,  et.  seq.;  Orazo  Farnese  espouses  a 
daughter  of  Henry  II  of  France,  164; 
Alessandro  Farnese,  prince  of  Parma, 
governor  of  the  Netherlands  for  Philip 
II,  361;  his  high  talent  for  administra- 
tion, 361,  364;  the  Palazza  Farnese,  281, 
Odoardo  Farnese,  ii.  141,  et.  seq.;  Far- 
nesi,  family  of,  i.  141,  156;  their  power 
and  magnificence,  158,  161,  164,  170, 
186,  366,  ii.  141;  appendix,  269. 

Fast,  observance  of,  i.  123,  127. 

Felix,  pope,  declaration  of,  i.  42;  his  elec- 
tion, 46. 

Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  his  authority  in 
church  affairs,  i.  35, 45;  court  of,  121. 

Ferdinand  I,  (the  emperor,)  commander  of 
Charles  V's  forces  in  Italy,  i.  78;  his  de- 
cree authorizing  the  German  states  to 
guide  themselves  in  religion,  each  ac- 
cording to  conscience,  ib.;  letter  from 
Clement  VII  to,  86;  concludes  the  peace 
of  Kadan,87;  his  political  measures,  145, 
195,  202;  sarcasm  of,  203;  the  emperor 


INDEX. 


479 


Ferdinand's  articles  for  the  reformation 
of  the  papal  church,  207,  208,  311,  320; 
he  establishes  Jesuits'  colleges  in  his  do- 
minions, 321. 
Ferdinand,  the  archduke  (afterwards  Fer- 
dinand II)  378,  ii.  28;  restores  the  catho- 
lics to  power;  in  Austria,  &c.,  29;  ban 
ishes  Lutheran  ministers,  ib.;  assists  at 
the  diet  of  Ratisbon,  34;  publishes  the 
edict  of  interposition,  alarming  to  the 
German  protestants,  35;  joins  the  catho- 
lic confederation,  37;  elected  emperor, 
53,  56,  66;  he  loses  Bohemia,  54;  perse- 
cutes the  protestants,  61;  his  policy  and 
power  in  1629, 99, 1 09—1 12;  he  aids  the 
Poles  against  Sweden,  110;  sends  a  force 
to  aid  the  Spaniards  in  Holland,  ib.;  and 
a  third  army  against  iVIantua,  111;  de- 
sires his  son  to  be  elected  king  of  the 
Romans,  115;  he  dismisses  his  victori- 
ous general,  Wallenstein,  116. 

Fermo,  archbishopric  of,  i,  272,  ii.  116. 

Ferrara,  disputes  of  the  church  with,  i,  85; 
lapse  of,  to  the  church  of  Rome,  447; 
duciiess  of,  140;  duke  of,  182;  Alfonso 
II,  duke  of,  448,  et  seq.;  it  afforded 
a  perfect  typo  of  an  Italian  princi- 
pality, 452;  the  court  of,  450,  451, 
452;  a  fief  of  Rome,  453;  don  Cesare 
d'  Este,  454,  455;  conquest  of  by  Cle- 
ment VIII,  ib.;  legation  and  council  of 
established,  460,  el  seq.;  university  of, 
449;  lament  on  the  fall  of  the  house  of 
Este,  460;  affairs  of,  ii.  appendix,  348. 

Ferrari,  a  Barnabite  regular  ecclesiastic,  i. 
120. 

Ferrero,  the  nuncio,  on  the  state  of  Ger- 
many, ii.  appendix,  357. 

Festivals,  or  feasts,  of  the  church  of  Rome, 
i.  256,  285,  375,  496;  ii.  28. 

Feudal  service,  in  Italy,  i,  258. 

Feuillantines,  austere  penances  of  this  or- 
der, ii.  44. 

Finances  of  the  see  of  Rome,  i.  243,  275. 

Finland,  affairs  of,  ii.  18,  19, 

Flaminio,  M.  A.,  on  the  Gospels,  i.  98,  99, 
n.;  on  the  Psalms,  100. 

Florence,  house  of  Medici  grand-dukes  of 
Tuscany,  i.  47,  71,  80,  81, 90;  the  patrio- 
tic party  compelled  to  fly  to  Venice,  97; 
the  Florentine  memoirs,  429,  ii.  188. 

Flour,  tax  on,  i.  250,  &e. 

Fonlaiia,  Domenico,  i.  272,  285. 

Forli,  inhabitants  of,  i.  233;Ghibelline  par- 
ty in,  237. 

Foscari,  '  relatione'  of,  i.  247  n.;  ii.  appen- 
dix, 285. 

France,  reign  of  Charlemagne,  i.  33;  the 
Galilean  church,37,41, 44;  reign  of  Phil- 
lippe  le  Bel,  41;  the  pragmatic  sanction, 
43;  war  for  the  possession  of  Milm,  28, 
73;  French  driven  out  of  Italy,  80;  alli- 


ance with  Rome,  85;  designs  of  Francis 
I,  87;  rise  of  the  Huguenots,  90;  Jesuits 
of,  141,  150,  341,  386;  relations  of  Paul 
III  with  Francis  I,  166,  et  seq.;  of 
Puul  IV  with  Henry  II,  179;  antago- 
nist parties,  catholic  and  protestant,  in, 
195;  the  Guise  family,  194, 209, 257,389, 
399,  410;  cardinal  of  Lorraine  and 
French  prelates  at  the  council  of  Trent, 
203, 209;  wars  between  the  catholics  and 
Huguenots  of,  227;  niassacre  of  St.  Bar- 
tholomew, ib.;  particular  account  of  the 
holy  league,228,  385-391:  Calvinism  in, 
315;  the  French  become  zealous  disci- 
ples of  their  countryman  Calvin,  ib.;  his- 
tory of  the  reformed  churches  through- 
out, 316:  the  king  and  the  peasantry  ad- 
here to  Catholicism,  3 19;  causes  of  a  pop- 
ular reaction  against  the  Huguenots,340; 
its  effects;  Charles  IX.,  342,  et  stq.;  re- 
ligious warfare,  in,  342,  389,  et  seq.;  im- 
portance, to  the  kingdom,  of  the  reli- 
gious'principles  of  Henry  IV,400,  et  seq,; 
413,  414,  420;  history  of  the  reign  of 
this  great  prince,  415  et  seq.;  question 
cf  electing  another  king,  439,  et  seq,; 
Henry  IV,  crowned,  444;  the  Galilean 
church,  445,  447;  importance  of,  in  the 
European  system,  in  the  latter  years  of 
Henry  IV,  446,  447,  482;  influence  of 
French  cardinals  in  the  conclave,  480, 
492;  feeling  of  nationality,  opposed  to 
the  hierarchy,  arises  in  the  kingdom  of, 
502;  regeneration  of  Catholicism  in  ii., 
41 — 48;  ancient  and  new  monastic  or- 
ders in,  44,  45,  47;  reaction  against  the 
protestants  in  the  regency  of  Mary  de 
Medicis56,  68;  administration  of  Riche- 
lieu, 89 — 90,  94;  his  treachery  toward 
the  Huguenots,  in  signing  the  treaty  of 
Monzon,  89,  90,  123;  coalition  formed 
against  England  and  Holland,  by  the 
courts  of  Paris,  Vienna,  Rome  and  Mad- 
rid, 94,  95:  Buckingham's  attack  on  the 
Isle  of  Rhe,  95:  factions  irritated  against 
Richelieu,  96:  Richelieu's  treaty  with 
Gustavus  Adolphus,  113:  administration 
of  cardinal  Mazarin,  149,  155,  et  seq.; 
age  of  Louis  XIV,  church  and  state 
affairs,  Jesuitism,  Jansenism,  learned 
men,  &c.,  of,  198,  202,  217,  et  seq,; 
this  great  monarch's  power  over  the 
French  clergy,  219,  &c.,  «fec.;  his  wars, 
221,  223,  224,  et  seq.;  the  French  revo- 
lution, 242,  246;  French  empire  under 
Napoleon  245,  250;  restoration  of  Louis 
XVIII,  250—256;  suppression  of  the 
Jesuits  in,  237;  the  catholic  worship  re- 
established in,  246. 
Francis  I,  his  concordat  with  Leo  X,  i. 
43;  he  marches  into  Italy,  65;  defeats 
the  Swiss  at  Marignano,  56;  loses  MilaHi 


480 


INDEX. 


69;  is  prevented  from  penetratinor  to 
Naples,  76;  decline  of  his  authority  in 
Italy,  80;  his  conference  at  Marseilles 
with  Clement  VII,  when  they  renew  a 
strict  alliance,  85;  his  league  with  Ger- 
man protcstant  princes,  86;  his  designs 
for  the  recovery  of  Milan  87,  90;  is  op- 
posed to  the  pacification  of  the  churcli, 
113;  his  pacific  conference  at  Nice  with 
Charles  V,  and  Paul  III,  J  58;  the  war 
renewed,  with  regard  to  Milan,  159; 
forms  a  league  against  the  emperor,  1 63, 
167. 

Francis,  St.,  life  of,  i.  128. 

Franciscan  friars,  high  privileges  of,  i.  54, 
117,  264;  power  of,  54;  styled  the  Mare 
magnum  54,  n.;  retraction  of  their  doc- 
trines by,  compulsory,  140;  allusions  to, 
367;  ii."69. 

Franconia,  protestant  principles  irresistible 
in,  311,323,  371. 

Frankfort,  the  population  protestant,  323; 
fair  of,  ib. 

Franks,  empire  of  the,  i  30;  Catholicism  of, 
31,  32;  the  Merovingian  dynasty  ib.; 
the  Carlovingian,  ib.;  34. 

Free-will,  on,  i.  468,  469, 470,  471. 

Fregoso,  cardinal,  i.  103. 

Friars,  the  mendicant,  i.  54,  their  power 
under  Alexander  VI,  ib- 

Friburg,  city  of,  its  political  and  religious 
concerns,  i.  357,  392. 

Frizzi's  history  of  Ferrara,  i.  448. 

Frumento,  monsignore,  i.  253. 

Frimdsberg,  George,  with  a  body  of  Ger- 
man landskneclits,  threatens  the  securi- 
ty of  Clement  VII  in  Rome,  i.  79;  is 
struck  with  apoplexy,  and  succeeded  in 
his  command  by  Charles  of  Bourbon,  80. 

Fulda,  Balthasar  von  Dernbach,  abbot  of, 
i.  335,  348,  372. 

Fiirstenberg,  Theodore  von,  restores  the 
catholic  worship  in  Paderborn,  i.  369; 
ii.  27. 


G. 


Gaetano,  legate  from  Sixlus  V  in  France, 
i.  400,  425;  is  directed  to  introduce  the 
inquisition  into  France,  401. 

Galesini,  life  of  Sixtus  V,  ii.  appendix,  338. 

Gallican  church,  submissive  to  Rome,  i. 
29,  32;  it  resists  the  papal  bulls  of  ex- 
communication, 41;  its  rights  invaded 
by  Francis  I  more  successfully  than  by 
Leo  X,  43;  concordat  between  Francis 
and  Leo,  66;  council  of  Trent,  203; 
French  prelates  demand  that  the  Psalms 
might  be  sung  in  French,  204;  they  as- 
sert the  authority  of  a  council  to  be  su- 
perior to  the  pope's,  204,  208;  rise  of 


capuchins,  cistercians,  &.C.,  and  zeal  of 
the  secular  clergy  of,  386;  question  of 
intrduction  of  the  inquisition,  401;  the 
Galilean  privileges,  ib.;  these  are  vested 
in  the  crown,  445;  schism  with  Rome 
threatened,  ib.;  negotiations  with  Cle- 
ment VIII  for  the  settlement  of  differ- 
ences, ib.;  447,  et  seq.;  principles  of,  ii. 
89;  later  epoch  oi',  214;  the  regale  or 
receipt  of  revenues  of  vacant  benefices, 
maintained  by  Louis  XIV,  218,  219; 
liberties  and  usages  of,  declared  invio- 
lable, 220, 222;  formulus  of,  presented  to 
Innocent  XI  1,223;  canonical  institution 
granted,  and  peace  restored  with  Rome, 
224;  Catholicism  re-established  by  Buo- 
naparte, 246;  state  of,  after  the  fall  of 
Napoleon,  252. 

Gallo,  cardinal,  i.  272,  274. 

Galhizzi,  history  of  the  grand  duchy  of 
Tuscany  by,  i.  429. 

Gambara,  cardmal,  i.  169. 

Ganganelli,  Lorenzo,  his  character,  ii.238. 
{See  Clement  XIV.) 

Gardie,  count  Magnus  de  la,  ii.  179. 

Gaul,  the  bishops  of,  subordinate  to  the 
Roman  pontiff,  i.  29,  32. 

Geneva,  the  Calvinist  church  of,  i.  195,201, 
315;  supplies  France  with  calvinist  pas- 
tors 316;  religious  model  of,  316,  3l7; 
alliance  of  the  Genevans  with  the  Ber- 
nese and  Friburghcrs,  356,  393;  they 
are  attacked  by  Charles  Emanuel,  duke 
of  Savoy,  393.     See  ii.  appendix,  380. 

Genoa,  the  Doria  family,  i.  164;  affairs  of 
the  Genoese,  i.  167,  249,  486;  ii.  187. 

George,  St.,  company  of,  i.  233. 

Geraldine,  Irish  insurgent,  i.  354;  slain 
in  action,  ib. 

Gerard,  Balthasar,  murderer  of  William  of 
Orange,  i.  364,  et  seq. 

Germany,  nations  of,  which  early  em- 
braced Catholicism,  i.  31,  32;  their  vic- 
tories over  the  Mahometans,  32;  are 
united  by  Charlemagne,  who  founds  the 
new  empire  in,  33;  catholic  hierarchy 
established  in,  35;  emperors  of,  their  re- 
lations  with  the  popes,  ib.;  power  of  the 
Saxon  and  S.ilic  emperors,  ib.;  victories 
of"  Conrad  II,  ib.;  greatness  and  preten- 
sions of  Henry  HI,  35,  36;  Henry  IV 
deprived  of  the  right  of  investiture  of 
ecclesiastical  offices,  by  Gregory  VII, 
38;  the  empire  elective,  ib.;  princes  of 
the  empire,  39;  elements  of  tiie  institu- 
tions of,  blended  with  the  Roman,  41; 
church  of,  its  resistance  to  Boniface 
VIII,  ib.;  concordats  signed,  42;  arch- 
bishoprics of  Treves  and  Mayence,  44; 
papal  concessions  to,  ib ;  war  against 
the  Tuiks,  ib.;  papal  tithes  refused,  ib.; 
opposition  to  the  papacy  arises  in,  62; 


INDEX. 


481 


study  of  classical  learning  in,  63;  tone 
of  theology  in,  63;  its  spirituality,  64; 
war  with  the  Turks,  who  invaded  Hun- 
gary, 72,  73;  Charles  V  attacked  by 
Clement  VII,  whose  new  allies  were 
Francis  I  and  Henry  VIII,  78;  zealous 
Lutherans  of,  78, 79;  means  recommend- 
ed by  cardinal  Campeggi  for  repressing 
the  Reformation,  81,  8'2;  the  preponder- 
ance of  temporal  power,  under  Charles 
V,  endangers  the  papal  interests,  83: 
Clement  VII's  rescript  to  the  catholic 
princes  of  Germany,  86;  revolution  in 
religion  effected  by  Luther,  62,  64; 
reign  of  Charles  V,  68;  his  rivalry  with 
Francis  I,  66,  68;  the  German  States 
permitted  to  choose  each  its  own  creed, 
78:  Wirtemberg,  Pomerania,  Branden- 
burgh.  Saxony,  Brunswick,  and  the 
Palatinate  embrace  the  reformed  reli- 
gion, 88,  314;  the  Reformation  perma- 
nent in  upper  Germany,  88,  312;  north- 
ern Germany  rises  against  the  domina- 
tion of  the  popes,  90, 311 ,  314;  beginning 
of  persecutions  in,  105;  conference  for 
uniting  the  two  churches,  Roman  and 
reformed,  106;  articles  proposed  for 
German  abjuration  of  schism,  109;  uni- 
ty of  the  nation,  how  far  dependent  on 
that  of  the  church,  112,  113;  decline 
of  the  religious  orders  in,  115;  breach 
of  Charles  Vwith  the  protestant  princes, 
131,  316;  persecuted  Italians  find  refuge 
in,  140;  the  Jesuits,  their  missions,  col- 
leges, religious  and  political  labors  in, 
142,  149,  321, 369,  370, 272,  425;  ii.  40; 
the  collegium  Germanicum  at  Rome,  i. 
149,  256,  381;  successes  of  Charles  V 
against  the  protestant  princes,  163;.  he 
publishes  the  interim  in,  168;  climate  of, 
169;  the  German  protestants  unite  with 
Henry  II  of  France,  173;  war  between 
Charles  V  and  Paul  IV,  182;  protestants 
of,  in  alliance  with  Paul  IV,  183, 
195;  Ferdinand  I  conciliates  the  pro- 
testants, 195;  state  of  protestantism 
in,  A.D.  1563,  311;  in  the  ecclesiastical 
electorates  on  the  Rhine,  313,  331; 
the  nobles  and  population  throughout, 
of  decided  protestant  profession,  and  in- 
clination, 313;  the  nobles,  at  a  later 
date,  uphold  Catholicism,  382;  monaste- 
ries, abbeys,  and  convents  of,  313,  314; 
Calvinism,  its  rise  on  the  frontier  of,  315; 
the  emperor  adheres  to  Rome,  319;  the 
Counter-Reformation  in,  327,  et  seq., 
367,  384;  resistance  offered  by  the  pro- 
testants, 347;  civil  war  between  the  pro- 
testant and  catholic  German  armies, 
368;  catholic  reaction  at  Vienna,  376; 
and  in  southern  Germany,  382  n.;  pro- 
testant ministers  exiled  by  Rodolph  II, 


375,  377;  flight  of  protestants  from  up- 
per, to  the  north-eastern  states  of,  381; 
distinction  of  ranks  remarked  through- 
out, 382;  benefices,  dispensations,  &c., 
384;  means  devised  for  converting  the 
population  and  the  protestant  princes  of, 
to  Catholicism,  384,  385;  ii.  26;  Roman 
influence  assists  the  imperial  authority 
in,  i.  406,  413;  counter-reformation  in, 
ii.  26-38;  the  aulic  council  established, 
31,  32;  edict  of  interposition,  as  to  the 
religious  peace  of  Augsburg,  35;  pro- 
testant princes  sign  the  union,  ib.;  they 
take  the  field  against  Rudolph  II,  36; 
power  of  the  union,  37,  38;  the  catholic 
and  Bavarian  party  prepare  for  a  civil 
war,  37;  the  catholic  lordly  bishops 
enumerated,  ib.;  election  of  a  new  em- 
peror [Mathias],  37, 38;  the  general  war, 
49-55;  the  union  defeated  at  Weissberg, 
55;  triumphs  of  Catholicism  in,  55,  84, 
92;  the  German  line  of  the  house  of 
Austria,  84;  Ferdinand  II's  intolerant 
spirit  awakened  by  the  victory  ofLutter, 
91,  92;  the  thirty  years'  war  in,  98,  et 
seq.;  Wallenstein  and  Tilly  with  the 
imperial  forces  occupy  the  north  of,  99; 
state  of  the  empire  in  a.d.  1629,  109- 
112;  Ferdinand  II  sends  an  army 
against  Mantua,  110;  wars  of  Gustavus 
Aldophus  of  Sweden,  the  champion  of 
protestantism  in,  113;  concluded  by  the 
peace  of  Westphalia,  122;  wars  against 
Louis  IV,  ii.  221,  223,  et  seq.;  internal 
affairs  of  the  German  States — Prussian, 
Austrian,  and  other  powers,  230;  et 
passim;  reign  of  Joseph  II,  241-242; 
monasteries  suppressed  by  him,  241; 
the  ecclesiastical  electors  renounce  their 
strict  allegiance  to  Rome,  242;  See  ap- 
pendix, 396,  &c. 

Gerohus,  prior,  prediction  of,  i.  39. 

Gervaso,  Pacifico  di  S.,  capuchin  prior,  i. 
386. 

Gessi,  cardinal,  instructions  by  Paul  V  to, 
ii.  appendix,  360. 

Chent,  treaty  of,  i.  346,  360;  revolutionary 
tendency  of  protestantism  at,  359;  the 
ancient  liberties  of,  destroyed  by  Charles 
V,  ib.;  extent  and  importance  of  the  city 
of,  360;  project  of  a  republic  at,  by  Im- 
bize  and  Ryhove,  359,  et  seq.;  submits 
to  Alexander  Farnese,  364;  Jesuits  es- 
tablished in  the  house  of  the  demagogue 
Imbize,  366. 

Ghibellines,  their  wars  with  the  Guelfs,  i. 
48,  161;  powerful  clans  of  this  party, 
enumerated,  238,  260. 

Ghislieri,  Michele,  pope  Pius  V,  i.  215. 

Ghislieri,  Michele,  grand-inquisitor,  his  ap. 
proval  of  young  Peretti  (Sixtus  V)  i.2G5* 

Giacomo,  cardinal,  i.  182. 


482 


INDEX. 


Giberti,  G.  Matleo,  bishop,  his  reforms  at 
Verona,  i.  222. 

Giberto,  minister  of  Clement  VII,  on  the 
designs  of  that  pontiff,  i.  78;  his  erudi- 
tion, 136,  105. 

Gierecnia,  doin,  a  theatine,  i.  188. 

Ginetti,  Icsjale,  Urban  VIII's  instructions 
to,  ii.  121;  his  character,  122. 

Giunti,  L.  A.,  life  of  Ludovico  Ludovisi 
by,  ii.  appendix,  373. 

Giustiniani,  Geronimo,  ii.  appendix,  372. 

Giustiniani,  Paolo,  i.  116. 

Giustiniano,  Marino,  Venetian  ambassa- 
dor, i.  87  n.,  109. 

Gmunden,  Lutheran  burghers  of,  i.  380. 

Gnostics,  the,  i.  125. 

Goa,  the  capital  of  Catholicism  in  India, 
ii.  77. 

God,  early  ideas  of,  were  local,  i.  25;  uni- 
versal, according  to  the  Christian  faith, 
26;  relations  of  man  with  the  Creator, 
26,  64,  98;  papal  authority  said  to  be 
derived  from,  104;  Loyola's  imaginative 
view  of  the  Deity,  148;  doctrine  of  the 
particular  decree  of,  468;  doctrine  of 
prescience,  470. 

Gondi,  cardinal,  his  mission  to  Rome  from 
Henri  IV,  in  consequence  of  the  king's 
wish  to  conform  to  the  Roman  church, 
i.  438. 

Gonzaga,  Ferrante,  i,  165,166,  170,  172, 
184  n. 

Gonzaga,  Giulia,  (or  Colonna,)  beauty  of, 
i.  100. 

Gonzaga,  house  of,  i.  178,  451;  question 
of  tlie  Mantuan  succession  on  the  death 
of  Vincenzo  II,  ii.  99. 

Gonzaga,  Carlo,  duke  de  Nevers,  ii.  99. 

Gonzaga  Nevers,  duke  de  Rethel,  ii.   100. 

Gospel,  the,  taught,  i.  98;  of  St.  John,  141. 

Gosweinstein,  sanctuary  of  the  Holy  Tri- 
nity at,  i.  373;  pilgrims  to,  ib. 

Gottofredi,  Alessandro,  ii.  197. 

Grace,  doctrine  of,  i.  97,  98,  101, 104,  134, 
148,469. 

Gradenigo,  Relatione  of,  i.  73  n.;  descrip- 
tion of  Rome  by,  ii.  appendix.  267. 

Granveila,  cardinal,  quoted,  i.  162  n.  338. 

Gratz,  Iiutheran  ministers  banished  by 
Ferdinand  II  from,  ii.  28,  29, 

Graziani,  MS.  of,  on  Sixtus  V,  ii.  app.  332, 

Greece,  affairs  of,  i.  226,  238. 

Greek  church,  i.  34,  214,  256;  ii.  12,  26, 
83,  231;  of  Russia,  21,  et  seq. 

Greek  college  at  Rome,  21,  256. 
Greek  learning,  revival  of,  in  Italy,  i.  56, 
287. 

Greeks,  the  modern,  i.  233. 

Gregory  the  Great,  sends  Auguslin  to 
England,  i.  31. 

Gregory  II,  pope,  his  epistle  to  Leo  the 
Isaurian,  i.  33. 


Gregory  VII,  haughty  spirit  of  Hilda- 
brand,  i.  38;  decree  of,  against  temporal 
investitures  of  church  dignities,  ib, 

Gregory  XIII,  state  of  Italy,  the  court  and 
times  of,  i.  231  to  239;  this  pope,  Ugo 
Buoneompagno,  a  jurist  by  early  pro- 
fession, 253;  his  liberal  character  con- 
strained  by  the  severe  spirit  of  his 
church,  253,  254  n.;  desirous  of  pro- 
moting his  son,  254;  but  restrains  that 
impulse,  ib.;  his  devout  conduct,  255; 
he  liberally  endows  the  Collegium  Ger- 
manicum,  256;  he  reforms  the  calen- 
dar, ib.;  his  enmity  to  the  Turks,  257; 
hostile  to  proteslants,  ib.;  an  encourager 
of  the  league  in  France,  ib.;  his  care  of 
education,  255,  257;  his  financial  ad- 
ministration, 258;  he  confiscates  the  es- 
tates of  some  Italian  barons,  ib.;  is  de- 
nominated 'Tlie  Watchful,'  259;  mal- 
contents, excited  by,  259,  261;  his  high 
estimate  of  his  power,  262;  his  charac- 
ter, 270;  power  of  Piccolomini  and  the 
banditti  of  the  Romagna,  261;  the  pope 
gives  absolution  to  their  leader,  262;  his 
attention  to  the  catholic  church  of  Ba- 
varia, &c.,  330,  348,  368  n.,  369,  377, 
385  n.;  Gregory  concerts  an  enterprise 
for  dethroning  Elizabeth  of  England, 
257,353,  et  seq.;  further  allusions  to,  462, 
485,  ii.  59;  court  of,  appendix,  319,  321, 
322,347;  commentaries  respecting,  322. 

Gregory  XIV,  cardinal  Sfondrato,  elected 
pope,  i.  429,  466;  his  devotion,  429;  he 
assists  the  league  with  money  and 
troops,  430;  his  death,  431. 

Gregory  XV,,  Alessandro  Ludovisio,  ii. 
57,  104;  his  nephew  Ludovico  Ludovi- 
sio administers  the  government  in  the 
name  of  the  aged  pope,  58;  Gregory,  a 
patron  of  the  Jesuits,  institutes  the  con- 
gregation of  the  propaganda,  59;  his 
letter  to  Maximilian  of  Bavaria,  68;  his 
letter  to  Charles  I  when  prince  of 
Wales,  74;  missions  to  the  east,  Abys- 
sinia, &c.,  by,  76,  82;  aflfairs  of  his  pon- 
tificate, 85;  his  demise,  86;  his  instruc- 
tions to  T.  Corona,  relative  to  France 
and  Savoy,  &c.,  appendix,  372,  379,380, 

Gregory  of  Tours,  i.  31. 

Grignan,  M.  de,  ambassador  at  Rome,  i. 
159  n. 

Grimani,  Antonio,  Relatione  of,  ii.  appen- 
dix, 372. 

Grisons,  the,  ii.  40,  85,  86;  massacre  in, 
by  Giacopo  Robustelli,  56;  troops  sent 
by  Richelieu  into,  88,  89;  the  Valtelline 
added  to,  90. 

Gritti,  Giovanni,  i.  275,  286  n.;  ii.  appen- 
dix,  340. 

Cropper,  Dr.  Johann,  German  catholic  di- 
vine, i,  106,  114,133,321. 


INDEX. 


483 


Guarini,  B.ittista,  Pastor  Fido  of,  i.  450. 

Guastiilla,  duke  of,  his  ckim  to  Mantua, 
ii.  101. 

Guelphs  and  Ghibellines,  factions  of,  in 
Italy,  i.  48,  161,  237;  the  powerful 
Gueiphic  families,  238,  260. 

Guercino,  painling^s  of,  i.  294. 

Guicciiirdini,  Girolamo,  letter  of,  i.  160  n. 

Guidi,  Alessandro,  ii.  184. 

Guido  Reni,  paintings  of,  i.  294. 

Guise,  duke  of,  in  alliance  with  the  papal 
forces,  marches  against  Naples,  i.  184; 
his  return  to  France,  185;  routs  the  Hu- 
guenots at  Auneau,  389;  repairs  to 
Paris,  391:  establishes  an  authority 
there  superior  to  Henri  Ill's,  391,  398; 
assassination  of,  398;  excitement  of  the 
Parisians  upon  his  murder  by  Henri 
III,  410;  formal  declaration  of  the  king 
having  thereby  lost  his  royal  dignity, 
ib.;  allusions  to  the  power  of  the  Guise 
family,  194,  209,  257,  388,  et  passim. 

Guise,  Charles  de,  cardinal,  i.  163  n.;  167 
n.;  he  proposes  a  congress,  209;  his  as- 
sassination causes  pope  Sixtus  V  to  be 
greatly  incensed  against  Henri  III, 
399,  410. 

Gustavus'  Vasa,  a  zealous  Lutheran  le- 
gislator, i.  310;  sons  of  this  Swedish 
monarch,  351,  ii.  14. 

Gustavus  Adolphus,  of  Sweden,  his   con- 

'  quest  of  Livonia,  Lithuania,  &c.,  ii. 
112;  his  valur  displayed  at  Slumm,  ib.; 
he  routs  the  imperialists  under  I'orqua- 
to  Conti,  117;  is  victorious  over  Tilly  at 
Leipsic,  ib.:  his  hopes  and  projects,  119: 
his  lamented  but  glorious  death,  120. 

Gyllenstiern,  ii.  14. 


H. 


Haarlem,  its  resistance  to  Spanish  oppres- 
sion, i.  345:  surrender  of,  ib. 

Hainault  and  Namur,  catholic  worship  in 
the  provinces  of,  i.  358. 

Hall,  Jesuits  established  at,  i.  324. 

Hamel,  Jesuit  of  Louvain,  i.  470  n. 

Hamericourt,  Gerhard  de,  bishop  of  St. 
Omer,  i.  358. 

Hammer,  Johann,  German  Jesuit,  i.  370. 

Harlai,  archbishop  of  Paris,  ii.  221,  231. 

Havet,  Antoine,  bishop  of  Namur,  i.  358. 

Heathen  superstitions,  i.  30. 

Heidelberg,  protestant  university  of,  i.  323; 
the  city  taken  by  Maximilian,  64;  the 
library  and  MSS.  given  to  Gregory  XV, 
ib.;  ii.  237  n.;  appendix,  374,  379. 

Heinsius,  Nicolaus,  ii.  172. 

Henrietta  of  France,  queen  of  Charles  I, 
ii.  87,  123. 

Henriquez,  doctrines  of,  i.  470. 


Henri  11,  of  France,  his  nuptials  with 
Catherine  de  Mcdicis,  i.  85,  167;  his 
anti-Austrian  policy,  173;  alliance  of 
Paul  IV  with,  179,  et  seq.;  parties  at  the 
French  court,  180. 

Henri  111  of  France,  when  Duke  of  Anjou, 
victorious  over  the  Huguenots,  i  343; 
an  orthodox  catholic  prince,  387;  civil 
war  of  the  league  against  the  protestant 
party,  388,  393;  his  flight  from  Paris, 
391;  he  causes  the  assassination  of  the 
duke  and  the  cardinal  de  Guise,  399;  is 
himself  murdered  by  Jacques  Clement, 
400;  historical  allusions  to,  413,  417. 

Henri  IV  of  France,  when  king  of  Na- 
varre and  heir  presumptive  of  the  French 
crown,  i.  388,  420;  is  excommunicated 
by  Sixtus  V,  389,  400,  413,  422;  a  pro- 
testant at  the  time  of  his  accession,  400, 
413,  414;  liitrh  estimation  of  the  talents 
of  this  warlike  and  benevolent  prince 
by  his  subjects  and  contemporaries,  414, 
416,422;  political  affairs  of  his  reign, 
419,  476, 479, 488, 497;  Sixtus  V  relents 
in  his  enmity  towards,  422,  424;  Henri 
victorious  at  Ivry,  lays  siege  to  Paris, 
425;  his  catholic  adherents  urge  him  to 
return  to  the  Romish  faith,  430;  he  re- 
ceives absolution  from  Clement  VIII, 
437-447;  history  of  his  return  to  Catho- 
licism, 440,  et  seq.,  446;  his  return  to, 
and  welcome  reception  in,  Paris,  443; 
Jean  Chastel's  attempt  on  the  king's 
life,  444;  Henri  is  crowned  and  anoint- 
ed atChartres,  ib.;  he  aids  Clement  VIII 
in  the  conquest  of  Fcrrara,  45G;  he  pub- 
lishes the  edict  of  Nantes,  473;  ii.  42; 
he  banishes  the  Jesuits,  i.  444;  subse- 
quently recalls  them,  473;  his  queen, 
Mary  de  Mcdicis,  482;  ii.  47,48;  politi- 
cal situation  of  Henri,  43;  murder  of, 
48. 

Henry  III,  emperor  of  Germany,  claims 
to  be  paramount  sovereign  in  Christen- 
dom, i.  35;  appoints  German  ecclesias- 
tics to  the  papal  chair,  37. 

Henry  IV,  emperor  of  Germany,  i.  38, 
39  n.,  90. 

Henry  111,  king  of  England,  overpowered 
by  his  barons,  i.  39. 

Henry  VII,  his  nomination  of  the  English 
prelates,  i.  44,  398. 

Henry  Vlll,  suppression  of  monasteries 
by,  i.  44;  his  hostility  to  Luther,  88; 
he  sends  some  supplies  toClemeut  VII, 
ib.;  applies  to  him  for  a  divorce  from 
Catherine  of  Arragon,  89;  his  breach 
with  Rome,  ib.;  supreme  head  of  the 
English  church,  101. 

Heresies,  the  Lutheran  doctrines  consi- 
dered by  Romish  ecclesiastics  as,  i.  82, 
102  n.;  persecution  of,  136,  et  seq.,  225; 


484 


INDEX. 


men  accused  of,  from  factious  and  poli- 
tical enmilies,  138;  the  Genevan,  195; 
in  the  Netherlands,  338;  heresy  of 
kings  absolves  subjects  from  the  oath 
of  allegiance,  410,  413,  439;  reputed 
heresy  of  Poland,  ii.  12. 

Heretical  books,  proposed  to  be  burnt,  i. 
82;  catalogue  of  those  prohibited  by 
the  inquisition,  139. 

Heretics,  the  pope's  right  to  pardon,  i.  136. 

Hermes  Trismegistus,  i.  292. 

Hermits,  of  the  sixteentii  century,  i.  116; 
of  Monlserrat,  122. 

Herzogenbusch,  canons  of,  i.  365. 

Hesse,  the  Reformed  church  of,  i.  79; 
the  landgrave  Philip  of,  86,  106,  109; 
his  success  in  restoring  the  Duke  of 
Wirteinberg,  88;  William  IV,  landgrave 
of,  383. 

Hierarchy  of  Rome,  their  influence  over 
the  Frankish  empire,  i.  30;  their  rela- 
tions with  the  German  emperors,  35; 
state  of,  under  Sixtus  V,  405. 

Hieronymites,  religious  fraternity,  their 
study  of  classical  learning,  i.  62. 

Hilary,  St.,  legend  of,  i.  31. 

Hildesheim,  bishopric  of,  i.  370. 

Holland,  William  prince  of  Orange,  i.  337, 
358,  364,  365;  Duke  of  Alva,  338;  exe- 
cution of  Counts  Egmont  and  Horn, 
339;  successful  resistance  to  Alva  in, 
344;  the  Seven  United  Provinces,  346; 
the  Reformed  cliurch  oi',  ib.;  the  states 
general,  their  war  against  Don  John  of 
Austria,  360;  they  shelter  the  fugitive 
protestants  from  Belgium,  381;  progress 
of  Catholicism  in  the  United  Nether- 
lands, ii.  70;  Spaniards  marching  upon 
Amsterdam  are  surprised  at  Wesel,  110; 
prosperity  of  the  Dutch,  123. 

Holy  Ghost,  the,  i.  102,  132,  135,  204. 

Horn,  Count,  beheaded,  i.  339. 

Hosius,  cardinal,  i.  350. 

Huguenots,  wars  of  the,  i.  227,  342,  345, 
385,  387;  the  provinces  of  !•  ranee  most 
filled  with,  enumerated,  316,  319;  re- 
action against,  and  its  causes,  340,  et 
seq.,  ii.  68;  general  massacre  of,  i.  344; 
edict  of  Nantes  tolerating  the  Reformed 
church,  473:  the  protestants  under  Ro- 
han and  Soubise  are  courted  by  cardinal 
Richelieu,  ii.  89;  and  deserted  by  him, 
90;  their  stronghold  of  La  Rochelie 
taken  by  Richelieu,  97;  number  of  the 
protestant  churches  in  France,  42. 

Hund,  Wiguleus,  i.  322. 

Hungary,  obedience  of  the  bishops  of,  to 
the  Roman  pontiff,  i.  42;  invasion  of, 
by  the  Turks,  72,  73,  79,  226,  476;  the 
protestants  of,  82,  311;  ii.  30,  31;  the 
peasantry,  catholic,  i.  319;  Jesuits'  col- 
lege at  Tyrnau,  in  322;  independence 


of  the  states  of,  ii.  30;  their  resistance 
to  religious  persecution,  36;  civil  war, 
ib.;  election  of  a  king  of,  appendix,  397. 

Huss,  John,  memory  of,  ii.  62. 

Hyacinth,  capuchin  friar,  ii.  66. 


Iceland,  the  Reformed  church  in,  i.  310. 

Iconoclasts,  the,  i.  31,  358,  359. 

Idolatry,  decline  of,  i.  27. 

Illuminati,  the,  i.  125;  alumbrados  of 
Spain,  ib.;  their  mystic  visions,  ib. 

Imbize  and  Ryhove,  protestant  insurrec- 
tion of  Ghent  under  these  republican 
leaders,  i.  359,  364. 

Indies,  East,  Jesuits  in  the,  i.  141,  149; 
Portuguese  conquests  in,  298;  ii.  77; 
Bramins  converted  by  father  Nobili,  78; 
the  emperor  Akbar,  ib.;  Shah  Jehangir, 
79;  college  at  Agra,  and  missionary 
at  Patma,  ib. 

Indulgences,  sale  of,  i.  44,  53,  54,  244; 
ostensible  cause  of  the  Reformation,  64. 

Ingoldstadt,  state  of  the  catholic  church 
in,  i.  314,  325;  Jesuits  recalled  to,  322; 
university  of,  322,  325,328;  diet  of,  328. 

Innocent  III,  pope,  i.  494. 

Innocent  VIII,  letter  of  Lorenzo  de'  Me- 
dici to,  i.  46;  pawns  the  papal  tiara, 
245. 

Innocent  IX,  Giovan-Antonio  Fachinetto, 
fivors  the  league,  i.  431. 

Innocent  X,  cardinal  Pamfili  elected  as, 
ii.  149;  he  sequestrates  the  property  of 
the  Barberini,  ib.;  his  sister-in-law, 
Ollmpia  Maidalchina,  150;  his  affable 
character,  151;  he  obliges  the  barons  to 
pay  their  debts,  ib.;  his  kinsman  Don 
Camillo  Astalli  promoted,  152;  dissen- 
sions in  his  family,  151,  153;  these  dis- 
sentions  terminate  only  with  his  life, 
153,  154;  public  buildings  erected  at 
Rome  by,  1 66:  his  reform  of  the  mon- 
asteries, 194:  See  appendix,  423,  425, 
428. 

Innocent  XI,  of  the  house  of  Odeschalchi, 
pope,  ii.  217;  his  dispute  with  Louis 
XIV  on  the  regale  of  the  Gallican  va- 
cant benefices,  218,  219;  he  passes  the 
censures  of  the  church  on  the  ambassa- 
dor of  Louis  XIV,  who  had  repaired  to 
Rome  under  a  powerful  military  escort, 
221;  boldness  of  Innocent  in  the  angry- 
dispute  with  Louis  which  threatened  a 
schism  in  the  church,  221;  et  seq.;  he 
supports  Austria  against  the  Turks,  ib.; 
his  knowledge  of  the  design  of  William 
of  Orange  against  James  II,  222;  his 
strenuous  conduct  as  to  the  nomina- 
tion of  the  archbishop  of  Cologne,  and 


INDEX. 


485 


in  refusing;  the  right  of  asylum  in  the 
French  ambassador's  palace,  lb.;  his 
vigor  and  talent  advanced  the  papal  in- 
terests, ib.;  his  death,  ib.;  life  of,  appen- 
dix, 445,  446,  447. 

Innocent  XII,  cardinal  Antonio Pignatelli 
elected,  ii.  223:  asserts  the  dignity  of 
Rome,  and  refuses  the  Galilean  fbrmulre 
submitted  to  him,  ib.:  Louis  XIV's 
letter  to,  224  n.:  this  pope  is  reconciled 
to  the  French  interests,  225,  and  note. 
Appendix,  449. 

Innocent  XIII,  and  Benedict  XIII,  popes, 
account  of,  by  Pietro  Capello,  ii.  appen- 
dix, 457. 

Inquisition,   the  Spanish,  i.  44,  136,  225, 

318,  319;  the  ancient  dominican,  136; 
cardinals  appointed  inquisitors  at  Rome, 
136,  265;  extraordinary  powers  of  the, 
136, 198;  rules  of  the  holy  office,  137; 
it  persecutes  the  Italian  ecclesiastics, 
v/ho  preached  seripturally,  138;  prohi- 
bits many  books  by  a  catalogue,  139; 
persecution  by,  under  Pius  V,  221,  225; 
the  Roman,  renovated,  221, 265,318, 464; 
in  tlie  Netherlands,  337;  Sixtus  V  de- 
sires its  introduction  into  France,  401. 

Inquisitors,  "Compendium"  of  the  Ital- 
ian, i.  102,  139,  n. 

Inspruek,  city  of,  i,  324. 

Intellectual  tendency  of  the  age  of  Leo 
X,  i.  55. 

Interdict,  ii.  494. 

Interim,  the,  published  by  Charles  V, 
i.  168. 

Ireland,  rebellion  of  O'Neill,  earl  of  Ty- 
rone, i.  257;  the  Irish  faithful  to  Rome, 

319,  353,  407;  Gregory  XIII  prepares 
an  expedition  under  Stukely  against, 
354;  Desmond's  insurrection  in,  ib.; 
absolute  subjection  of,  ii.  123. 

Isis,  worship  of,  significant  in  Kgypt,  i, 
25;  an  unmeaning  idolatry  at  Rome,  ib. 

Italian  language,  by  whom  brought  to  a 
pure  and  admired  state  ef  perfection, 
i.  57. 

Italy,  Lombard  kingdom  in,  i  25-30; 
temporal  dominions  of  the  popes,  33, 
46,  51;  temporal  authority  of  bishops 
in  upper,  36;  independent  duchies  of, 
39;  ducal  houses  of,  47;  Venetian  power 
in,  ib.;  the  guelfic  and  ghibcUine  parties 
in,  48,  161,  237;  coasts  of  the  papal  do- 
minions, 51,  233,252;  state  of,  in  the 
15th  century,  178;  early  enthusiasm  of 
Italians  in  classical  learning,  56,  287; 
perfection  of  Italian  language,  57;  po- 
etry, 57-59,  72,  280,  290;  tragedy,  57; 
comedy,  57,  60;  romance,  58,  59;  school 
of  painting,  59,  96,  290,  293;  sculptors, 
59;  golden  age  of  learning  and  art,  un- 
der Leo  X,  60;  political  impulse  derived 
VOL.  II. — 42 


from  this  Italian  pre-eminence,  77;  en- 
couragemeut  of  the  great  musicians  of, 
60;  intellectual  tendency  of  the  age  of 
Sixtus  V,  in,  287,  et  seq.;  seliool  of 
philosophy  of,  61,  291;  mathematicians 
of,  288;  literature  of,  56-77,  287-290, 
298,  302,  449;  works  of  erudition,  288; 
ceremonious  titles,  289;  field  sports  in, 
61,  232;  museums  of  natural  history, 
288;  advancement  of  geography,  ib.; 
physical  sciences  cultivated  in,  491; 
state  of  religious  feeling  in,  63;  the  call 
for  foreign  intervention  occasions  the 
loss  of  Italian  independence,  65,  289; 
Francis  I  invades,  66;  Swiss  defeated  at 
Marignano,  ib.;  contest  between  Charles 
V  and  Francis  I  in,  60,  76;  the  Imperial- 
ists joined  by  the  troops  of  Leo  X  wrest 
Milan  from  the  French,  74,  76;  arro- 
gance and  rapacity  of  the  Spanish 
troops  of  Charles  V  irritate  the  Italian 
people  and  the  pope,  Clement  VII,  77; 
nationality  of  the  Italians  fostered  by 
eminence  in  literature  and  art,  ib.;  Cle- 
ment VII  enters  upon  hostilities  against 
the  Spanish  power  under  Charles  V,  77, 
78;  the  Italians  unable  to  resist  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  German  reformers, 
79;  triumph  of  the  Imperialists,  in,  ib.; 
French  claims  in,  totally  repressed,  80; 
the  entire  peninsula  subjugated  by 
Charles  V,  who  restores  Florence  to  the 
family  of  Medici,  81;  loss  of  the  na- 
tional independence  of,  81;  new  alliance 
with  Francis  I,  85;  state  of  the  church 
of  Rome  at  the  close  of  the  life  of 
Clement  VII,  88-91;  opinions  analo- 
gous  with  protestantism  current  in,  96, 
99;  literary  societies  of,  96,  98,  100, 
138;  devotional  complexion  of  the  learn- 
ed associations  of,  96,  97;  new  monas- 
tic  orders  in,  115-119;  benevolent  in- 
stitutions for  orphans  and  education, 
120;  persecution  by  the  incjuisition, 
throughout,  133,  et  seq.;  opinions  of 
men,  suppressed  in,  140;  institution  of 
the  Jesuits  by  Loyola,  in,  121,  140,  et 
seq.;  rivalry  of  the  Medici  and  the  Far- 
nesi,  161;  new  contests  among  the  pow- 
erful factions  and  interests  of,  164,  169, 
172, 182, 184,  237,  260;  climate  of,  169; 
wars  of  Paul  IV,  182,  184;  description 
of  the  Romagna  and  Papal  States,  231; 
fertility  and  agriculture  of,  232,  272; 
products  of,  232;  hunting  of  the  wild 
boar,  232;  fishing,  232;  commerce, 
233;  population,  233;  courage  and 
character  of  the  people,  233,  ct  seq., 
252;  municipal  institutions  of,  232-235, 
239;  nobles  of  the  cities  of,  235,  240, 
289;  barons  of,  prodigal  and  poor,  238, 
258;  peasantry,  &c.,  of,  233,  238;  cili- 


486 


INDEX. 


zens  and  arlizans  of,  237;  powerful 
families  and  factions,  clans  of,  described, 
238;  militia  of,  252;  banditti,  261,  268, 
271;  administration  of  Sixlus  V,  268, 
270,  et  seq.;  all  the  states  of  Italy  show 
deference  to  him,  261;  care  of  the  chief 
cities  by  Sixtus,  272;  silk  and  woollen 
manufactures,  273;  Calvinism  arose  on 
the  frontier  of,  315;  Catholicism  in  ac- 
tive and  successful  contest,  in,  318,  502, 
503;  the  popes  jealous  to  maintain  all 
their  rights  and  pretensions  throughout 
the  Italian  peninsula,  485,  ii.  227;  Urban 
VIII,  jealous  of  the  Spanish  rule  in 
Italy,  107,  108;  foundation  of  new  fami- 
lies  in,  136-141;  the  armies  of  republi- 
can France  overrun  Italy,  244, 
Iwan  Wasiljowitsch,  ii.  21. 


James  I,  reign  of,  ii.  51,  66, 71,  73,  75,  87; 
appendix,  378. 

James  II,  dethroned,  for  his  leaning  to 
Catholicism,  ii.  222. 

Jansenists,  the  French  sect  of,  ii.  202,  206, 
231;  their  doctrines,  203;  the  "Augns- 
tinus"  of  Jansenius,  ib.;  account  of  Port, 
royal  des  Champs, its  learned  institution, 
and  eminent  men,  207;  Version  of 
Scripture  by,  208;  theology  of,  and  pie- 
ty, ib.;  Jansenius,  bishop  of  Ypres,  his 
new  and  strict  doctrine,  203. 

Japan,  mission  of  St.  Francis  Xavier  to, 
ii.  77;  father  Valignano  founds  a  chris- 
tian community  in,  80;  numerous  con- 
verts,  81;  the  Jesuits  at  length  suffer 
martyrdom  in,  80. 

Jacobins,  the,  or  dominicans,  i.  474  n. 

Jaureguy,  a  Biscayan  bigot,  i.  364. 

Jay,  Le,  the  Jesuit,  1.  145,  321. 

Jerusalem,  pilgrims  to,  i.  125;  tomb  of 
Jesus  at,  415. 

Jesi,  town  of,  maintains  its  independence, 
i.  240. 

Jesuits,  the,  history  of  Ignatius  Loyola,  i. 
121;  he  represented  Jesus  as  a  king 
warring  against  the  infidels,  122;  Chro- 
nicon  Breve  of,  126  n.;  Loyola  preaches 
repentance  in  Italy,  128;  denominates 
his  disciples  the  '  Company  of  Jesus,'  ib.; 
their  vows  of  obedience,  &c.,  129,  142; 
elect  Ignatius  Loyola  for  their  general, 
129;  devote  themselves  to  preaching, 
confession,  and  education,  130, 142, 146; 
causes  of  the  influence  they  rapidly  ac 
quired,  130,  142:  their  adventurous 
missions,  130,  141,  149;  progress  of 
Jesuitism,  140,  et  seq.,  366;  their  col- 
lege at  Venice,  141;  Jesuits  of  Spain, 
141,  149,  225,  366;  of  France,  141,  150, 


341,  385;  of  the  Netherlands,  141,  150, 
355,  359,  366;  of  Portugal,  141;  of  Ger- 
many, 142,  149,  321,  370,  372;  rules 
for  the  German,  369;  of  Poland,  Livo- 
nia, and  Lithuania,  ii.  25;  of  Italy,  i.  149; 
Jesuits  become  confessors  to  high  per- 
sonages, 141;  constitutions  of  the  socie- 
ty, ib.,  et  seq.,  144  n.;  did  not  accept 
ecclesiastical  dignities,  145;  book  of 
spiritual  exercises,  by  Loyola,  147;  com- 
parison of  Jesuitism  with  protestantism, 
)49;  Ignatius's  followers  considered  as 
a  spiritual  army,  ib.;  number  of  Jesuits' 
colleges,  149,  255;  uphold  the  severe 
spirit  of  the  Roman  church,  253;  they 
occupy  upper  Germany  with  their  semi- 
naries of  education,  321-324;  effect  of 
their  labours,  324,  325-326;  their  suc- 
cess in  France,  341,  et  seq,,  412;  ii.  89; 
English  college  of,  at  Rome,  i.  355;  as- 
sassination sanctioned  by  certain  mem- 
bers of  the  society  of,  364;  arc  persecu- 
ted in  England  by  Elizabeth,  394-395; 
their  doctrines  as  to  the  supremacy  of 
the  pope  over  temporal  princes,  &.C., 
407-410,413,492;  their  style  of  preach- 
ing, 423;  are  banished  by  Henri  IV 
from  France,  444;  dissensions  among 
the  fathers  of  the  society  of  Jesus,  461- 
474;  Eberhard  Mercurianus,  463;  Clau- 
dio  Acquaviva,  general  of  the  order, 
463-468;  Clement  VIll  imposes  new 
regulations  for  their  internal  govern- 
ment, 467;  rule  of  studies,  468;  political 
movement  against  the  order,  471;  Henri 
IV  re-establishes  the  order,  473;  their 
controversy  with  the  dominicans,  ib.; 
ordered  by  Paul  V  to  quit  Venice,  495; 
not  readmitted  by  the  Venetians,  498; 
issue  of  the  affairs  of  the  Jesuits,  500- 
502;  their  success  in  Germany,  ii.  28, 
tt  seq.,  113;  in  Switzerland,  40;  their 
missions  in  America,  76;  in  Hindostan, 
77,  78,  79;  in  Japan,  80;  in  China,  79; 
in  Abyssinia,  81;  in  the  Turkish  do- 
minions,  82;  to  Cliristina  of  Sweden, 
178-179;  changes  in  the  constitution  of 
the  company  of  Jesus,  in  the  17th  cen. 
tury,  196-202;  tlieir  controversy  with 
the  Jansenists,  202,  212;  suppression  of 
the  orderof  Jesuits,  234-241;  historians 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  appendix,  370- 
372,  et  passim.;  writings  relating  to  this 
and  other  monastic  orders,  appendix, 
447. 

Jews,  monotheism  of  the,  i.  26:  burnt  by 
the  crusaders,  40:  of  Italian  sea-ports, 
447. 

John  of  Austria,  Don,  victorious  over  the 
Turks,  i.  227:  is  sent  by  Philip  II  to 
the  Netherlands,  346:  is  designed  to 
conduct  the  invasion  of  England,  353: 


INDEX. 


4S7 


his  politic  administration  in  Spanish 
Flanders,  360. 

John,  St.,  Gospel  of,  i.  141. 

John  XXIII,  pope,  i.  301. 

Joseph  II,  the  emperor,  political  and  papal 
concerns  of  liis  reign,  ii.  241-24'2. 

Joseph,  father,  capuchin,  the  confidant  of 
Richelieu,  ii.   115. 

Jovius,  his  Annals  admired,  i.  72  n. 

Joyeuse,  Henri  dc,  cardinal,  a  capuchin, 
i.  386;  ambassador  at  Venice,  497,  49i}. 

Jubilees,  at  Rome,  i.  42,  244,  281. 

Juliers,  the  state  of  religion  in,  ii.  38,  57. 

Julius  II,  state  policy  of  this  pope,  i.  47; 
his  passion  for  conquest,  51;  he  aggran- 
dizes the  pap.il  territorial  dominion,  ib.; 
deprives  the  Venetians  of  the  coasts  of 
the  Ecclesiastical  States,  52;  his  valor 
in  old  age,  ib.:  his  triumphs,  ib.:  ac- 
quires Parma,  Piacenza,  and  Reggie, 
ib.:  Macchiavelli's  testimony  of  his  high 
character,  ib.;  rebuilds  the  church  of 
St.  Peter,  59,  281:  his  alliance  with  the 
Swiss,  65;  dispute  with  Louis  XII,  68; 
financial  affairs  of,  245;  the  Loggia 
built,  and  the  palace  of  the  Vatican  re- 
stored, by  iiim,  281. 

Julius  III,  pope,  i.  144;  cardinal  Montc's 
election  under  the  name  of,  171;  he 
unites  with  Charles  V,  173,249;  is  con- 
strained to  a  truce,  174;  becomes  dis- 
contented with  the  Spanish  bishops,  ib.; 
his  quiet  retreat,  from  political  animo- 
sities, at  his  new  palace  near  the  Porta 
del  Popolo,  ib.;  he  imposes  new  taxes, 
249. 

Justification,  doctrine  of,  i.  98,  100,  111, 
132,  469;  agitations  and  revolutions 
caused  by  its  promulgation,  98;  Conta- 
rini  De  Justificatione,  133  n. 

Juvenciu.'!,  his  account  of  Jean  Chastel,  i. 
444;  of  the  Jesuits,  473  n.,  501  n. 


K. 


Kadan,  consequences  of  the  peace  of, 
favorable  to  tlie  Lutherans,   i.  88. 

Kammergericht,  injunction  to  the,  i.  88; 
assessors  of  the,  383,  384,  385  n.  ii.  31. 

Kings,  the  authority  of,  how  far  dependent 
on  the  church;  controversies  on,  i.  407, 
et  seq.;  supposed  legitimate  causes  of 
their  deposition,  410,  41 1,  413,  439;  the 
divine  right  of,  413,  tt  seq.,  444,  493; 
catholics  refuse  submission  to  protestant 
princes,  400,  410,  413,  414,  439  443 
461. 

Koster,  Franz,  professor  of  astronomy,  i. 
324. 


Laetus,  Pomponius,  i.  154. 

Lainez,  studies  at  Paris  with  I-oyola,  i. 
127;  at  the  council  of  Trent,  134;  ex- 
position of  St.  Jolin's  Gospel,  by,  141; 
his  precepts,  325,  468  n. 

Lambecianus,  annahsla,  i.  34  n. 

Lambertini,  cardinal  Prospcro,  pope  Bene- 
dict XIV,  ii.  228. 

Lamormain,  Jesuit,  ii.  120. 

La  Motte,  Pardieu  dc,  i.  361. 

Lancellotti,  nuncio  in  Poland,  ii.  appendix, 
377. 

Lando,  Giovanni,  his  mission  from  Venice 
to  Innocent  XI,  ii.  appendix,  447. 

Landriano,  legate  in  France,  i.  430. 

Landsberg,  treaty  of,  i.  382. 

Languages,  improvement  of,  among  the 
nations  of  Europe,  i.  41;  perfections  of 
modern,  57;  study  of  the  ancient,  pro- 
secuted, i.  55-60,  97,  321-324. 

Laocoon,  the,  i.  284. 

Latin,  used  by  Roman  ecclesiastics,  gives 
place  to  modern  European  languages,  i. 
41;  classical  authors  studied  in  Italy, 
and  by  Arabians  in  the  15tli  century, 
56;  high  merit  of  the  Italian  writers  of, 
ib.;  theology,  jurisprudence,  and  mathe- 
matics taught  in,  ib.;  imitation  of  an- 
cient classical,  56,  62;  Plautus  imitated 
by  Italian  writers  of  comedy,  57,  60; 
study  of  Ciceronian  Latin,  60,97;  Jesuits 
teach  the  ancient  languages,  321-324. 

Lauenburg,  prince  of,  i.  314;  Henry  of 
Saxe-Lauenburg,  348,  369, 384. 

La  Chaise,  pere,  hostile  to  Rome,  ii.  231. 

Lavalktte,  the  Jesuit,  his  commercial  con- 
cerns, ii.  235,  236. 

Law,  the  Jewish,  i.  26;  its  constancy  in 
the  worship  of  one  God,  i.  26. 

Lazari,  Dionysius,  on  the  state  of  catho- 
licism  in  England,  ii.  apfiendix,  378. 

Le  Tellier,  the  Jesuit,  ii.  232. 

League,  the  French  holy  catholic,  i.  228, 
257,  385-391:  les  seize,  or  the  sixteen, 
chosen  at  Paris,  390,  430,  440  n.;  as- 
sassination of  the  Guises  excites  the 
league  to  renewed  activity,  399;  on  the 
assassination  of  Henri  III,  it  resolves 
to  oppose  the  just  claim  of  Henri  IV  to 
the  throtie,  400,  ct  seq.,  423,  425;  Gre- 
gory XIV  declares  in  iavor  of,  430:  the 
members  of  the  estates  who  had  joined 
the  league  proceed  to  the  election  of  a 
king,  instead  of  Henri  IV,  439,  el  seq., 
443,  461. 
Learning,  revival  of,  in  the   west,   i.  56, 

63  n.;  cultivated  in  Italy,  56,96. 
Legates,    authority    of  pa[)al,  i.   39,   106, 
131,  204,  207,  237,  392,  399,  417,  430, 
439. 


488 


INDEX. 


Leipzig,  battle  of,  gained  over  Tilly  by 
Giistavus,  ii.  117. 

Le  Mailre,  M.,  his  eloquence,  ii.  205:  his 
pious  seclusion,  205, 207. 

Lentailleur,  Jean,  abbot  of  Benedictines, 
endows  a  college  for  Jesuits,  i.  359. 

Leo  III,  pope,  rescued  from  contending 
factions  by  Charlemagne,  i.  33. 

Leo  IX  assumes  the  right  to  govern  the 
Galilean  church,  i.  37. 

Leo  X,  John,  third  son  of  Lorenzo  de' 
Medici,  i.  6G:  his  concordat  with  Fran- 
cis I,  43,  66:  his  concessions  to  the  lay 
sovereigns  of  Europe,  43,  45  n.;  intel- 
lectual tendency  of  his  era,  promoted 
by,  56,  283:  patronised  the  stage  at 
Rome,  60:  gave  his  name  to  the  age  in 
which  lie  governed  the  church,  60,  70: 
his  passion  for  music,  60:  benevolence 
of,  ib.:  absence  of  pride  in,  60,  61: 
gaiety  of  his  court,  61:  wars  in  Italy 
in  his  time,  65,  et  seq.:  firmness  of  Leo, 
and  conference  with  Francis  I,  67:  his 
attack  on  Francesco  Maria,  Duke  of 
Urbino,  ib.:  Leo  escapes  the  snare  of 
poison,  ib.:  sentence  against  the  cardi- 
nals implicated,  67  n.:  reasons  of  his 
supporting  Charles  V  against  Francis  1, 
68:  his  reasons  for  not  persecuting  Lu- 
ther, ib.:  outlawry  of  Luther,  69:  his 
successes  in  the  Italian  war,  ib.:  reco- 
vers Parma  and  Piacenza,  ib.:  his  death, 
70:  his  character,  how  estimated  by  the 
Romans,  70:  judgment  of  posterity  on, 
ib.:  tone  of  society  sceptical,  96:  his 
financial  necessities,  245,  et  seq.:  his 
dependents  ruined  by  his  early  death, 
247.  See  ii.  appendix,  261,  264,  266, 
et  passim. 

Leo  XI,  of  the  house  of  Medici,  dies  short- 
ly after  his  election,  i.  482. 

Leopold,  reforms  the  church  of  Tuscany, 
ii.  242. 

Lepanto,  victory  of,  over  Selim  II,  i.  227. 

Lerma,  duke  of,  Spanish  minister,  i.  496. 

Lesdiguieres,  turns  Roman  catholic,  ii. 
68. 

Less,  Jesuit  of  Louvain,  i.  470. 

Leti,  Grcgorio,  Biography  of  Sixtus  V, 
by,  ii.  appendix,  324. 

Levant  trade,  the  i.233;  foreigners  attract- 
ed to  Italy  by,  ib. 

Leyden,  resists  the  Duke  of  Alva,  i.  345. 

Liberty  and  autocracy,  opposition  of,  i. 
414. 

Lichtenstein,  protestants  of  this  house,  ii. 
36,  61. 

Liege,  bishopric  of,  i.  370. 

Lilio,  Luigi,  his  plan  respecting  the  calen- 
dar, i.  256. 

Lipsius,  Justus,  advocated  severity  in  mat- 
ters of  faith,  i.  367. 


Literary  societies  of  Italy,  i.96,  100;  reli- 
gious complexion  of,  96, 103. 

Literature  of  Italy  and  Rome,  i.  56-77, 
287-290,  302,  449;  certain  literati  of 
eminence,  298. 

Lithuania,  Lutherans  of,  i.  350;  Jesuits  in, 
ii.  25;  Gustavus  Adolphus  in,  112. 

Living,  holy,  i.  111. 

Livonia,  the  Lutheran  church  established 
in,  i.  310;  Jesuits  in,  ii.  25;  conquered 
by  Gustavus  Adolphus,  112. 

Lombards,  kingdom  of  the,  i.  30;  Arians, 
ib.;  Astolphus  attacks  Rome,  31;  the 
exarchate  given  to  Rome  by  Pepin  le 
Bref,  33. 

Lombardy,  power  of  the  Venetians  in,  i. 
47;  claimed  by  Charles  V,  68;  his  Spa- 
nish armies  secure  the  possession  of, 
76;  new  contest  against  Charles  V  for, 
78;  Clement  VII  marches  his  troops 
into,  without  meeting  success,  78,  79. 

Lopez,  Portuguese  Jew,  an  adviser  of  Six- 
tus V,  i.  279. 

Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  how  far  obedient  to 
the  pope,  i.  45;  letter  of,  to  Innocent 
VIII,  46;  his  repute  for  wisdom,  47; 
his  sons,  66. 

Loreto,  city  of,  i.  272;  chapel  of  the  Virgin 
at,  272,  417. 

Lorraine,  cardinal  of,  at  Trent,  i.  203, 
386. 

Lorraine,  house  of,  i.  333. 

Lothaire,  (if  the  house  of  Metternich,  elec- 
tor of  Cologne,  ii.  27,  et  seq. 

Louis  the  Moor,  i.  179. 

Louis  XI,  character  of  his  devotion,  i.  43. 

Louis  XII,  bis  views  on  Italy,  i.  65,  68. 

Louis  XIII,  minority  of,  ii.  48,  56;  his 
reign,  85,  94;  dispute  of  Richelieu  with 
the  Jesuits,  89;  the  cardinal's  treachery 
to  ti)e  protestants,  89-90;  the  king 
marches  into  Italy  to  settle  the  Mantuan 
succession,  108. 

Louis  XIV,  reign  of,  ii.  217,  et  seq.;  his 
quarrel  with  Iimocent  XI  on  the  regale, 
218,  219;  his  absolute  rule  of  the  Galil- 
ean clergy,  219;  the  king  gratified  by 
the  assembly  of  1682  having  maintained 
the  liberties  and  usages  of  the  French 
national  church,  220;  he  persecutes  the 
Huguenots,  ib.;  dragonnades,  ib.;  con- 
duct of  his  ambassador  at  Rome,  who 
incurs  censure  from  Innocent  XI,  221, 
222;  Europe  resists  the  king's  ambitious 
enter()rises,  221,  223;  he  establishes  his 
younger  grandson,  Philip  of  Anjou,  on 
the  throne  of  Spain,  225,  et  seq.;  he  en- 
deavours to  extirpate  the  protestants, 
233. 
Louis  XV,  reign  of,  ii.  336. 
Loyola,  Ignatius,  his  history,  i.  120; 
wounded   severely    at   the   defence    of 


INDEX. 


489 


Pampoluna,  121;  his  mind  visionary, 
ib.;  divests  himself  of  liis  kniglitly  ur- 
mour,  122;  intended  pilgrimage  to  Jeru- 
salem, ib.;  his  ascetic  enthusiasm,  123; 
his  religious  influences  not  derived  from 
scriptural  study,  124;  his  presumed 
visions  of  Jesus  and  the  Virgin,  ib.; 
moral  feelings  of  mysticism,  ib.;  his 
obedience  to  the  churcli,  125,  12'J;  his 
friendship  witli  Peter  Faber  at  the  uni- 
versity ot  Paris,  126;  his  influence  over 
Francesco  Xavicr,  Salmeron  and  other 
students,  126,  127;  his  admiration  of 
Caraflfa  and  the  theatins  at  Venice,  128; 
his  street-preaching  in  Viccnza,  ib.;  the 
pope  sanctions  the  establishment  of  the 
Company  of  Jesus,  129;  Ignatius  is 
chosen  general  of  this  new  order  of 
regular  clergy,  ib.;  the  Jesuits  renounce 
the  monastic  habits  and  exercises,  ib ; 
address  themselves  to  preaching,  con- 
fession, and  education,  130;  influence 
acquired  by  Ignatius,  ib.;  his  memorial 
against  heresies,  130;  his  further  pro- 
gress, 140;  the  Spanisii  Jesuits,  141; 
French  and  Flemish,  ib.;  the  select  as- 
sociates of  Ignatius,  142;  his  book  of 
spiritual  e.vercises,  147,  et  seq ;  extent 
of  provinces  over  which  he  had  influ- 
ence at  his  death,  149;  MaflTci's  Life  of, 
298;  ii.  appendix,  371;  Thomist  doctrine 
recommended  by,  i.  468;  his  canonina- 
tion,  ii.  58;  life  of  Ignatius,  by  ecclesi- 
astical historians,  appendix,  370-372. 
See  Jesuits. 

Liibeek,  bishopric  of,  i.  314,  353. 

Lucca,  city  of,  i.  233;  money-changers  of, 
249;  assertion  of  the  authority  of  its 
magistrates  in  sanctioning  the  papal 
decrees,  486. 

Lucerne,  Jesuits'  college  at,  i.  356;  catho- 
lic alliance  with  the  Ibrcst  cantons,  392; 
the  nuncio  established  at,  ii.  39. 

Ludovici,  his  Triumph  of  Charlemagne,  i. 
62  n. 

Ludovisi,  house  of,  ii.  141. 

Ludovisio,  Alessandro,  pope  Gregory  XV, 
ii.  57. 

Ludovisio,  cardinal  Ludovico,  nephew  of 
Gregory  XV,  and  his  minister,  ii.  58, 
119,  141;  his  life  written  by  Giunti,  ap- 
pendix, 373. 

Luines,  dc,  constrained  to  restore  the 
church  property  in  Beam,  ii.  52,  56. 

Lunden,  archbishop  of,  i.  113. 

Luther,  his  indignation  on  hearing  the 
conversation  of  the  ecclesiastics  in  Italy, 
i.  62;  his  opposition  first  excited  by  the 
sale  of  indulgences,  64;  his  undaunted 
attack  on  tiie  papal  auliiorit^s  ib.;  Ger- 
many filled  with  his  writings,  ib.;  Maxi- 
milian I  recommends  him  to  the  elector 


of  Saxony,  68;  outlawry  of,  69;  the  re- 
former is  seized,  but  kept  concealed,  ib.;  " 
surmises  respecting  his  temporary  dis- 
appearance, ib.;  his  renewed  activity, 
74;  success  of  his  partisans,  78,  79;  the 
peace  of  Kadan  establishes  the  German 
Lutheran  churches,  88;  doctrines  of  the 
reformer,  98-99,  105,  124,  134;  how  far 
received  by  the  learned  and  devout  in 
Italy,  96,  98,  133;  attacked  in  Germany, 
106;  cardinal  points  of  his  doctrine 
stated.  111;  embassy  from  the  confer- 
ence of  Ratisbon  to,  112;  his  disgust  at 
the  combination  of  the  two  creeds,  112, 
115;  mental  distress  of,  123;  yet,  not  a 
visionary,  124. 

Lutheran  religion: — see  Luther,  Protes- 
tants, Reformation. 

Lutheranism,  the  orthodox  doctrines  of,  i. 
98,  111,  134;  system  of  faith,  105,  111; 
assumes  a  rigid  and  exclusive  form, 
153. 

Lutherans  of  Sweden  refuse  to  tolerate  the 
Romanists,  ii.  15,  18. 

Luxemburg,  duchy  of,  i,  361;  M.  de  Lux- 
embourg's mission  from  Henri  IV  to 
Rome,  422,  425,  438. 

Luxury,  i.  233. 

Lyons,  acquisition  of  the  territory  of 
Bresse,  <fec.,  by  this  city,  i.  476;  Jesuits' 
college  at,  341;  capuchins  at,  3d6. 


M. 


Macchiavelli,  allusion  to  the  authority  of 
Julius  II  by,  i.  52;  comedies  of,  57;  he 
wrote  for  Leo  X,  60;  counsels  his 
Prince,  344;  his  doctrines  attacked  by 
Ri'.  adeneira,  412 

Macedo,  Antonio,  Jesuit,  contributes  to 
the  conversion  of  Christina  of  Sweden, 
ii.  177,  €t  seq. 

Madruzzi,  cardinal,  i.  297,  429,  432:  ii.  31. 

Maestrieiit,  treaty  signed  in  the  camp  at, 
i.  362;  importance  of  the  terms  of  this 
pacification  of  Flandt  rs,  ib. 

MafTei,  History  of  the  Portuguese  con- 
quests in  India,  by,  i.  298;  Life  of  Loy- 
ola, by,  ib.;  ii.  appendix,  371;  Annals  of 
Gregory  XIII,  by,  appendix,  322. 

Magdeburg,  protcstant  archbishopric  of,  i. 
3S5;  taken  by  Tilly  and  the  imperial. 
i.sts,  117. 

Magius,  Jesuit  provincial,  in  Austria,  i. 
375. 

Mahomet,  religion  of,  132;  triumph  of 
islamism  in  the  eastern  cmi)irc,  ib. 

Maidalchina,  donna  Olympia,  ii.  150,  et 
seq.;  she  rules  Innocent  X,  her  brother^ 
in-law,  153,  et  passim. 

Maimnd,  caliph,  i.  56, 
42* 


490 


INDEX. 


Malaspina,  papal  nuncio  in   Germany,  i. 
■     368,  377;    ii.  12,   16;  Dialogo,  by  the 
archbishop  of  Prague,  Malaspina,  ii.  ap- 
pendix, 355. 

Malatesta  family  expelled  from  Rimini,  i. 
4!),  51. 

Malatesta,  Roberto,  i.  261. 

Maldonat,  his  Exposition  of  the  Bible,  i. 
341. 

Malefactors  at  Rome,  right  of  affording 
asylum  to,  i.  478,  et  seq. 

Malvasia,  the  Discorso  of,  ii.  appendix, 
366. 

Man,  early  resident  on  the  coasts  of  the 
Mediterranean,  i.  25;  his  relation  with 
the  Creator,  26,  64,  99;  is  prone  to  evil, 
104;  justification  of,  by  faith,  98,  100, 
111,  133;  its  influence  on  the  heart  of, 
135;  spiritual  impulses  of,  ib. 

Manbelli,  family  of,  Guelphic  partisans,  i. 
238;  attacked  the  banditti,  239. 

Manfredi  family,  of  Faenza,  i.  49. 

Mankind,  prepared  for  the  reception  of  tlie 
Christian  dispensation,  i.  26. 

Manrique,  bishop  of  Carthagena,  i.  465, 
466;  grand  inquisitor,  470. 

Mantica,  learning  of  this  ecclesiastic,  i. 
298. 

Mantuan  succession,  war  of  the,  ii.  98,  99- 
103;  the  claimants,  99,  100,  101;  se- 
qucslration  of  Mantua  pronounced  by 
the  emperor  until  an  adjustment,  102; 
taken  by  the  imperialists,  116;  ceded  to 
the  duke  of  Nevers,  ib. 

Marcellus  II,  cardinal  Marcello  Cervini 
elected  pope,  i.  175;  a  friend  to  papal 
reformation,  176;  his  irreproachable 
character,  ib.;  life  of,   ii.  appendix,  309. 

March  of  Ancona,  the,  i.  232,  233,  241, 
272,417. 

Marco  of  Padua,  i.  97. 

Mariana,  on  the  kingly  authority,  i.  410 
n.;  on  the  society  of  Jesuits,  463  n.; 
463,  464;  his  doctrines,  470. 

Marino,  i.  48. 

Maronites,  the,  ii.  82. 

Marot,  the  poet,  his  account  of  the  duch- 
ess of  Ferrara,  i.  140. 

Marriage,  papal  dispensations  of,  i.  73;  of 
priests,  discussed,  109,  204,  313;  mixed 
marriages,  ii.  24;  disputable  validity  of, 
on  account  of  religious  differences,  25. 

Marseilles,  attack  on,  in  1524,  i.  76. 

Martin,  St.,  i.  31. 

Martyr,  Peter,  [Vermigli,]  flies  from  Italy, 
i.  138. 

Martyrs,  their  constancy  persuaded  men 
to  the  Christian  faith,  i.  27;  their  num- 
ber at  Rome,  29. 

Mary  I,  of  England,  persecution  in  her 
reign,  i.  193,194. 

Mary  II,  the  princess  of  Orange  and  Wil- 


liam III  supplant  James  II  on  the 
throne  of  England,  ii.  1.59. 

Mary  Stuart,  queen  of  Scots,  i.  194;  war- 
like preparations  by,  ib.;  causes  which 
induced  Elizabeth  to  put  her  to  death, 
396. 

Mary  de  Medicis,  queen  of  Henri  IV,  i. 
482;  ii.  47;  regent  of  France,  48,  56. 

Mass  'of  pope  Marcellus,'  composed  by 
P.  L.  Palestrina,  i.  295;  the  Roman 
ritual,  ii.  62. 

Masses  for  the  souls  of  the  deceased,  i. 
276. 

Materialism,  i.  61. 

Matthias,  the  emperor,  ii.36;  succeeds  his 
brother,  Rodolph  II,  in  Austria,  Mora- 
via and  Hungarj',  36,  38;  his  demise, 
53. 

MatthifE,  Dr.  Johann,  ii.  175. 

Matthicu,  French  Jesuit,  confers  with 
Gregory  XIII,  i.  388. 

Maurice,  duke  ofSaxony,i.  163,  173. 

Maximilian  I,  the  emperor,  protects  Lu- 
ther from  violence,  i.  68. 

Maximilian  II,  mild  government  of  the 
emperor,  i.  317,  349. 

Mayenee,  city  of,  its  protestants,  i.  313; 
Daniel  Brendel,  elector  of,  323,  334; 
university  of,  323;  electors,  and  estates 
of,  384;  John  Adam  von  Bicken,  elector 
of,  ii.26;  John  Schweikerd, elector  of,27, 
51,  67;  Catholicism  re-established  in,  27. 

Mayenne,  duke  of,  i.  390;  his  ambitious 
projects  as  leader  of  the  holy  league, 
440. 

Mazarin,  cardinal,  his  support  of  the  house 
of  Barberini,  ii.  149:  expelled  by  the 
frond e  from  France,  155. 

Meat,  tax  on,  i.  250. 

Mechlin,  or  Malines,  i.  365. 

Medici,  the,  dukes  of  Tuscany,  i.  47,  71, 
164;  re-established  at  Florence  by  the 
Spanish  armies,  75;  family  discord,  90; 
Lorenzo  de',  45-47,  67.  See  Lorenzo. 
Cosmo  de',  56,  139.  iSee  Cosmo.  Giulia- 
nu  de',  61,  66;  Pietro  de',  ib.;  Giovanni 
de',  pope  Leo  X,  ib.,  &c.;  Giulio  de', 
pope  Clement  VII,  69,  71,  75,  &c.; 
Catherine  de',  85,  342.  See  Catherine. 
Mary  de',  482,  &c.  See  Mary.  Mr. 
Roscoe's  life  of  Leo  X,  ii.  appendix,  261 . 

Medici,  Giovan-Angelo,  pope  Pius  IV,  i. 
196. 

Medici,  Giangiacomo,  marquis  of  Marig. 
nano,  detail  of  his  career,  i.  196,  et  seq. 

Medici,  cardinal  Ippolyto,  ii.  appendix, 
288. 

Medicine,  fantastic  tiieory  of  the  Arabians 
in  this  science,  i.  56;  better  spirit  of  the 
Italian  physicians,  ib.;  Galen,  Hippo- 
crates, and  Aristotle  studied,  ib.;  phy- 
sicians' fees,  233. 


INDEX. 


491 


Mediterranean,  early   nations  settled   on 
the  coasts  of  tiie,  i.  25;  Arab  conquests, 
30. 
Meiners,  on  the  revival  of  polite  literature, 

i.  63  n. 
Melanctlioii,  doctrines  of  the  reformer,  i. 
106;  his  arguaients  at  Ratisbon  on  the 
question  of  pacification  of  the  church, 
106,  111. 
Meininingcn,  prcceptory  of  St.  Antony  at, 

i.  314;  protestant  ascendency  in,  ib. 
Menard,  Nicholas  Hugo,  ii.  46. 
Mendicant  orders,  privileges   and  powers 
granted  by  Sixtus  IV  to  the,  i.   54,  55; 
furnish  tlie  most  powerful  assailants  of 
the  papacy,  64;  licentiousness  arises  in 
the,  116. 
Mendoza,  don  Diego,  i.  163  n.;  164,  166; 
his   correspondence,  as  ambassador   at 
Rome,  166,  169,400. 
Mercy,  order  of  the  brethren  of,  ii.  47. 
Mentz,  elector  of,  i.  114. 
Metella,  Ctecilia,  destruction  of  her  tomb 
at  Rome  contemplated  by  Urban  VIII, 
ii.  169. 
Metz,  city  of,  i.  44. 
Michael   Angelo   Buonarotti,   works  of,  i. 

59,  282;  his  Moses,  59. 
Miciieli,    Venetian    ambassador,    on    the 

protestant  church  of  France,  i.  316  n. 
Middle  ages,  fantastic  notions  entertained 
in  the,  i.  55;  the    Arabians   cultivated 
literature  and  science  in,  56. 
Milan,  archbisiiops  of,  i.  36;  ducal  family 
of  Sforza,   47;  French  designs  on,   66; 
treaty   between   Leo  X  and  Charles  V 
for  the   rcconquest  of,   69;    Spanish  or 
imperial  dominiou  in,  81;  its  sufTcrings 
from    the  protracted  wars,  120;  the  in- 
quisition in,  139;  war  renewed  between 
Francis  I  and  Charles  V  for  the  posses- 
sion of,  159,  160;  Carlo  Borromeo,  arch- 
bishop of,  199,  215,  22-2,  et  seq.;  beauty 
of  the  city,  223;  regular  clergy  called 
oblati,  at,  224;  afTuirs  of,  ii.  90. 
INIilensio,   fra   Felice,   ii.  34;    importance 
of  his  conduct  at  the  diet  of  Ratisbon, 
34,  35. 
Milensio,  Filippo,  ii.  appendix,  360. 
Minden;  this  bishopric  falls  into  protestant 

hands,  i.  314. 
Minio,  Marco,  on  tite  early  Italian  stage^ 
i.  57  n.;  60  n.;  Relatione  ot^,  ii.  appendix^ 
265. 
Minucci,  Minuccio.  Memoir  of  the  nun- 
cio, i-  381,  384;  Discorso,  by,  ii.  appen- 
dix, 344. 
Miracles,  modern— by  St.  Hilary  and  St. 
Martin,  i.  31;  of  the  Virgin,  300;  various 
superstitions,  ib.;  Polancus  on  modern, 
ii.  appendix,  372. 
Mirandola,  assault  of,  by  Julius  II,  i.  52. 


Missal,  the  Roman,  i.  226,  333. 
Missions,  of  the  society  of  Jesus,  i.  130,141, 
321,  326;  institution  of  the  propagjiida 
fidci,  ii.  58,  et  seq.;  to  South  America, 
India,  Chma,   Abyssinia   and  Turkey, 
76-83. 
Mocenigo,   Aluise,  Relatione    of,    i.    108, 
178,  190  n.,  192  n.,  252  n.,  416;  ii.  228, 
appendix,  461,  464. 
Mocenigo,  Giovanni,  the  Relatione  of,  ii. 

appendix,  361. 
Mocenigo,  Piero,  his  account  of  the  papal 
court    under  Clement  X,  ii.   appendix, 
442. 
Modena,  religious  tenets   of  Bishop  Mo- 
rone,  of,  i.   100;  Girolamo   da  Modena 
and  the  academy  of,  100,  138;  Tomaso 
da  Modena,  111;  the  territory  of,  a  fief 
of  the  empire,  453. 
Molina,  Luis,  on   the   disputed   points  of 
faith,   i.  469;   his   charges   against  the 
Dominicans,  470;  controversy  of,  ii.  242. 
Molino,  Domenico,  i.  415. 
Molino,  F.,  the  Relatione  of,  ii.  appendix, 

358. 
Monaldeschi,  put  to  death  by  Christina  of 

Sweden,  ii.  182. 
Monastic  orders,  the,  i.  39;  new  religious 
orders,   115-150,   492;    reformation    of, 
imperative,  117;  stricter  discipline,  154, 
178;  the  Theatins  united  clerical  duties 
to  monkish  vows,  119,  120;  enthusiasm 
of  Loyola  in  reviewing  the  lives  of  St. 
Dominic  and  St.  Francis,  121;  the  in- 
quisition  furnishes   deadly  weapons  to 
the   bigoted    monks,   138;    seclusion  of 
monks  and  nuns,  commanded   by  Pius 
V,  221;  monte  de'  frati,  or  tax   imposed 
upon,  250;  decline  of  the  German  con- 
vents, 314. 
Moncontour,  battle  of,  i.  343. 
Monotheism  of  the  Jews,  i.  26. 
Montaigne's  visit  to  Fcrrarii,  i.  448. 
Montalto,  bishopric  of,  i.  272,  417. 
iMontalto,  cardinal,  [Sixtus  V,]  i.  266,  302; 
Montalto,  cardinal,  confided  in  by  Sixtus 
V,  275,  429,  482;  his  consent  obtained 
to  the  election  of  cardinal  Aldobrandino 
asClement  VIII,  4.32-434. 
Montalto,  marquis  of,  i.  275. 
Monte,  cardinal,   [Julius  III,]  i.   171,   et 

seq. 
Monte,  cardinal,  i.  175,  187. 
Montecatino,  of  Ferrara,  i.  449. 
Monte  Corona,  monastery  of,  i.  116. 
Montefeltri,  Roman  family,  i.  51. 
Montefiascone,  vineyards  of,  i.  232, 
Montfort,  Simon  de,  his  cruelty  in  exter- 
minating the  Albigenses,  i.  40. 
Montigny,  Emanuel  de,  i.  362. 
Montmorency,  constable  de,  i.  169. 
Montorio,  papal  nuncio,  ii.  64. 


493 


INDEX. 


Montscrrat,  recluses  of  the  solitary  rocks 
of,  i.  U2. 

Moors  of  Spain,  subjugated,  i,  120. 

Moravia,  Jesuits  in,  i.  322. 

Moravian  brethren,  liie,  i.  317;  ii,  30. 

Morelli,  Anibiosio,  i.  491. 

Mornay,  Pliilippe  du  Plessis,  i.  482  n. 

Mororie,  bishop  of  Modena,  i.  100,  102,  n.; 
his  mission  to  Germany,  and  instruc- 
tions from  Paul  III,  105,  111;  his  suc- 
cessful conference  with  Ferdinand  I  at 
Inspruck,  206-208;  his  "Relatione  som- 
mariasopra  la  legationesua,"  207,211  n, 

Morosini,  papal  legate,  his  despatches  from 
France  to  Sixtus  V,  i.  389  n.;  his  in- 
structions from  Sixtus  relative  to  Henry 
Ill's  conduct,  399,400,  422. 

Morosini,  Andrea,  society  assembled  at 
his  iiouse  in  Venice,  i.  415,  491. 

Morosini,  Francesco,  his  description  of  the 
court  of  Clement  XI,  ii.  appendix,  453. 

Moscow,  city  and  church  of,  ii.  21. 

Moulart,  Mathieu,  bishop  of  Arras,  i.  361. 

Miihlhausen,  government  of,  i.  392. 

Munich,  Jesuits  in  the  Bavarian  capital,  i. 
324,  32J;  architecture  and  music  flour- 
ish in,  ib.;  the  city  captured  by  tlie 
Swedes,  ii.  1 19. 

Municipal  institutions,  i.  234-235,  239,  et 
seq.,  272. 

Milnster,  state  of  religion  in  this  city,  i. 
313,  348;  ii.  65;  lirnest  of  Bavaria  is 
elected  bishop  of,  i.  370;  Jesuits  at,  370; 
ii.  65. 

Muretus,his  Commentary  on  the  Pandects, 
i.  298. 

Music,  Italian,  i.  60,  295;  German,  329. 

Muzn,  victories  of  the  Saracen  general,  i. 
30. 

Mystery  of  faith,  i.  124. 

Mysteries,  the  Etrurian,  i.  30;  gnostic,  125. 

Mysticism,  Loyola's  visionary,  i.  124.  See 
Jansenists. 


N. 


Namur,  state  of  religion  in,  i.  358. 

Nani,  Zuannc,  the  Relatione  of,  ii.  appen- 
dix, 404. 

Nantes,  edicl  of,  i.  473;  ii.  45. 

Naples,  account  of  king  Ferdinand  of,  as 
given  by  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  i.  45;  de- 
signs of  P'rancis  I  against,  76;  acquisi- 
tion of  by  Charles  V  and  the  Spaniards, 
81,  179,  166;  influence  of  Juan  Valdez 
at,  98;  ac;idemy  of,  139;  troubles  in, 
164;  wine  of,  called  mangiagucrra,  180; 
Henri  II  sends  a  Frcncli  force  against, 
183;  defended  by  Alva,  182,  184;  cede- 
siastical  concerns  of,  224;  the  regent 


Ponte,  486,  487;  don  Carlos,  king  of,  ii. 
227. 

Napoleon  Buonaparte,  military,  adminis- 
trative, and  ecclesiastical  government 
of,  ii.  245-250. 

Nardi,  the  historian,  i.  97. 

Nares,  Dr.,  quoted,  i.  194. 

Narni,  Girolamo  da,  his  eloquent  preach- 
ing, ii.  59. 

Nassau,  iiouse  of,  princes  of  Orange,  i. 
338,  344-364,  365. 

Nassau,  count  of,  a  Lutheran,  i.  367. 

National  deities,  worship  of,  i.  25,  284. 

Nations,  liberties  of,  i,  414,  415. 

Natural  history,  study  of,  i.  288,  292. 

Navagero,  cardinal  Bernardo,  i.  60;  Rela- 
tione of,  quoted,  177  n.,  ISO  n.,  483  n.; 
ii.  appendix,  311. 

Navarre,  king  of.     See  Henri  IV. 

Negro,  Girolamo,  i.  72  n.,  74  n. 

Neri,  Filippo,  founds  the  congregation  of 
the  Oratory,  i.  299,  300;  ii.  46. 

Nestorian  church  of  St.  Thomas  in  India, 
ii.  81;  of  Syria,  82. 

Neuburg,  count  palatine  of,  ii.  35. 

Netherlands,  political  relations  of  the,  un- 
der Charles  V,  i.  178;  under  Philip  II, 
257, 317,  319;  protestants  of  316;  church 
of  Holland  inclines  to  the  tenets  of 
Calvin,  as  a  result  of  the  executions  by 
Alva,  317;  formal  confession  subscribed 
by  the  persecuted  Flemings,  ib.;  the 
Walloon  provinces,  319,  358-363;  dis- 
turbances in,  337;  the  inquisition  in,  ib.; 
sanguinary  government  of  the  duke  of 
Alva,  338,  et  seq.,  344;  the  provinces  of 
Holland  and  Zealand,  &c,  successfully 
resist  tlie  Spaniards,  344-347,  358;  reli- 
gious affairs  of,  346,  358;  celebrated 
Flemish  bishops,  358;  Jesuits'  colleges, 
in,  358,  360;  war  between  the  states. 
general  and  don  John  of  Austria,  360; 
wise  and  political  administration  of  Far- 
nese,  the  Spanish  governor  of,  361;  trea- 
ty of  Maestricht,  its  importance  to  the 
Flemish  population  of,  363;  summary 
of  the  history  of,  ib.;  sea-ports  o),  463; 
William  of  Orange  murdered,  364,  365. 

Neuburg,  Louis  count  palatine  of,  i.  383. 

Nevers,  Carlo  Gonzaga  duke  de,  ii.  99; 
regarded  as  a  Frenchman,  ib.;  Mantua 
delivered  to  him,  116. 

Nevers,  Louis  Gonzaga  duke  de,  his  mis- 
sion from  Henri  IV  to  Clement  VIII,  i. 
441;  his  ill  reception  at  Rome,  442. 

Nice,  congress  at,  i.  158,  159. 

Nicholas  I,  pope,  deplores  tiic  loss  of  the 
Greek  patriarchate,  i.  34  n.,  281. 

Nicholas  V,  buildings  at  Rome  by,  ii.  ap- 
pendix, 259. 

Nickel,  Goswin,  ii.  197. 

Nicoletti,  Andrea,  quotations  from,  ii.  94 


INDEX. 


493 


n.,  120  n.;  his  Life  of  Urban  VIII,  ap- 
pendix, 407. 

Noblie,  Lorenzo,  and  Liicio  Gucrricri, 
their  memorial  to  Innocent  X,  entreat- 
ing him  to  pardon  the  insurgent  citizens 
of  Fermo,  ii.  appendix,  423. 

Nobili,  the  Jesuit,  his  mission  in  India, 
ii.  77. 

Nobles;  power  of  the  aristocracy  great  in 
the  17th  century,  ii.  159;  the  Roman, 
appendix,  365. 

Nordlingen,  protestant  party  in  power  at, 
i.  314. 

Normandy,  protestants  of,  i.  316. 

Nuncios  and  legates,  their  autliority  from 
Rome,  i,  31),  106,  131,  204,  207,  2,37, 
&c.,  302,  400,  417,  430,  439,  ii.  8,  24, 
39;  rules  for  the  conduct  of,  appendix, 
377. 

Nuns,  seclusion  of,  i.  221;  convents  ne- 
glected  or  suppressed,  in  Germany,  314; 
of  Calvary,  followed  the  rule  of  St.  Be- 
nedict, ii.  44;  the  ursuline,  46,  sisters  of 
mercy,  47. 

Nuremberg,  city  of,  protestant  school  at, 
i.  313. 


O. 


Ochino,  Bernardino,  Franciscan,  i.  101; 
preached  the  doctrines — of  justification 
through  grace,  ib. — of  faith,  137;  he 
flies  from  the  inquisition  to  Geneva,  138. 

Odeschnlchi,  family  of,  ii.  218.  See  Inno- 
cent XI. 

Oettingen,  convents  and  livings  of,  seized, 
1.314. 

Olahus,  Nicolaus,  archbishop  of  Gran  in 
Hungary,  i.  322. 

Oliva,  rector  of  the  Jesuits,  ii.  156,  198. 

Olivarez,  count  d',  Spanish  administration 
under,  i.  424-425,  432,  ii.  87,  94,  100; 
his  haughty  character,   101. 

Olmutz,  Jesuits'  college  at,  i.  323. 

Omer,  St.  bishops  of,  i.  358;  Jesuits'  col- 
lege at,  358,  360. 

Opinions.     See  Public  opinion. 

Opitz,  Joshua,  celebrated  protestant  preach- 
er at  Vienna,  i.  374;  is  exiled  by  Rudolf 
II.,  375. 

Orange,  William  of  Nassau,  prince  of,  i. 
337,  344  et  seq.;  first  stadtholder,  347, 
358;  price  set  on  his  head,  364;  his  life 
attempted  by  Jaureguy,  ib.;  is  shot  by 
Balthasar  Gerard,  365. 

Oratories  and  cells,  their  secluded  and  ro- 
mantic sites  in  Italy,  i.  117. 

Oratory  of  divine  love,  the,  a  society  of 
Roman  ecclesiastics,  i.  96,  103,  117. 

Oratory,  congregation  of  the;  or,  '  p6res  de 
r  oratoire,'  i.  299, 


Orfino,  bishop  Tommaso,  his  reformatory 
visitation  of  the  churches  at  Rome  and 
Naples,  i.  224. 

Orlandinus,  i,  141  n.;  History  of  the  Je- 
suits by,  ib.  n.;  ii.  appendix,  370,371. 

Orphan  hospitals  established  in  Venice  and 
other  cities  of  Italy,  i.  119. 

Orsini  family,of  the  Guelfic  party  at  Rome, 
i.  48,  164,  167,  271;  ii.  100;  Vitelli  and 
Baglioni  put  to  death  by  Borgia,  i.  49. 

Orsino,  cardinal  Camillo,  governor  of  Par- 
ma, i.  170,  188,  189;  Giulio,  184. 

Orsino,  Latino,  i.  261. 

Orsino,  duke  Virginio,  i.  272. 

Orsini  palace  at  Campofiore,  i.  282. 

Orvietano,  Carlo  C,  his  Memorials  for  the 
Life  of  Clement  X.,  ii.  appendix,  439. 

Osnabriick,  bishopric  of,  i.  348,  369. 

Ossat,  D',  his  mission  from  Henry  IV  to 
Clement  VIU,  i.  445,  456. 

Ostend,  port  of,  i.  363, 

Otho  the  Great,  i.  36. 

Ottobuono,  cardinal,  i.  155,  159. 

Oxenstiern,  Swedish  chancellor,  ii.  14, 184. 


P. 


Pacheco,  cardinal,  i.  187. 

Paderborn,  protestant  profession  of  the 
municipality  of,  i.  313;  bishopric  of,  348, 
309,  370;  ii.  27,  65. 

Padua,  literati  of,  i.  97,  288. 

Paez,  the  Jesuit,  his  mission  in  Abyssinia, 
ii.  81. 

Paganism,  overthrow  of,  i.  27. 

Pagliaricci,  Antonio  dei,  i.  102,  138. 

Painting,  the  Italian  schools  of,  i.  59,  96, 
290,  293. 

Palatinate,  the,  embraces  the  reformed 
religion,  i.  88,  109,  n.;  the  elector 
John  Frederic  tutored  by  Luther,  112; 
his  success  against  Maurice  of  Saxony, 
163;  Casimir  marches  to  Cologne,  367; 
affairs  of,  311,  323,  367,  368;  the  elector 
Frederic  signs  the  union,  of  protestants, 
ii.  35,  38;  a  champion  of  the  protestants, 
53,  117;  son-in-law  of  James  I  of  Eng- 
land, 53,  66;  seizes  on  the  crown  of  Bo- 
hemia from  Ferdinand,  54,  55;  his  de- 
feat at  Weissberg,  55;  the  Bavarians  and 
Spaniards  march  into  the  Palatinate,  56, 
64,  66;  king  of  Denmark  prepares  to 
succor  the  elector  Frederic,  88. 

Palearius,  Aonins,  i.  99  n. 

Palestrina,  Pier-Luigi,  musical  composer, 
i.  295;  Life  of,  by  Baini,  295  n. 

Pallavicini,  Genoese  family,  ii.  158. 

Pallavicini,  cardinal,  quotations  from  ,i.  83 
n.,  84  n.,  160  n„  1 18  n.,  203  n.;  ii.  155, 
157;  History  of  the  council  of  Trent,  by, 


494 


INDEX. 


appendix,    298;  his  Life  of  Alexander 
VII.,  appendix,  427-429. 

Palliano,  Caraffa  duke  of,  i.  182,  186,  188, 
198,  199. 

Punifili,  cardinal.  Innocent  X,  ii.  149. 

Pamfili,  Camillo,  liis  nuptials  witii  donna 
Olympia  Aldobrandino,  ii.  150-1.52. 

Pancirolo,  cardinal,  ii.  157. 

Pandects,  the.  Commentary  of  Mureton,  i. 
298. 

Panllieon,  the,  i.  59. 

Panvinius,  on  St.  Peter's  church  at  Rome, 
i.  59  n. 

Papacy,  the,  its  connection  with  the  Prank- 
ish empire,  i.  30,  33,  31:  subjection  of 
the  popes  to  the  German  line  of  empe- 
rors, 36:  increase  of  papal  power,  37, 
39:  policy  of  Gregory  VII,  38:  popes 
at  lengtli  independent  of  the  emperor's 
authority,  ib.:  quarrel  with  the  emperors, 
41:  p;ipal  encroachments  resisted  by 
J-Jdward  III,  42:  reverence  for  the  pon- 
titTs  renewed,  ib.:  Pius  II  fails  in  excit- 
ing Christendom  against  the  Turks,  43: 
relations  between  the  spiritual  and  tem- 
poral autliority  in  the  west,  modified  in 
favor  of  legal  influence,  44,  45:  exten- 
sion oftiie  States  of  the  Church,  46,  5i, 
170,  231,  et  seq.,  320:  nepotism,  and 
provision  made  by  the  popes  for  their 
families,  46,51,  275,  301:  their  ambition 
of  a  considerable  personal  dominion, 
47,  49:  atrocities  of  Alexander  VI  and 
liis  son  Caesar  Borgia,  49:  papal  tempo- 
ral dominion  increased  by  the  military 
successes  of  Julius  II,  51-52:  secular 
spirit  introduced  into  the  cliurch  by 
Sixtus  IV  and  Alexander  VI,  53-55, 
32r):  revenues  of  tlie  holy  see,  53-54, 
243,  et  seq.;  dispensations,  53,  104: 
ecclesiastical  corruptions,  ib.:  splendid 
age  of  LeoX,  60:  opposition  to,  in  Ger- 
many, 62:  Luther  effects  the  Reforma- 
tion, 62,  63,  64:  causes  and  agents  of 
the  increase  of  papal  power,  65:  con- 
cordat between  Leo  X  and  Francis  I, 
and  cession  of  Parma  and  Piaecnza  by 
Leo,  66:  triumph  of  Leo  X  and  Charles 
V,  at  Milan,  69:  Leo  recovers  Parma 
and  Piacenza,  ib.:  his  death  and  estima- 
tion at  Rome,  70:  the  conclave  elect 
Adrian  VI,  71:  pure  intentions  of  this 
pope,  71,  72:  his  sense  of  the  corrup- 
tions existing  in  tlie  holy  see,  73:  integ- 
rity of  the  papal  dominions  maintain, 
ed  by  the  Spaniards,  69,  75:  project  of 
the  legate  Campcggi  for  suppressing  the 
Lutheran  doctrines  of  Germany,  ,82: 
Charles  V  proposes  to  convene  a  coun- 
cil for  considering  of  the  errors  of  tlie 
church,  83:  alarm  at  Rome  consequent 
upon  this  resolve,  ib.:  the  false  position 


in  which  Clement  VII  found  himself, 
assisted  in  the  establishment  of  the  Ger- 
man Lutheran  churches,  88:  to  the  same 
political  cause  is  attributed,  in  part,  the 
English  secession  from  Rome,  ib  :  ques- 
tion of  Henry  VIII's  divorce,  89:  last 
year  of  Clement  VII  shrouded  with 
public  and  private  disappointment,  ib.: 
regeneration  of  Catholicism,  95:  epithets 
given  to  the  popes,  101:  supremacy  of 
the  popes,  101,  109,  212,  489:  internal 
reforms,  and  attempt  at  reconciliation 
with  other  Christian  churches.,  103,  105, 
106,  175,178,  201,  210:  papal  authority 
derived  through  St.  Peter,  104;  con- 
ferences in  a  German  diet  respecting 
church  reform,  106:  terms  proposed, 
109:  the  pope  not  to  be  considered 
Christ's  vicegerent  in  temporal  concerns, 
ib.:  Paul  Ill's  instructions  to  the  legate 
Contarini,  ]  10:  his  views  of  the  ques. 
tion,  112:  his  jealousy  respecting  the 
emperor's  claim  to  convoke  a  council, 
113,  131:  he  sends  his  legates  to  Trent, 
131:  questions  before  the  council,  two- 
fold— dogmas  and  reform,  131,  202:  the 
clergy  derive  support  (to  the  holy  office 
of  the  inquisition)  from  the  secular 
arm,  139:  personal  character  and  policy 
of  the  popes,  153,  301;  stricter  ecclesi- 
astical discipline,  154,  195:  false  posi- 
tion of  Paul  III  with  regard  to  Charles 
V  and  Germany,  161,  163,  et  seq.;  Ju- 
lius III  complains  of  the  Spanish  pre- 
lacy, 174:  Paul  IV  endeavors  reform  at 
Rome  and  a  strieler  monastic  discipline, 
178,  187,  190:  his  war  with  Charles  V, 
182:  secular  tendencies  of  the  papacy, 
183:  it  contributed  to  its  own  most  seri- 
ous losses,  195:  independent  principali- 
ties held  by  kinsmen  of  the  pontiffs, 
enumerated,  199,  274:  church  discipline 
enforced  by  Pius  V,  218:  he  forbade  all 
future  infeudation  of  church  property, 
230:  account  of  papal  government,  234, 
236,  238,  239,  et  seq.,  300,  301:  finances, 
53,  73,  83,  103,  242,21.3,  246,  250,  251, 
259;  bulls  and  briefs,  244:  the  achives, 
245:  papal  favorites,  252,  274,  302:  new 
feuds  arise  from  the  confiscations  under 
Gregory  XIII,  259:  banditti  infest  the 
papal  states,  261:  suppressed  by  Six- 
tus V,  268:  characteristics  of  the  ad- 
ministration of  Sixtus,  270,  300:  the 
Pandects,  299,  485:  accession  of  each 
pope  occasions  a  revolution  in  affairs, 
with  calculation  of  chances,  302:  am- 
bition and  intrigues,  301,  302:  history 
of  the  great  Counter-Reformation,  as 
favorable  to  the  restoration  of  the  popes 
to  a  plenitude  of  power,  309,  et  seq., 
351,  el  seq.,  503:  ii,  8-48:    possessions 


INDEX. 


495 


of  the  catholic  German   church  trans- 
ferred to  protestant  hands,  i.  314,  et  seq.; 
resources  possessed   by  tiic   pa[)ary  for 
the   contest  with  protestantism,  318,  et 
seq.;  sovereigns  wlioslill  adhered  to  the 
pope,  319:  the  popes  abandon  the  world- 
ly interest  which  had  been  their  object, 
320;  the  professio  Jidei  of  Trent,  332, 
351:  conciliation  resorted  to,   362:    pa- 
pal nuncio  permanently  established  in 
Switzerland,  392:  question  of  the  Galil- 
ean privileges,  401;  power  of  the  pope 
[Sixtus  V],  405:  on  spiritual  dominion, 
infallibility   of  the   pope,  &c.,  408:   op- 
position to  those  doctrines,  414:  of  the 
election    of   popes,   443,    et  seq.,   482: 
Clement  VIII  adds  Ferrara,  an  ancient 
fief  of  Rome,  to  the  papal  dominions  by 
conquest,  447,  455,  456:  French  cardi- 
nals, and    party,   at  Rome,  480,  et  seq., 
482:  the  disputes    between    Rome  and 
Venice  narrated,   485-500:  the  true  ob- 
jects   of  papal    authority,  493:    violent 
disunion  in  the  church  of  Rome,  485- 
502:  Eastern  and    American  missions, 
ii.  76-83:  conflicting  political  relations, 
84-97:     ambitious  purposes   of   Urban 
VIII,  89,  93:  complete  constitution  of 
the  States  of  the  Church  under  Urban 
VIII,   129,  et  seq.;  increase  of  the  debt 
of  the    Ecclesiastical   States,   133-135: 
the  congregazione  di  stato  established, 
157:  administration  of  church  and  slate, 
185-196:    of  the  opposition  of  the    Je- 
suits to  the  doctrines  of  Janscnius  and 
the    Arnauds  and  Pascal,  209-212:  of 
the  holy  see  and  the  temporal    power, 
212-215:  later   epochs  of  the   papacy, 
215,  et  stq ;  question  of  the  regale,  2)8, 
219:  Giovanni  Botero  on  the  Ecclesias- 
tical   States,    appendix,    368:    also,    T. 
Campanella  on  the  papal    government, 
appendix,  369- 
Paris,  Loyola  at  the  university  of,  i.  126, 
341:  prince  of  Conde  and  the  protestants 
lay  siege  to,  341:  catholic  spirit  of  the 
population   of,    390,     et  seq.:    Duke    of 
Guise  possesses  himself  of   Paris,  and 
Henry  III  flies,  391:  Henrji  IV  besieges 
the  city,  425:  a  Parisian  moderate  parly 
opposes  the  League  and  the  Spaniards, 
440,  et  seq.:  they  welcome  the  return  of 
Henry  IV  to  his  c;ipital,  443:  royal  li- 
brary at,  ii.  appendix,  345. 
Parma,  acquired  by  pope  Julius  II,  i.  52: 
Leo  X  cedes  the  duchy  to  Francis  I,  67: 
regains  the  duchy  of,  69:  the  Jesuits  at, 
140:  granted  by  I'aul  III  to  P.  L.  Far- 
nese,  164;  is  delivered  to  the  guardian- 
ship of  Camillo  Orsino,   170:    Ottavio 
Farnese  recovers,   170,  172:  Alexander 
Farnese,  prince  of,  governor  of  the  Low 


countries,  361-305:  the  duchy  is  ac- 
quired by  the  Spanish  prince,  Don  Car- 
los, ii.  227. 

Parsons,  the  Jesuit,  his  ill  designs  in 
London,  i.  355;  dogmatical  principles  of, 
398  n.,  407,  et  not. 

Pasquin,  his  sarcasm  on  Adrian  VI  and 
the  conclave,  i.  71. 

Patriarchs,  metropolitan,  instituted,  i.  29;  of 
the  Eistcrn  and  Western  churches, how 
far  separated  in  their  interests,  30,  34, 

Patrimony  of  the  church  of  Rome,  i.  33, 
46,51,170;  administration  of,  231,  et 
seq.,  252;  papal  government,  236.  (See 
Papacy,  Rome,  Church,  &c.) 

Patrizi,  Francesco,  i.  292,  450. 

Paul,  St.,  teaching  the  Athenians,  i.  26. 

Paul  II,  life  of,  by  PaulCanensius,  i.  62  n. 

Paul  III,  (Alexander  Farnese),  i.  54  n., 
76n.,  113,  141  n.,  236n.;  he  attempts  to 
reform  the  Roman  church,  103;  his  mo- 
deration, 105,  106;  articles  insisted  on 
by  this  pontiff  in  treating  for  tl  e  peace- 
ful re-union  of  the  church,  110;  his  view 
of  the  intended  compact  uncertain,  113; 
he  and  Luther  alike  refuse  to  ratify  the 
articles  of  the  conference  of  Ratisbon, 
115;  pontificate  and  character  of,  154, 
et  seq.;  Charles  V  remonstrates  with, 
156;  negotiations  of,  ib.  n.;  influenced 
by  astrology,  157,  165;  political  affairs 
of,  157,  242;  financial  affairs  of,  248. 
278;  his  family  alliances  with  Charles 
V,  and  projected  with    Francis  I,   158, 

159,  164;  his  enlightened  advice  to  the 
emperor,    159;  is    beset   by  difficulties, 

160,  et  seq.,  163;  be  deserts  Charles  V 
at  war  with  the  league  of  Smalcalde, 
162,  et  seq.,  163;  is  in  a  false  ])osition, 
and  implicated  with  the  German  protes- 
tant princes,  163,  166,  et  seq.,  169;  his 
disputes  with  his  family,  170;  his  death 
in  1549,  171;  encomium  of,  ib.;  his  in- 
structions to  cardinal  Farnese,  &.C.,  ii. 
appendix,  269,  305. 

Paul  IV,  cardinal  Giovanni  Pietro  Caraffa 
elected  (sfe  Caraff'a),  i.  177;  his  austere 
character,  177,  295;  his  political  prin- 
ciples, 178;  his  hostility  to  Charles  V, 
179,  181;  his  alliance  with  France,  179; 
he  promotes  his  nephew.  Carlo  CarafFa, 
181;  ennobles  his  other  nephews,  ib.; 
seeks  aid  from  German  protestants  and 
Ottoman  infidels,  183,  184;  his  troops 
advance  upon  Najjles,  181;  his  treaty 
with  Alva,  18G;  his  nepotism,  187;  his 
difficult  position,  186;  he  disgraces  the 
CarafFas,  his  nephews,  188;  abjures  ne- 
potism, 188,  189;  his  total  change  of 
policy,  189;  tumults  in  Rome  upon  his 
decease,  191;  progress  of  protestantism 
in  his  pontificate,  192;  he  sent  cardinal 


496 


INDEX. 


Pole,  legate  into  England,  193;  Paul's 
arrogant  reply  to  Elizabeth's  ambassa- 
dor, J  94;  contrast  of,  with  the  free  tem- 
per of  iiis  successor  Pius  IV,  197;  life 
of,  by  Bromato,  i.  55  n.,  184  n.,  188  n.; 
also  by  Caracciolo,  62  ii.,  96  n.,  117, 
190  n.;  life  of,  ii.  appendix,  310. 
Paul  V,  cardinal  Borghese,  elected,  i.  482; 
his  education,  character,  and  first  mea- 
sures of  severity  as  pontiff,  483,  et  seq.; 
lie  beheads  Piccinardi  for  his  biography 
of  Clement  VIII,  484;  considers  him- 
self the  sole  vicegerent  of  Jesus,  and 
administers  the  papal  authority  with 
strictness,  484,  485;  is  involved  in  dis- 
putes with  all  tlie  Italian  states,  486,  et 
Sfg.;  he  claims  the  sovereignty  of  Ceneda 
from  Venice,  487;  also  otFends  the  Ve- 
netians by  lilhes,  and  prohibition  of 
books,  488;  excommunicates  Leonardo 
Donato,  doge  of  Venice,  494;  grants 
absolution  to  the  Venetians,  how,  499; 
is  reconciled  with  Venice,  500;  aids  the 
catholic  princes  of  Germany,  ii.  55;  his 
death  by  apoplexy,  57;  allusions  to  his 
pontificate,  74,  104;  his  improvements 
at  Rome,  165;  his  Instructions  and  Life, 
appendix,  357,  360,  363,367. 

Paul,  St.  Vincent  de,  ii.  47. 

Pazmany,  archbishop,  of  Hungary,  ii.  63; 
cardinal,  120. 

Penitentiaria,  or  office  of  penances  at 
Rome,  i.  53,  74,  105. 

People,  on  the  sovereignty  of  the,  i.  409; 
their  asserted  rights,  ib.,  et  seq.;  not  free 
to  elect  an  heretical  king,  410;  sove- 
reignty of  the  people  considered  as  a 
legal  fiction,  413;  on  freedom,  413,  415. 

Pepin  d'lleristal,  i.  32. 

Pepin  le  Bref,  protects  Boniface,  i.  32; 
conquers  (he  exarchate  from  the  Lom- 
bards, and  grants  it  to  the  successors  of 
St.  Peter,  33. 

Peretti,  Felix,  pope  Sixtus  V,  his  early 
life,  i.  264. 

Peretti,  Peretto,  father  of  Felix,  i.  263. 

Peretti,  Zanetto,  a  Sclavonian,  i.  263. 

Perez,  Hurtado,  Jesuit  rector  at  Olmulz,  i. 
323. 

Peroto  slain  by  Csesar  Borgia,  i.  50. 

Perron,  cardinal  du,  i.  446  n.,  474,  482. 

Persecution,  spirit  of,  arises  in  Germany, 
i.  106;  ii.  62,  91;  at  Rome,  i.  136;  at 
Venice,  140;  in  England,  193;  of  catho- 
lics and  Jesuits  by  queen  Elizabeth,  394, 
395;  of  protestants  in  Poland,  ii.  26. 

Persico,  Antonio,  i.  264. 

Perugia,  Julius  II  acquires,  i.  51,  234; 
Leo  X  regains  the  city,  71;  products  of, 
232;  soldiery  of,  233;  political  relations 
of  the  city,  241;  it  revolts  against  the 
government  of  Paul  111,242-243. 


Pesaro,  Contarini,  Valiero  and  Sagredo, 
their  embassy  to  Alexander  VII  from 
Venice,  ii.  appendix,  424. 

Pescara,  character  of  the  famous  Spanish 
commander,  i,  77;  he  betrays  tlie  de- 
sign of  an  Italian  national  enterprise  to 
Charles  V,  ib. 

Pescara,  Marchesa  di,  Vittoria  Colonna,  i 
99,  102  n. 

Peter,  the  apostle,  his  doctrines  received 
at  Rome  as  the  rule  of  faith,  i.  29,  96 
his  apostolic  charge,  104. 

Peter,  St.,  cathedral  of,  its  history,  i.  59 
281;  the  celebrated  obelisk,284;  complet 
ed  by  Paul  V,  ii.  166. 

Peter's  pence  sent  to  Rome  by  Offa,  i.  31 
renewal  of,  42,  193. 

Petrarch,  classical  taste  of,  i.  62. 

Pflug,  Julius,  German  divine,  i.  106,  114, 
133. 

Pfyffer,  Louis,  i.  356. 

Philip  the  Fair,  reign  of,  i.  41. 

Pliilip  II  of  Spain,  hostilities  of  pope  Paul 

IV  against,  i.  181, 184, 186;  desires  to  be 
on  good  terms  with  Pius  IV,  208;  his  ad- 
monition to  Pius  V,219,224;  revolt  of  the 
Netherlands  against,  227,  337;  he  is  ex- 
cited to  violence  by  Gregory  XIII,  257; 
upholds  Catholicism  in  Spain  and  South 
America,  318;  cruelties  by  his  general 
Alva  in  the  Netherlands,  338,  et  seq., 
340;  is  persuaded  by  popes  Gregory 
and  Sixtus  to  the  enterprise  against 
Ehzabeth,  353,  et  seq.,  395,  et  seq.;  war 
of  the  Netherlands  against,  361,  et  seq.; 
he  conquers  Portugal,  363;  his  relations 
with  the  holy  league  of  France,  388; 
his  treaty  with  the  catholic  cantons  of 
Svvitzeriand,392;  his  alliance  withSixtus 

V  and  the  League,  400-401, 411, 415;  he 
excites  the  jealousy  of  Europe  by  in- 
fringing on  national  liberty,  414;  sends 
his  troops  into  Brittany,  430,  440,  443: 
affair  of  Ferrara,  456;  his  jealousy  of 
the  Jesuits,  465,  et  seq. 

Philip  III  of  Spain,  his  reign,  i.  497,  ii. 
84,  88. 

Philip  IV,  king  of  Spain,  ii.  94. 

Philip  V,  king,  war  of  the  Spanish  suc- 
cession ii.  224-230. 

Philology  indebted  to  the  Propaganda,  ii. 
59. 

Philosophy,  Italian  school  of,  i.  CI,  291. 

Piacenza,  or  Placentia,  acquired  by  Julius 
II,  i.  52;  ceded  by  Leo  X,  67;  and  ulti- 
mately recovered,  69;  granted  to  Pier- 
Luigi  di  Farnese,  164;  death  of  that 
duke  by  assassins,  165;  Charles  V  en- 
forces his  claim  to  this  city,  166,  168; 
Paul  III  desires  to  restore  it  to  the  holy 
see,  170. 


INDEX. 


497 


Piccinardi  beheaded  for  his  biograpliy  of 
Clement  VIII,  i.  484. 

Piccolomini,  Alfonso,  bandit,  i.  261,  262; 
is  absolved  of  his  crimes  by  Gregory 
XIII,  282;  he  again  commands  Italian 
banditti,  426. 

Piccolomini,  Jesuit,  ii.  197. 

Pigna  of  Ferrara,  i.  448. 

Pignatelli,  Antonio,  pope  Innocent  XII, 
ii.  223,  et  seq. 

Pilgrimages  reckoned  useless,  i.  314;  re- 
newed in  Germany,  373. 

Pilgrims,  on  the  jubilee  of  1450,  to  Rome, 
i.  42;  to  Jerusalem,  122,  et  passim. 

Pimentel,  Don  Antonio,  ii.  180. 

Pisa,  university  of,  i.  139. 

Pius  II,  jEneas  Sylvius,  preaches  a  cru- 
sade against  Mahomet  II,  i.  43;  epistle 
of,  44  n.;  his  limited  finances,  243. 

Pius  IV,  Giovan-Angelo  Medici,  elected 
pope,  i.  196:  account  of  his  family,  ib.; 
his  free  character  contrasted  with  the 
austerity  of  Paul  IV,  197,  198;  he  con- 
demns the  nephews  of  Paul  IV  to  death, 
199;  his  pacific  character,  ib.;  he  con- 
vokes the  third  council  of  Trent,  202; 
its  results,  204,  et  seq.;  his  difficult  po- 
sition consequent  thereon,  205;  is  de- 
sirous of  dissolving  the  council,  206; 
his  concessions  and  final  success,  212, 
213,  214;  attempt  to  assassinate,  215; 
public  edifices  raised  by,  282. 

Pius  V,  Michele  Ghislieri  elected  pope,  i. 
215;  his  early  career  narrated,  216;  his 
austerity  of  life  when  pontiff,  217;  his 
firmness  of  character,  218;  promotes 
the  Inquisition, 219,  221, 225;  maintains 
rigorous  church  discipline,  218;  his 
conduct  offensive  to  monarchs,  219;  his 
political  conduct  and  relations,  222,  et 
geq.,  232;  his  ecclesiastical  reforms,  224; 
is  the  promoter  of  a  league  against  the 
Turks,  220;  monte  lega,  and  tax  on 
meat,  by,  250;  his  persecuting  spirit, 
221,  225,  227;  his  death,  228;  further 
allusions  to,  343,  349,  353,  485;  life  of, 
by  Catena,  217  n.,  227  n. 

Pius  VI,  pope,  proceeds  to  Vienna  to  con- 
ciliate Joseph  II,  ii.  241;  his  feudal  au- 
thority repudiated  by  Naples,  242;  re- 
volt of  the  ecclesiastical  electors  of  Ger- 
many against,  242;  he  reprobates  the 
Jansenist-Gallican  doctrines  of  the  sy- 
nod of  Pistoja,  245;  his  firmness  during 
the  French  occupation  of  the  papal  ter- 
ritories, 245;  carried  prisoner  to  France, 
where  he  died,  245.  See  appendix,  317, 
319. 

Pius  VIT,  elected,  ii.  246,  254;  his  compact 

with  Bonaparte,  first  consul,  on  the  re- 

cstablishment  of  the  catholic  church  in 

France,  246;  he  refuses  to  sign  a  similar 

VOL.  II. — 43 


concordat  for  Italy,  247;  repairs  to 
Paris  to  the  coronation  of  Napoleon, 
247;  his  humiliation  at  Rome,  248,  249; 
is  carried  captive  to  Savona,  249;  signs 
the  concordat  of  Fontainebleau,  250; 
revokes  tiie  latter,  251;  new  era  of  the 
papacy  on  his  return  to  Rome,  251,  et 
seq. 

Plurality  of  livings,  i.  211. 

Poetry,  Italian,  i.  57,  72,  289-290;  epic 
romance,  58,  59;  Christian  fable  of  the 
great  Italian  poets,  58,  59,  292. 

Poictiers,  diocese  of,  ii.  69. 

Poison  employed  at  Rome,  i.  50,  67. 

Poland,  kingdom  of,  i.  35;  Lutheran  form 
of  religion  in  Prussian,  310;  reign  of 
Sigismund  Augustus,  311;  he  adheres 
to  Rome,  319,  350;  oath  required  of  the 
king  not  to  persecute  for  religion,  350; 
Stephen  Bathory,  king  of,  417;  ii.  8; 
Sigismund  Ill's  reign,  i.397;  ii.  10,  22; 
spread  of  Catholicism  in  this  kingdom 
and  the  neighboring  countries,  8-12; 
institutions  of,  10;  troubles  of,  22;  Gus- 
tavus  Adolphus's  wars  in,  112;  Russian 
power  over,  230.  See  appendix,  342, 
350,377. 

Pole,  Reginald,  cardinal,  his  retirement  at 
Venice,  i.  97,  101,  103;  remarkable 
sayings  of,  103;  his  letters  quoted.  111, 
112;  assists  at  the  council  of  Trent,  132, 
et  seq.;  sent  to  England  as  legate,  where 
he  condemns  the  persecution,  193,  201. 

Pomerania,  protestants  of,  i.  88. 

Pomponazzo,  Pietro,  doctrine  of  this  phi- 
losopher, i.  61. 

Pontine  marshes,  the,  i.  272. 

Popes,  the:  see  their  several  names,  also  see 
Papacy  and  Rome. 

Population  of  Rome,  elements  constituting 
it,  under  Leo  X,  i.  61;  under  Sixtus  V, 
300;  in  the  seventeenth  century,  ii.  160- 
165. 

Porcari,  Stephen,  insurrection  of,  ii.  ap- 
pendix, 259. 

Portar,  scientific  researches  of,  i.  491. 

Portroyal,  doctrines,  education,  learned 
men,  literature,  and  version  of  Scripture 
of,  ii.  202-209,  et  passim. 

Portugal,  its  ecclesiastical  orders  of  knight- 
hood, i.  44;  the  Jesuits  received  in,  141; 
is  conquered  by  Philip  II,  363;  discove- 
ries and  conquests  of  the  Portuguese  in 
India,  &c.,  ii.  76. 

Possevin,  Antonio,  Jesuit,  his  mission  info 
Sweden,  at  the  desire  of  king  John,  i. 
351,  et  seq.;  temporary  success  of  Catho- 
licism in  that  kingdom,  352;  and  in 
Russia,  ii.  21. 

Poverty,  monastic  vow  of,  i.  118. 

Powsinsky,  Bartholomeus,  papal  envoy,  ii. 
13. 


498 


INDEX. 


Pragmatic  sanction,  the,  regarded  as  the 
palladium  of  the  church  of  France,  i.  43; 
founded  on  the  decrees  of  the  council  of 
Basil,  ib. 

Prague,  Jesuits'  college  at,  i.  322;  conver- 
sions to  Catholicism  at,  ii.  62;  treaty  of, 
120. 

Predestination,  on,  i.  468,  469. 

Press,  restrictions  on  the,  by  the  Inquisi- 
tion, i  139,488. 

Primates  not  known  in  the  Christian 
church  in  the  first  century,  i.  29. 

Printing,  benefits  to  civilisation  by  the 
invention  of,  i.  56;  catalogue  of  books 
prohibited  by  the  inquisition,  139,  488; 
ii.  appendix,  385. 

Priuli,  Francesco,  i.  497  n. 

Priuli,  G., '  Cronica  Veneta,'  by,  i.  497  n. 

Priuli,  Lorenzo,  i.  233  n.,  267  n.,  271  n., 
387  n.;  Relatione  of,  ii.  appendix,  339. 

Priuli,  Luigi,  Venetian,  i.  97,  113;  learned 
men  frequenting  his  house,  97. 

Priuli,  Pietro,  i.  496  n.,  503  n. 

Professiojidei,  the,  according  to  the  for- 
mula of  the  confession  of  Trent,  i.  333, 
351,  369,  469. 

Propaganda,  the,  ii.  59;  missions,  76-83. 

Protestantism.  See  Luther,  Calvin,  Refor- 
mation. 

Protestants,  the  German,  i.  64;  outlawry  of 
Luther,  69,  74;  German  enthusiasm  for 
the  reformation,  78;  Lutheran  army  cap- 
tures Rome,  80;  diet  of  Augsburg,  81; 
delegates  sent  to  Clement  VII,  rebuked 
by  that  pontiff,  ib.;  he  demands  the  re- 
pression of  protestants  by  the  emperor 
Charles  V,  before  consenting  to  a  council 
for  considering  the  state  of  the  church, 
84,  85;  position  of  the  Lutherans  with 
respect  to  Charles  V  and  to  Rome, 
ameliorated  by  the  alliance  of  Clement 
VII  and  Francis  I,  86;  and  by  the  peace 
of  Kadan,  87;  progress  of  the  Reforma- 
mation,  89,  90;  its  doctrines  spread 
among  the  Italians,  96;  attempts  at  a 
reconciliation  by  Rome  with  the,  103; 
the  Lutherans  slow  to  sever  from  the 
apostolic  church,  105;  protestantism  be- 
come a  torrent  impossible  to  restrain, 
120;  doctrines  of,  compared  with  the  ca 
tholic,  134;  Jesuitical  doctrines  compar- 
ed with  the  protestant,  149,150;  league  of 
Smalcalde,  and  war  with  Charles  V,  162, 
173, 316;  remarks  on  the  progress  of  pro- 
testantism  in  the  pontificate  of  Paul  IV, 
192;  the  government  both  in  Germany 
and  England  share  in  the  spirit  of  the 
reformed  churches,  202;  political  tenden- 
cies of  protestantism,  213;  extermina- 
tion of  Huguenots,  by  Charles  IX  in 
France,  227,  344;  executions  of  the  pro- 
testants, by  Alva,  in  the  Netherlands,  i. 


227,  257,  317,  337-340;  state  of  protest- 
antism, A.  D.  1563,  310,  et  seq.;  see  Ge- 
neva, 315,316, &c.;the  reformed  church- 
es of  France  315,  et  seq,,  340;  ii.  55, 89  , 
90;  successful  invasion  of  all  the  terri- 
tories of  the  Latin  church  by  the  spirit 
of  protestantism,  i.  317;  established  in 
the  seven  united  provinces,  347;  revolu- 
tionary tendency  of,  at  Ghent,  359;  pro- 
testants  banished  from  Vienna  and  other 
imperial  cities,  375,  376;  ii.  29;  pro- 
testants of  Switzerland  zealous  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  new  creed,  i.  90, 
357,  392;  attempts  of  Sixtus  V  to  over- 
throw the  protestant  church  of  Eng- 
land by  force  of  arms,  395-398;  the  di- 
vine  right  of  kings  acknowledged  by  the 
protestant  churches,  413,  et  seq.;  church 
of  Sweden,  liturgy  of  king  John,  i.  90, 
310,  351;  ii.  14;  confession  of  Augs- 
burg established,  14;  of  Poland,  23,  24; 
of  Bohemia,  26;  the  edict  of  inter- 
position by  Ferdinand  II,  resisted  by, 
35;  the  union  signed  by  the  protestant 
princes  of  Germany,  35;  Gustavus  Adol- 
phus  re-instates  the  German  protestants 
in  power  and  independence,  114;  church 
of  England  established  by  the  revolution 
of  1688,  222;  protestants  of  Naples,  ap- 
pendix, 346. 

Prussia,  the  Lutheran  religion  established 
in,  i.  310;  ecclesiastical  secularization 
in,  310;  ii.  112;  Polish  Prussia,  26;  de- 
sign of  Ferdinand  II  upon,  power  and 
military  discipline  of,  render  the  king  of 
Prussia  a  match  for  Austria,  230. 

Public  ooinion,  its  action  in  matters  of 
faith,  i!  75.  78, 62,  90,  95, 110, 140,  200, 
311, 405, 443,  ii.  57;  conflicting  religious 
opinions  a  characteristic  of  the  16th 
century,  i.  153;  conflict  of  opinions,  412. 

Pultusk,  college  of,  ii.  11. 

Purgatory,  the  releasing  from,i.  55;  doubts 
respecting,  136,  137,  310. 

Puritans,  the,  ii.  49,  123. 


Q. 


Quedlinburg,  abbey  of,  314. 

Quintin,  St,,  battle  of,  i.  185,  193. 

Quirini,  Giacomo,  references  to,  i.  113, 133, 
n.;  ii.  158;  courts  of  Alexander  VII  and 
Clement  IX,  described  by,  158:  appen- 
dix, 435. 


R. 


Raesfeld,  dean,  of  Munster,  i.  370. 

Raffaele  d'Urbino,  his  paintings,  i.  59;  re- 
presents human  beauty  with  ideal  per- 
fection, 60. 


INDEX. 


499 


Raitlenau,  W.  D.  von,  arclibisliop  of  Salz- 
burg, i.  379;  requires  the  citizens  to  sub- 
scribe to  the  catholic  faith,  ib.;  his  fiscal 
reg^ulations,  380;  pulls  down  the  houses 
of  protestants,  ib. 

Ranzau,  Heinrich,  i.  383. 

Ratisbon,  conference  of,  i.  106,  et  seq.;  its 
result,  114,  et  passim,  311;  schools  for 
regular  and  secular  clergy  at,  330;  Cath- 
olicism at,  381;  diets  of,  ii.  33,  112,  et 
seq. 

Ravenna,exarchate  of  granted  to  the  popes, 
i.  33,  240;  the  Ghibellines  powerful  in, 
237;  Venetian  export  of  wheat  from,  258. 

Recantation  and  retractation,  compulsory, 
i.  140. 

Redemption,  Christian  doctrine  of,  i.  111. 

Reformation,  the,  its  occasion,  63;  causes 
of  the  degree  of  protection  afforded  to 
Luther,  68;  connection  of  politics,  in  the 
pontificate  of  Leo  X,  with,  65,  et  seq.; 
their  connection  in  the  time  of  Adrian 
VL  71,  et  seq.;  and  under  Clement  VII, 
75,  et  seq.;  imperial  decree  of  religious 
toleration,  the  real  beginning  of,  78; 
peace  of  Kaiian  advances  the  cause  of 
the,  88;  protestant  states  of  Germany 
enumerated,  ib.;  approximation  to  recon- 
ciliation with  Rome,  106, 1 50;  Calvinism 
and  Lutheranism,  150;  the  reformation 
become  definitive,  150,  153;  progress  of, 
in  the  pontificate  of  Paul  IV,  192;  the  re- 
formation in  England,  167, 194,  202;  the 
counter-reformation,  its  elucidation  a 
chief  purport  of  the  present  History,  309, 
et  seq.,  405,  et  seq.,  503;  ii.  7-48. 

Reggio,  city  of,  i.  52,  453. 

Regular  clergy,  rise  of  the  distinct  order 
of,  i.  118-120,  128,  129,  223,  330. 

Religion  of  the  ancient  nations,  i.  25;  forms 
of  worship,  how  united  in  ancient  Rome, 
25;  political  spirit  of,  26;  the  Christian 
worship  separate  from  the  civil  consti- 
tution of  Rome,  29;  the  constitutions  of 
the  church  bore  resemblance  to  the  im- 
perial government,  30;  religious  zeal 
sometimes  the  parent  of  pity,  sometimes 
of  inhuman  actions,  40;  education  and 
civilisation  promoted  by,  ib.;  Romish 
doctrines  of,  54.;  comforts  of,  sold  by 
Alexander  VI,  ib.;  corruption,  and  ruin 
of,  deplored, 55.;  intrusion  of  worldliness 
in  religious  things,  64;  the  reformation, 
78;  wide  spread  of  the  purer  doctrines  of, 
90,  96-102;  in  Italy,  97,  98,  99;  princi- 
ples of  the  church  explained,  104;  nego- 
tiations for  the  settlement  of  the  German 
church,  106,  111;  the  great  renovation  of 
papal  authority  is  the  topic  of  the  re- 
mainder of  this  History,  309,  et  seq.,  336, 
et  seq.,  367,  e'  seq.,  385,  et  seq.,  393,  et 
seq.;  severity  in  matters  of  faith  recom- 


mended by  Lipsius,  367;  the  counter, 
reformation,  309,  et  seq.,  405,  et  seq. 

Religious  military  orders,  i.  44,  116,  120; 
new  monastic  congregations,  116,  120; 
the  Jesuits,  120,  et  seq. 

Religious  peace,  the,  concluded  at  Augs- 
burg,  i.  314,  327;  ii.  31,  33;  the  status 
quo  demanded  by  the  catholics,  33,  35; 
tlie  treaty  of  Westpiialia  virtually  a 
religious  pacification,  122. 

Repentance,  i.  128. 

Republican  spirit  at  Rome,  i.  331;  at  Ghent, 
359. 

Retz,  cardinal  de,  i.  208. 

Reuchlin,  his  Hebrew  grammar,  i.  63. 

Revelation,  i.  132. 

Revolution,  the  English,  effected  the  se- 
curity of  the  protestant  church,  ii.  221, 
222. 

Revolution,  the  French,  military  and  eccle- 
siastical history  of,  ii.  242-250. 

Rhetius,  Johann,  Jesuit  of  Cologne,  i.  321. 

Rhine,  religious  contests  of  tiie  episcopal 
electorates  on  the,  i.  113  et  seq.;  the  Je- 
suits established  in  the  Rhenish  provinces 
322;  the  Rhenish  electors,  ii.  51,  et  pas- 
sim; question  of  opening  the  river  to 
Dutch  commerce,  55. 

Rhodes,  capture  of,  by  the  Ottoman  arma- 
ment, i.  72,  73. 

Riario,  Girolamo,  i.  47;  Sixtus  IV  makes 
this  nephew  lord  of  Ismola  and  Forli, 
48. 

Ribadeneira,  Pietro,  ii.  appendix,  377. 

Ricci,  the  Jesuit,  his  mission  in  China,  ii. 
79. 

Ricci,  Lorenzo,  general  of  the  Jesuits,  ii. 
237. 

Richardot,  Francois  de,  bishop  of  Arras, 
i.  358;  talent  of  his  nephew  Francois, 
361. 

Richelieu,  administration  of  cardinal,  ii. 
87,  et  passim;  his  projects,  88,  94;  ultra- 
montane party  formed  against  him  in 
France,  89;  deserts  his  alliance  with  the 
protestant  leaders,  de  Soubise  and  Ro- 
han, 89,90;  imprisons  bishop  Jansenius 
for  the  doctrines  of  the  '  Augustinus;' 
205;  death  of  the  cardinal,  206. 

Riorhteousncss,  two-fold,  i.  133;  imputed, 
134;  of  Christ,  133,  134. 

Rimini,  oil  of,  i.  233;  the  Guclphs  power- 
ful in,  237. 

Ritual,  the  Latin,  i.  39;  the  Roman,  136, 
224,  333;  of  the  holy  fathers,  226. 

Rocci,  papal  nuncio,  at  the  diet  of  Ratis- 
bon, ii.  115. 

Rochellc,  la,  siege  of,  i.  345. 

Rocheome,  Jesuit,  his  learned  apology  for 
the  French  Jesuits,  i.  472. 

Rodolph  II,  devout  conduct  of,  i.  374;  pro- 
hibits Opitz  preaching  in  the  protestant 


500 


INDEX. 


church  at  Vienna,  375;  is  menaced  by 
a  mob  on  this  occasion,  ib.;  his  grant  of 
Modena  and   Reggio  to  Alfonso  II  of 
Ferrara,  453;  lie  persecutes  the  protcs- 
tants,  ii.  30;  is  resisted   by  his  brother 
Matthias,  and  the  Hungarian,  Austrian, 
and  German  protestants,  in  the  field, 
36. 
Rohan,  Francois  de,  i.  167  n. 
Rohan,  duke  de.  Huguenot  leader,  ii.  89. 
Romagna,  papal  possession,  i.  47;  beauty 
of  its  plains,  232;  export  of  grain  from, 
ib.;  its   towns   subjected  by  Julius   II, 
234;  ecclesiastical  freedom  of,  235;  war- 
like population  of,  252;  Gregory  XIII 
seizes  on  certain  estates  in,  258;  discon- 
tent, and  factions  thence  arising,  260. 
See  ii.  appendix,  368. 
-Rome,  ancient,  systems  of  mythology  con- 
solidated in,  i.  25;  rise  of  the  empire  of, 
ib.;  its  influence  on  mankind,  26;  em- 
perors of,  worshipped,  27;  extent  of  the 
empire  favors  the  spread  of  Christianity, 
28;  pre-eminence  of  the  apostolical  see, 
29;  the  emperor  countenances  the  pre- 
siding authority  of  the  pope  of,  ib.;  con- 
sequences of  the  fall  of  the  empire  of, 
30;  invasions  of  the  city  of,  31;  tempo- 
ral dominion  of  the  holy  see,  33;  coro- 
nation   of   Charlemagne    by    Leo    III, 
34;  German  schools    at,  34,  149,  256, 
381;  Gregory  VII  secures  the  indepen- 
dence of  the  papacy,  38;  resistance  to 
bulls  of  excommunication,  41;  disputes 
of,  with  tlic  German  emperors,  and  with 
the  kingsof  England,  42;  schism  in  the 
cliurch  of,  ib.;  deposition  of  a  pope   by 
the  council  of  Constance,  ib.;  pilgrims 
to,  on  the  jubilee  of  1450,  ib.;  extension 
of  the  states  of  the  church,  46,  5],  447, 
455;  successful  policy  of  Julius   II,  51; 
revenues  of  the  curia  and  other  papal 
offices  of  Roman  administration,  53,  54, 
73,  83,  103,  242,  246,  251,  296;  laws 
and  regulations  of  tlie  papal  government, 
54,  232,  236,  252,  300,  484,  485;   St. 
Peter's  church,  59;  increase  of  popula- 
tion   under  the   administration  of  Leo 
X,  61;  under  Sixtus  V,  300;  the  Vati- 
can,  60,  273,  281;  the  papal  court,  61, 
72,  108,  220,  251,  299-304;   heretical 
opinions  commonly  broached  at  Rome, 
62,  102;  temporal  claims  of  the  popes 
excited  by  tlie  ecclesiastical  claims  of 
princes,  62;  movements  in  society  caused 
by  the   ambition    of  the   popes   for  the 
aggrandisement    of   their    power,    65; 
states  of  the  church  and  papal  power 
supported   by  the  emperor,  Charles  V, 
and   the   Spaniards,  69,  75;  Rome  me- 
naced by  the  reformers  among  the  im- 
perial forces,  79;  picture  of,  under  Cle- 


ment VII,  ib.;  assaulted  and  plundered 
by  the  followers  of  Charles  of  Bourbon, 
80;  the  splendor  of  the  city  totally  de- 
stroyed, ib.;  societies  of  literati  at,  96; 
unity  of  the  church,  its  necessity,  102; 
internal  reforms,  103;  approximation  to 
a  re-union  of  Christian  churclics,  106, 
110;  the  villa  Medici,  a  Theatine  con- 
vent, 118;  Loyola  establishes  the  Jesuits 
at,  129,  149;  church  of,  whether  in  er- 
ror, 135;  inquisition  at,  established  by 
Paul  III,  136,  et  seq.;  Autos  da  fe,  at, 
140;  stricter  discipline,  154,  178,  190; 
papal  dominions,  170,  231-237,  252; 
Villa  di  Papa  Giuho  III,  174;  Alva 
marches  upon  Rome  against  Paul  IV, 
182,  183,  186;  papal  reform  under  Pius 

IV,  201,  et  seq.,  210,  et  seq.,  211,213; 
under  Pius  V,  213;  new  state  of  the 
hierarchy,  213;  the  concentration  of  the 
power  of  Rome  beneficial  to  the  church, 
214;  papal  finances,  24,  32,  51,  275, 
477;  offices — procurators,  notaries,  &c., 
at,  244,  246,  300;  writers  of  briefs,  244; 
revenue  derived  from  the  creation  of 
places,  244,  246,250,  251,  277;  reforms 
by  Sixtus  V,  271,  et  seq.,  273,  277;  uni- 
versity of,  274;  public  buildings  of,  by 
Sixtus  V,  280,  286;  ii.  165;  description 
of  the  city,  i.  281;  aqueducts  of  Sixtus 

V,  282;  ruins  of  ancient  Rome,  respect- 
ed by  Leo  X,  283;  the  Septizonium  of 
Severus  destroyed,  with  other  old  edi- 
fices, by  Sixtus  V,  284,  287;  tomb  of 
Cfficilia  Mctella,  284;  the  capitol,  ib.; 
pillars  of  Trajan  and  Antoninus,  ib.; 
the  obelisk  removed  to  St.  Peter's,  285; 
the  Lateran  palace  at,  287;  variety  of 
national  characters  displayed  at,  301; 
traits  of  republican  character  at,  ib ; 
manners  of,  303;  the  counter-reforma- 
tion, its  influence  over  the  civilised 
world,  309,  et  seq.,  405,  ct  seq.,  503;  ii. 
7-48;  resources  of  the  popes,  for  active 
contest  with  the  reformation,  i.  318,  et 
seq.;  power  of  Sixtus  V,  405,  406;  the 
Roman  asserted  to  be  the  only  true  faith, 
408,  484;  Spanish  intrigues  for  the 
nomination  of  cardinals  and  popes,  428, 
432,  434,  466,  482;  French  cardinals 
and  party,  480,  482;  disputes  with  Ve- 
nice, 485-500;  Rome  considered  in  its 
political  relations,  ii.  129,  ct  seq.;  foun- 
dation of  nrw  families  at,  136-141;  an- 
cient Italian  families,  160,  et  passim; 
elements  of  the  Roman  population,  160- 
165;  of  public  buildings  erected  by  vari- 
ous popes,  165;  administration  of  cliurch 
and  state  aff'airs  in,  185-196;  position  of 
the  court  of,  with  relation  to  the  cele- 
brated controversy  between  the  Jesuits 
and  Janseni.sts,  209-212;  relation  of  the 


INDEX. 


501 


holy  see  to  the  temporal  power,  212- 
215;  right  of  asylum  at  ambassadors' 
palaces  refused  by  Innocent  XI,  223; 
the  troopsof  the  French  republic  occupy 
Rome  in  the  pontificate  of  Pius  VI,  245; 
Napoleon's  conduct  to  Pius  VII,  248; 
fortunate  negotiations  of  Pius  VII,  with 
the  victorious  princes  of  Europe,  251,  ad 
Jinem;  Vatican  library  at,  appendix,  302; 
noble  families  of,  appendix,  3G5;  Rela- 
tione of  the  court  of,  by  Basadona,  ap- 
pendix, 433,  by  Corraro,  431,  by  Grima- 
ni,  43G-438,  by  Pesaro,  424,  by  Quirin*' 
435,  by  Sagredo,  424,  432,  by  various 
Italian  and  Venetian  authorities,  pas- 
sim. 

Romillon,  Jean  Baptiste,  established  the 
order  of  the  fathers  of  Christian  doc- 
trine, ii.  46. 

Rosary,  tiic,  i.  325. 

Rospigliosi,  cardinal,  ii.  157;  elected  pope 
Clement  IX,  158,  appendix,  437;  Don 
Camillo,  438;  Don  Tommaso,  ib.;  Gi- 
ambatlista  Rospigliosi  and  his  desccn- 
dents,  ib.;  the  Relatione  by  Antonio 
Grimani  of  tlie  court  and  times  of  Cle- 
ment IX,  and  of  the  Rospigliosi  fimily, 
a[)pent!ix,  43G-438;  Giacomo  Quirini  on 
the  same,  435;  other  writers  on  tlie 
same,  436,  438. 

Rotto,  Giovan  Battista,  his  leaning  towards 
protestantism  declared  heretical,  i,  102. 

Rouen,  city  of,  i.  385. 

Ruccellai,  his  tragedy  of  Rosmunda,  i.  57; 
his  Bees  imitated  from  Virgil,  ib. 

Russia,  designs  of  Rome  upon,  ii.  21. 

Rusticucci,  cardinal,  i.  297. 


S. 


Sacchctti,  cardinal,  ii,  149;  his  mission 
from  Urban  VIII  to  Spain,  appendix, 
384. 

Sacchinus,  Franciscus,  history  of  the  Je- 
suits by,  ii.  appendix,  370. 

Sacraments,  the,  i.  109,  110:  participation 
in  the  Lord's  supper,  126:  the  seven, 
discussed  at  Trent,  135,203,210:  ques- 
tion of  the  cup  being  presented  to  the 
laity,  203,  204,  329:  the  Lord's  supper, 
in  one  kind,  311:  the  communion  in 
the  two  kinds,  109,  20.3,  204,  312,  313, 
334,  ii.  61:  according  to  the  Romisii 
rule,  27. 

Sadolet,  cardinal,  i.  96,  98,  103. 

Sagredo,  Pietro,  the  Relatione  di  Roma, 
by,  ii.  appendix,  424,  432. 

Saint  Gall,  abbots  of,  ii.  40. 

Saints,  worsliip  of,  i.  210;  relics  of,  314, 
325,  329;  saints'  days,  313;  images  of, 
359;  invocation  of,  ii.  62. 


Sales,  St.  Frangois  de,  monastic  discipline 
of,  mild  and  serene,  ii.  45;  his  maxim 
respecting  good  works,  46. 

Salmasius  at  the  court  of  queen  Christina, 
ii.  173. 

Sahneron,  the  Jesuit,  i.  102,  127,  129;  at 
the  council  of  Trent,  134. 

Salt,  tax  on,  at  Rome,  i.  242;  the  salt- 
mines of  Salzburg,  379;  monopoly  of 
salt  at  Ferrara,  448. 

Salviati,  cardinal,  i.  297. 

Salzburg,  city  of,  i.  44;  contest  of  the  two 
religious  principles  in  thcarchbisiiopric 
of,  312,  379. 

Sanga,  his  letter  to  cardinal  Campeggi,  i. 
89. 

Sangenesino,  Guido  G,,  life  of  Sixlus  V, 
by,  ii.  appendix,  336. 

Sangro,  nuncio  in  Spain,  instructions  to, 
ii.  appendix,  376. 

San  Lorenzo,  manna  of,  i.  232. 

San  Marcello,  cardinal,  i.  112. 

Sannazaro,  the  Arcadia  by,  i.  57. 

San  S^verina,  Santorio  cardinal,  i.  297, 
401;  is  frustrated  as  to  his  intended 
elevation  to  the  papal  dignity,  433;  his 
severity  of  character,  433;  ii.  appendix, 
340-349. 

Santafiore,  count,  leads  a  papal  force 
against  tlie  French  protestants,  i.  227. 

Sanuto,  Marino,  commentarii  di,  i.  48  n., 
49  n.,  70  n. 

Saracens,  their  conquest,  i.  30,  32. 

Sardinia,  ii.  239.     See  Savoy. 

Sarpi,  Fra  Paolo,  account  of,  i.  490.  "His- 
tory of  the  Council  of  Trent,"  by,  74  n.; 
ii.  appendix,  290;  life  of,  i.  416  n.;  his 
religious  principles,  and  influence  in 
society,  492,  et  seq.,  503;  examination 
of  the  history  of,  appendix,  ii.  290,  et 
seq. 

Sarrazin,  abbot  of  St.  Vaast,  i.  361. 

Satan,  on  the  watch,  i.  112;  the  assaults 
of,  124;  Jesuits  make  war  against,  128. 

Sauli,  cardinal,  i.  496. 

Savonarola,  Geronimo,  Dominican,  i.  68; 
influence  of  his  doctrines,  97. 

Savoy,  dukes  of,  i.  224,  317;  Charles  Ema- 
nuel of,  393,  486;  his  designs  upon  Ge- 
neva, 393;  he  seizes  on  Saluzzo,  401, 
476;  political  affairs  of,  ii.  90, 108;  claim 
of  the  duke  to  the  city  of  Monferrat 
near  Milan,  101;  appendix,  3S0. 

Saxony,  elector  of,  Lutiicr  is  recommended 
by  Maximilian  I  to  the,  i.  68;  reformed 
church  established  in,  79,  88;  JMaurice 
of,  163,  173;  Augustus,  elector  of,  382; 
suits  oi'the  Aulic  council  resisted  in,  ii. 
33;  affairs  of,  55,  61;  church  of,  appen- 
dix, 356. 
Scelhorn's  Amoenitates  Literarum,  i.  99 
n.,  100  n. 
43* 


S02 


INDEX. 


Scepticism,  spread  of,  i.  96. 
Schwartzenberg,  family  of,  i.  331. 
Schombergr,  marslial  de,  his  counsels  to 
Henri  III,  i.  417  n. 

Schools,  disputations  of  the,  i.  324;  of  the 

Jesuits,  146. 
Sciences  cultivated  in  Italy,  i.  96, 288, 289, 

290,  491;  in  Germany,  .324. 
Scotland,  contest  respecting  religion  in,  i. 
194,  et  seq.;  reign  of  Mary,  queen  of 
Scots,  ib.;  treaty  of  Berwick,  195;  enthu- 
siasm and  popular  character  of  the  Cal- 
vinist  church  in,  315. 
Scriptures.     See  Bible  and  Testament. 
Sculptors,  Italian,  i.  59;  Michael  Angelo, 
ib.;  the  master-pieces  by  the  ancients,  60. 
Sebastian,  king  of  Portugal,  his  unfortu- 
nate invasion  of  Africa,  i.  354. 
Secular  clergy;  great  development  of  the 
principle  of  secularization,  i.  310,  et  seq. 
Sega,  nuncio  to  Spain,  i.  353,  354  n.;  he 
calls  on  the  League  to  supersede  Henri 
IV  by  electing  a  king  of  France,  439, 
et  seq. 
Seripando,  general  of  the  Augustine  order, 

i.  133. 
Serra,  powerful  Guelphic  family,  i.  238. 
Sfondrato,  cardinal,  i.  172.     See  Gregory 

XIV,  429,  el  seq. 
Sfondrato,  Ercole,  duke  of  Montemarciano, 

i.  430. 
Sforza,  cardinal,  i.  261. 
Sforzas,  dukes  of  Milan,  i.  47;  expelled 
by  Alexander  VI  and   Borgia  from  Pe- 
saro,   49;   delay    of  tlie    investiture  of 
Sforza  by  the  Spaniards,  76. 
Sicily,  views  of  the  French  on,  i.  73;  Je- 
suits of,  149;  their  colleges  at  Palermo 
and  Messina,  150. 
Siena,    university    of,   i.   139;    taken   by 
Charles  V,  169;  acquired  by  Cosmo  de' 
Medici,  186. 
Sigismund  Augustus,  king  of  Poland,  i, 

311. 
Sigismund  III  of  Poland,!.  397;  ii.  10;  the 
son  of  Catherina  Jagellonica,   and  be- 
came king  of  Sweden,  12,  15;  troubles 
in  Poland,  22. 
Simony,  i.  73, 104,  244. 
Sin,  forgiveness  of,  i.  64;  utility  of,  a  doc- 
trine  analogous   to   the    hurtfulness   of 
good  works,  101;  original.  111;  redemp- 
tion of,  ib.;  consciousness  of,  147. 
Sinigaglia,  town  of,  i.  234. 
Sirleto,  cardinal,  his  learning,  i.  297. 
Sixteen,  league  of  the,  at  Paris,  i.  390, 

430  n. 
Sixtus  IV,  his  personal  views  of  ambition, 
i.  47,  48;  his  nephew,  47;  conspiracy  of 
the  Pazzi,  ib.;  he  puts  Colonna  to  death, 
48;  reflections  on  his  policy,  and  secular 
spirit,  53,244;  a  Franciscan,  and  patron 


of  the  mendicant  orders,  54;  instructions 
by,  ii.  appendix,  260. 
Sixtus  V,  court  and  pontificate  of,  i.  231, 
297,  299,  et  seq.;  condition  of  Italy  in 
his  times,  231,  et  seq.,  263;  his  name, 
Felix  Peretti,  ib.;  history  of  the  Peretti, 
a  Sclavonian  family,  ib.;  education  of 
Felix,  264;  his  disputation  with  Antonio 
Persico,  ib.;  his  sermon,  265;  interview 
with  M.  Ghislieri,  grand-inquisitor,  ib.; 
is  named  vicar-general  of  the  Francis- 
cans, ib.;  becomes  cardinal  Montalto, 
under  Pius  V,  266;  his  edition  of  St. 
Ambrose,  ib  ;  his  self-control,  ib.;  exter- 
minates the  banditti  of  the  Romagna, 
who  had  braved  the  government  of  Gre- 
gory XIII,  268;  strikes  terror  into  all 
minds,  by  his  vigorous  conduct,  268, 
269;  is  regarded  as  the  founder  of  the 
laws  and  ordinances  of  the  Roman 
states,  270;  reforms  the  bull  in  Coend 
Domini,  271;  abolishes  the  congregation 
concerning  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction, 
ib.;  general  admiration  of  his  strenuous 
government,  ib.;  his  family,  and  sister 
Donna  Camilla,  272,  279;  additions  and 
embellishments  of  Italian  cities,  Slc, 
by,  272;  mulberry-trees,  silk  manufac- 
tures, &c.,  under,  273;  congregations  of 
cardinals  founded  by,  ib.;  "  Memorie 
autografe  di  papa  Sisto  V,"  275;  finan- 
cial administration  of,  275,  277;  his 
treasures,  276;  fiir  what  objects  he  re- 
served them,  ib.;  orders  masses  to  be 
said  for  the  soul  of  Gregory  XIII,  ib.; 
political  affairs  of,  280;  his  pontificate 
compared  with  that  of  Julius  II,  281; 
he  constructs  colossal  aqueducts  to  sup- 
ply Rome,  282;  destroys  the  vestiges  of 
old  Rome,  284;  his  contempt  of  the  an- 
cient  statues,  ib.;  removes  the  obelisk  to 
the  front  of  St.  Peter's  cathedral,  285; 
constructs  the  cupola  of  St.  Peter's,  286; 
builds  the  Lateran  palace,  287;  general 
change  in  the  intellectual  tendency  of 
his  age,  ib.;  the  curia  in  his  reign,  296- 
305;  court  of,  297;  his  political  relations, 
369,  370,  371,  415,  416,  485;  religious 
affairs  of  his  pontificate,  374,  378,  393- 
398,  407,  et  seq.;  he  excommunicates 
Henry  of^  Navarre  and  Conde,  389;  his 
animosity  against  queen  Elizabeth  and 
the  English  church,  395,  et  seq.;  his 
anger  at  the  assassination  of  the  cardi- 
nal de  Guise,  399;  his  monitorium 
against  Henry  III  is  followed  by  the 
assassination  of  the  French  king,  400; 
his  alliance  with  Philip  II  and  the 
league  against  Henry  IV,  401,  422;  his 
power  and  haughty  character,  405;  his- 
tory of  the  latter  times  of,  416-427,466; 
extravagant   political   designs   of,  417; 


INDEX. 


503 


his  character,  421,  422;  umbrage  taken 
by  Philip  II  against,  423;  its  chief 
cause  was  tiie  milder  behavior  of  the 
pope  towards  Henry  IV,  422-424;  death 
of  Sixtus,  427;  buildings  at  Rome  by,  ii. 
165;  autographic  MSS.  by,  appendix, 
329,  33 J;  biographers  of,  appendix,  324, 
328,  332-338,  347,  402. 

Smalcalde,  protestant  league  of,  attacked 
by  Charles  V,  i.  162,316;  success  of  the 
German  protestants,  173. 

Societies,  literary,  of  Italy,  i.  96;  the  Ora- 
tory of  Divine  Love,  96,  103,  117;  lite- 
rati of  Rome,  96;  societies  of  Venice, 
97;  of  Padua,  ib.;  of  Luigi  Priuli,  near 
Treviso,  ib.;  political,  of  Andrea  Moro- 
sini  and  others  at  Venice,  463.  • 

Society,  state  of,  i.  60,  61,  218,253,261, 
289,301,  303-305. 

Soleure,  city  and  canton  of,  i.  356. 

Solms,  Count,  a  Lutheran,  i.  367. 

Somasca,  congregatione  di,  at  Venice,  edu- 
cate the  poor,  i.  119. 

Soranzo,  Geronimo,  Relatione  di  Roma, 
by,  196  n.,  198  n.,  200;  ii.  appendix, 
313;  his  mission  from  Venice  toGregory 
XV,  372,  382. 

Sorbonne,  the,  i.  133  n.,  341,  390,  391, 
410,444;  ii.  appendix,  385. 

Soriano,  the  Relatione  di,  character  of 
Clement  VII  from,  i,  79,  85  n.,  86  n., 
90  n.,  156  n.,  226  n. 

Soubise,  prince  de,  leader  of  the  Hugue- 
nots, ii.  89,  90. 

Soul,  the,  doctrine  of  its  immortality,  i. 
61,  134;  spiritual  concerns  of,  124. 

Spada,  G.  B,  his  description  of  Rome  and 
of  Urban  VII,  ii.  appendix,  406. 

Spain,  Ferdinand  I,  king  of  Castile,  i.  35, 
45:  power  of  the  Altoshomes,  39:  Moors 
expelled  from,  ib.:  kingdom  of  Arragon, 
40:  nomination  to  Episcopal  sees  pos- 
sessed by  the  kings  of,  44:  acquisi- 
tion of  Naples  by  the  kings  of  Arragon, 
47,  67:  assistance  given  to  Julius  II  by, 
66:  extent  of  dominions  of  Charles  I, 
of  [emperor  Charles  V],  68:  Spaniards 
defend  the  states  of  the  church,  75:  sub- 
sequent disputes  with  the  Italians,  77: 
influence  of  the  Spanish  romances,  ib.: 
Clement  VII  declares  against  Charles  I, 
78:  the  Spanish  monarch's  triumph,  81: 
lie  acquires  Naples  and  Milan,  ib.:  re- 
ligious spirit  of  Spanish  chivalry,  120: 
universities  of,  126:  Loyola,  120,  et  seq., 
141,  et  seq.:  St.  Francis  Xavier,  126:  the 
inquisition  in,  44,  136,225,  318,  et  seq., 
465:  Jesuits  of,  121,  141,225,  366,  462, 
471:  ii.  501,  237:  predominant  power 
of,  alarming  to  the  popes,  i.  174,  178, 
180,  183:  bishops  of,  their  demands  at 
the  council  of  Trent,  204,  208,  210:  the 


decrees  of  Trent  well  received  by  Philip 
II,  224,  226:  he  maintains  the  Romish 
faith  in,  318:  eminent  Spanish  theolo- 
gians, 315:  triumph  of  Catholicism  in, 
318,  et  seq.:  the  royal  authority  mainly 
supported  by  the  inquisition  in,  319: 
Philip  II  loses  the  seven  united  pro- 
vinces of  Holland,  &c.,  345,  et  seq.:  ia 
persuaded  by  Gregory  XIII  to  an  en- 
terprise against  England  and  Ireland, 
353:  war  of  the  Netherlands  under  Alva, 
345,  et  seq.:  wise  and  vigorous  conduct 
of  Don  John,  brother  of  Philip  II,  360, 
et  seq.:  administration  and  wars  of  Alex- 
ander Farnese  in  the  Low  countries, 
361-365:  the  protestants  banished  from, 
305:  the  Spaniards  and  Belgians  over- 
run the  territories  of  Zulphen,  Cologne, 
and  the  Palatinate,  368:  destruction  of 
the  invincible  armada  in  the  English 
channel,  393-398:  theory  of  the  power 
of  a  nation  over  its  sovereign  received 
by  the  Spaniards,  411:  Spaniards  invade 
France,  against  Henry  IV,  430,  440, 
443:  they  take  Calais  and  Amiens,  461: 
accession  of  Philip  III,  and  ministry  of 
Lerma,  496,  497,  498:  Spain  and  the 
Low  countries  engage  in  the  civil  wars 
of  Germany,  ii.  38,  56,  90:  conquests 
in  America,  or  the  Spanish  Indies,  76: 
claims  of  Philip  III  in  Germany  and 
Italy,  84,  85,  88:  peace  of  Monzon  con- 
cluded by  Olivarez  with  Richelieu,  90: 
the  city  of  Milan  governed  by  Gonzalez 
de  Corduba  for  Philip  IV,  101:  war 
with  Louis  XII  for  Mantua,  108:  cam- 
paign in  Holland  unsuccessful,  110: 
povi^cr  of  the  Spanish  grandees,  159: 
interests  at  Rome  under  Clement  X, 
217:  the  Spanish  succession,  and  war 
consequent  to  its  decision  in  favor  of 
Philip  V,  224-230:  ecclesiastical  bene- 
fices of,  192. 

Spannocchi,  Horatio,  Relatione  di  Polonia, 
by,  ii.  appendix,  342. 

Spinola,  his  command  in  the  Netherlands, 
i.  496. 

Spires,  diet  of,  in  1526,  its  resolutions  re- 
specting the  church  and  Romish  errors, 
i.  78;  Jesuits  in,  323, 

Spoleto,  the  people  valiant,  i.  233. 

Spon's  visit  to  Rome,  ii.  169. 

State,  theory  of  the  connection  between 
church  and,  i.  406. 

Statues,  celebrated  ancient,  i.  60,  284. 

Stein,  archbishop  John  von,  of  Treves,  1. 
323. 

Stockholm,  city  of,  i.  351;  ii.  13. 

Strada,  Francesco,  i.  141. 

Stralendorf,  Leopold  von,  i.  335. 

Strasburg,  city  of,  i.  44. 

Slrozzi,  Pietro,  brings  aid  to  Paul  IV,  i.  182. 


504 


INDEX. 


Stukely,  Thomas,  an  adventurer  at  the 
court  of  Gregory  XIII,  i.  354;  project- 
ed expedition  to  Ireland,  ib. 

Styria,  constitution  of,  374;  ecclesiastical 
revolutions  in,  374,  376;  ii.  29. 

Suabia,  catholic  religion  in,  i.  324. 

Suarez,  of  Coimbra,  his  defence  of  the 
catholic  church,  i.  409;  his  apology  for 
Jacques  Clement  the  regicide,  410. 

Sully,  Duke  de,  i.  496. 

Supremacy,  question  of  the  pope's,  i.  101, 
408,  489. 

Suriann,  Antonio,  ii.  appendix,  288,289. 

Suriano,  Micliacl,  ii.  appendix,  317. 

Surius,  sacred  history  by,  i.  329. 

Sweden,  the  Lutheran  form  of  worship  esta- 
blished in,  i.  90,  310, 353;  Lapland,  310; 
Gustavus  Vasa  and  Jolin  his  successor, 
310,  351;  ii.  14;  the  Swedish  theologians 
consider  the  liturgy  published  by  John 
as  tinged  with  catholic  doctrines,  i.  351; 
ii.  14;  John  sends  to  Rome  for  Jesuits, 
and  receives  absolution  from  Antonio 
Possevin  for  having  condemned  his  own 
brother,  i.  352;  the  king  quarrels  with 
the  Jesuits,  ib.;  attempt  of  Rome  upon 
Sweden,  ii.  12-20;  Sigismund,  king  of, 

■  12,  18;  the  confession  of  Augsburg  pro- 
claimed in,  14;  Duke  Charles  defeats 
Sigismund,  20;  conquests  of  Gustavus 
Adolphus,  112,  «fec.;  see  Gustavus. — 
Account  of  dueen  Christina  of,  170- 
185;  Paolo  Casati's  account  of  the  mis- 
sion to  Christina,  appendix,  429;  histori- 
cal documents,  appendix,  350. 

Switzerland,  persecuted  Italians  fly  into, 
i.  140;  Collegium  Helveticum  at  Milan 
for  the  catholic  cantons  of,  224;  ii.  41; 
nuntiatura  in,  appendix,  362. 

Swiss  guards  of  the  popes,  i.  240. 

Swiss  mercenaries  serving  in  the  papal 
army,  65;  theirdcfcat  at  Marignano,  66; 
defeated  by  German  lanzsknechts,  185; 
the  protestant  cantons,  i.  90,  392;  Ge- 
neva, and  Calvinism,  195,201,315-317; 
the  Swiss  Alps  possessed  a  catholic  po- 
pulation, 319;  ii.  40;  the  Jesuits'  college 
at  Lucern,  i.  356,  357;  confederacy  of 
the  protestant  cities  of,  356;  catholic 
alliance  in,  357,  392;  ii,  40;  the  golden 
or  Borromean  league  of  the  catholic 
cantons,  i.  392;  ii.  39;  political  affiiirs  of 
the  commercial  cities  of,  i.  356;  the 
nuntiatura  in,  ii.  39-41;  Spanish  party 
in  the  catholic  cantons,  40;  order  of  the 
golden  spur,  ib. 

Sylvius,  iEneas,  i.  43;  epistle  of,  44  n. 

Syria,  the  Druses  of,  i.  417;  affairs  of,  ib. 


Tasso,  Bernardo,  i.  290. 


Taxes  at  Rome,  i.  242,  246, 273,  277,  477; 
liearth-tax,  247;  subsidy  imposed,  248; 
nionte  della  farina,  250,  258;  monte 
novennale  de'  frati,  levied  on  the  mon- 
astic orders,  250;  monte  lega,  on  meat, 
ib.;  on  salt,  242;  on  alum,  252;  on  wine, 
279.     See  ii.  appendix,  367. 

Telini,  Diario  di  S.  de  Branca  de,  ii.  ap- 
pendix, 2C5. 

Tcinpesti,  Casimiro,  biography  of  Sixtus 
V  by,  ii.  appendix,  328. 

Templars,  knights,  of  Spain  and  Portugal, 
i.  44. 

Temples  converted  into  christian  churches, 
i.  2. 

Terracina,  Italian  scenery  near,  i.  52. 

Terni,  falls  of,  the  rivers  Neraand  Velino: 
comparison,  i.  305. 

Testament,  New,  printed  in  Greek,  with 
a  paraphrase,  by  Erasmus,  i.  63. 

Theatins,  history,  by  J.  Silos,  of  the  socie- 
ty of,  i.  96  n.;  their  spirit  of  contempla- 
tion, 1 18;  styled  regular  clergy,  ib.;  their 
rule,  ib.;  became  a  seminary  of  the 
liigher  clergy,  119,  253;  their  convent 
at  Venice,  128, 495. 

Thelesius,  phy.sics  of,  i.  291. 

Theodosius,  edict  of,  regarding  the  Ro- 
man church,  i.  29. 

Theology,  taught  in  Latin,  i.  56;  spiritual, 
among  the  German  divines,  64;  course 
of,  126;  Spanish  theologians,  i.  315; 
German  theologians,  326;  Flemish  di- 
vines, 358,  359;  systems  of,  considered, 
468,  et  seq.;  theological  schisms,  502; 
as  taught  by  the  followers  of  Janscnius, 
ii.  203,  208,  etpnssim. 

Theresa,  St.,  her  rule  similar  to  that  of 
the  Carmelites,  ii.  44;  its  description, 
45. 

Thiene,  Gaetano  da,  canonized,  i.  96, 117, 
118. 

Thomas  Aquinas,  doctrines  of,  i.  409  n., 
468,  et  seq.,  469;  his  "  Summa,"  470,  ii. 
232. 

Thomas  i  Kempis,  character  of  his  doc- 
trine, i.  62. 

Thomas,  St.,  the  Ncstorian  church  and 
community  of,  in  India,  ii.  81. 

Thomisfs,  the,  doctrines  of,  i.  463. 

Thoulouse,  city  of,  i.  38G. 

Tiepolo,  Lorenzo,  the  Relatione  di  Roma 
of,  ii.  appendix,  455. 

Tiepolo,  Paolo,  i.  214  n.,  217  n.,  221  n.; 
252  n.,  354  n.,  297,  317  n.,  394  n.,  ii. 
appendix,  320. 

Tilly,  count,  Imperial  commander,  ii.  98, 
117. 

Tithes  taken  by  the  popes,  i.  53,  487. 

Titles  of  nobility,  and  ceremonious  com- 
pliments, more  affected,  i.  289. 

Tasso,  Torquato,  i.  290,  292,  450;  hispoe- 


INDEX. 


505 


tical  description  of  tlie  court  ofFerrara, 
450,  452;  his  captivity,  ib. 

Toledo,  cardinal  Juan  Alvarez  de,  i.  136; 
appointed  to  the  inquisition,  ib. 

Toledo,  Francesco,  an  intrepid  preacher,  i. 
253. 

Tolengo,  Giovan  Battista  Benedictine,  i. 
101. 

Tolentino,  bishopric  of,  i.  272. 

Torelhi,  Countess  Ludovico,  her  piety  and 
good  works,  i.  120. 

Torres,  Italian  bishop,  i.  298,  ii.  24  n.; 
nuncio  in  Poland,  appendix,  377. 

Tosco,  cardinal,  i.  300. 

Tournaments  at  Ferrara,  i.  450. 

Tournay,  Jesuits  established  by  Giovanni 
Montagna  at,  i.  366. 

Tradition,  why  received,  i.  135;  attach- 
ment to,  319. 

Traditions  of  the  church,  i.  132. 

Tragedy,  Italian,  i.  57,  60. 

Trent,  council  of,  objects  of  Paul  III  in 
convoking  the  first,  i.  130,  et  seq ;  the 
council  is  transferred  by  Paul  III  to 
Bologna,  162;  the  Imperial  bishops  re- 
main at  Trent,  164;  the  second  council 
of,  172,  191;  third  and  later  sittings  of, 
202,  el  seq.;  demands  made  bj'  French 
and  German  prelates,  203;  the  Spanish 
bisliojis,  204;  tlie  Italians  outnumbered 
the  prelates  of  the  three  nations,  ib; 
animosities  and  violence  at,  204,  206; 
tliis  council  had  a  satisfactory  result, 
212,  213;  decrees  of,  332,  333,  336,  502; 
ihc  professio^fidei,  agreed  upon  at  Trent, 
332,  351,  469;  Sarpi's  history  of,  ii.  ap- 
pendix, 290;  Pallavicini's  history  of, 
298. 

Treves,  ecclesiastical  electorate  of,  i.  313, 
323,  406;  Jacob  von  Eltz,  zeal  of  the 
elector,  333;  history  of  the  archbishops 
of,  ib. 

Tribes,  aboriginal,  dwelling  around  the 
Mediterranean,  i.  25. 

Trinita,  count  della,  i.  217,  218. 

Trinity,  the  holy,  visions  of,  i.  124,  125; 

doctrine  of,  292. 
Trivisan,    Domenigo  di,  Relatione  of,  ii. 

appendix,  263. 
Tropea,  Teofilo  di,  i.  137. 
Truchsess,   cardinal    Otlio,  his   exertions 
for    the  revival  of  Catholicism   in  Ger- 
many, i.  315,  324. 
Truchsess,    Gebhard,    elector    and    arcli- 
bishop  of  Cologne,  i.  347;  declares  for 
Lutheranism  and  marries,  367,  et  seq.; 
history  of  this  ecclesiastical  electorate, 
367,  368,  369. 
Turkey,  Jesuit  missions  in,  ii.  82, 
Turks,  crusade,  preached    against  them, 
but  not  responded  to,  i.  43,  46;  war  with 
Germany,  44,  82,  106,  157;  they  take 


Belgrade,  and  the  island  of  Rhodes,  72; 
Ottomans  invade  Hungary,  79,  406; 
their  war  with  Venice,  128,  158,  222; 
Suleiman  I  in  alliance  with  pope  Paul 
IV,  184;  attack  on  Malta  and  Cyprus, 
226,  337;  battle  of  Lcpanto  gained  by 
Don  John  of  Austria,  227;  eastern  con- 
nection established  by  Sixtus  V  against 
the  Ottoman  power,  417,  et  seq.;  Turk- 
ish defeats  by  the  armies  of  Austria,  ii. 
221. 

Tuscany,  dominion  of  the  Medici  in,i.  47, 
71,  80,  81;  the  inquisition  in,  139;  Cos- 
mo receives  the  title  of  grand  duke  of, 
221;  affairs  of,  486. 

Tyrol,  the,  Catholicism  of,  i.  319,  324, 
378. 


U. 

Umiliati,  order  of  the,  i.  223. 

Unigenitus,  the  bull,  ii.  232. 

Universities,  Italian,  oppressed  by  the  in- 
quisition, i.  139;  of  Bologna,  272;  of 
Cologne,  315,  321;  of  Dillingcn,  315, 
324;  of  Douay,  359;  of  Ferrara,  449;  of 
Heidelberg,  323;  of  Ingoldstadt,  322, 
325;  of  Lima,  ii.  76;  of  Mayence,  i.323; 
of  Mexico,  ii.  77;  of  Paris,  i.  126,  et  seq., 
444;  of  Rome,  274:  of  Vienna,  314,  376; 
of  Wiilembcrg,  i.  82,  312,  325. 

Unterwalden,  the  landamman  Melchior 
Lussi,  i.  357. 

Upsal,  archbishopric  of,  ii.  13,  14. 

Urban  II,  the  first  crusade  preached  by, 
i.  39. 

Urban  VII,  GiambattistaCastagna,  i.  427- 
428. 

Urban  VIII,  historical  detail  of  his  ponti- 
ficate, ii.  86;  his  leaning  to  France, 
87,  89;  sends  his  troops  into  the  Grisons, 
89;  his  intention  of  repudiating  the  con- 
ditions of  the  peace  of  Augsburg,  93; 
his  policy  with  regard  to  the  succession 
of  Mantua,  103-107;  his  family  and 
early  career,  103,  et  seq ;  his  songs  and 
apophthegms  of  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
menls,  in  Horatian  metres,  106;  he 
built  Castel  Franco,  or  fort  Urbano,  104, 
145;  his  military  and  other  establish- 
ments, 104;  his  habits  and  character  in 
administering  the  papal  government, 
105,  et  seq.;  his  vanity  and  ambition, 
106;  consequences  of  the  pope's  hostility 
to  the  house  of  Austria,  109,  117,  121; 
Ferdinand  II  complains  of  his  bad  faith, 
118;  the  Spaniards  protest  against  his 
conduct,  110;  states  of  the  church  in 
Urban's  pontificate,  129;  the  Italians 
offer  resistance  to  the  pontiff,  144,  145; 
he  fortifies  Rome,  145, 146;  his  devices 


506 


INDEX. 


to  replenish  his  treasury,  146;  he  signs 
the  peace  of  Castro,  148;  his  death  in 
1644,  ib.  For  historical  particulars  of, 
see  appendix,  356,  374,  381,  385,  400, 
407. 

Urban,  bishop  of  Laibach,  i.  321. 

Urbino,  ducal  state  of,  i.  51,  67,  71, 
233;  Guidobaldo  II  deprived  of  Came- 
rino,  !58;  affairs  of,  ii.  Ill;  escheat  of 
the  duchy  to  tlie  pope,  129-133. 

Uriani,  Girolumo,  his  institutions  for  or- 
phans and  the  education  of  the  poor  of 
Italy,  i.  119. 

Ursuline  nuns,  the,  ii.  46. 

Utrecht,  archbishopric  of,  ii.  232. 


V. 


Valdez,  Juan,  his  influence  at  Naples,  and 
religious  tenets,  i.  99,  et  seq. 

Valentini,  Filippo,  i.  138. 

Valentinian  III  supported  the  supremacy 
of  the  pope  of  Rome,  i.  29;  edict  oi',  29  n. 

Valiere,  Agostino,  bishop  of  Milan,  i.  298. 

Valle,  marchesa  della,  i.  187. 

Valteline,  the,  ii.  41;  GiaCopo  Robustelli, 
56;  treaty  respecting  the  occupation  of, 
86;  settlement  as  to,  90,  107;  affairs  of 
the,  appendix,  394. 

Vasa,  Gustavus,  his  will,  i.  310. 

Vasa,  John,  king  of  Sweden,  his  liturgy,  i. 
351,  ii.  14. 

Vatican,  palace  of  tlie  popes:  complexion 
of  the  court  of  the,  i.  61,  72,  107,  220, 
2Fi2;  archives  of  the,  84  n.;  printing- 
office  of  the,  273. 

Vega,  Lope  di,  i.  411. 

Vend6me,  duke  of,  i.  159. 

Venice,  dominions  and  power  of,  in  Italy, 
i.  47,  48,  50,  107,  233;  deprived  of  the 
sea-coast  of  the  papal  states  by  Julius 
II,  52;  literary  societies  in,  97;  constitu- 
tion of,  107,  236,  488,  497;  hospitals 
for  orphans  instituted  by  Uriani,  119; 
thealins  of,  128;  the  inquisition,  in,  140; 
the  Jesuits,  at,  141,  495,  498;  war  of 
Venice  against  the  Turks,  128,  157, 
226;  concludes  a  disadvantageous  peace, 
159;  politics  of,  168,  222;  power  of  the 
aristocracy  of,  235:  affairs  of,  258,  262, 
271,  344,  415,  416,  419,  ii.  85,  111,  114, 
144,  213;  church  of,  i.  298,  487,494, 
499;  Venetian  press,  488;  Venetian 
school  of  painting,  290;  narrative  of  the 
disputes  between  Rome  and  the  republic 
of,  485-500;  the  doge,  Leonardo Donato, 
excommunicated  by  Paul  V,  494;  the 
collegium  at,  494,  498;  affairs  of,  ii.  ap- 
pendix, 263,  381,  382,  404,  423;  the  dis- 
pacci  Vcneti,  appendix,  340,  et  passim. 

Venicr,  his  mission  to  Rome,  ii.  appendix, 
354,  463. 


Verger,  du,  the  abbot  of  St.  Cyran,  ii.  203; 
his  ascelical  hermitage  in  Paris,  204; 
his  death,  206. 

Verona,  disciples  of  the  church  at,  i.  222. 

Vervins,  peace  of,  i.  475,  et  seq. 

Vettori,  Francesco,  quoted,  i.  66,  69  n.,  77 
n.,  80  n.;  his  character  of  Clement  VII, 
75  n.;  history  of  Italy,  by,  ii.  appendix, 
283. 

Victoria,  Juan,  Jesuit,  i.  325. 

Vida,  excellent  Latin  poetry  of,  i.  56. 

Vida,  Ottenel,  on  church  government,  i. 
101. 

Vienna,  concordat  of,  i.  44;  the  bishop  of, 
proposes  extreme  measures  against  pro- 
testant  innovators,  106;  university  of, 
314,  376;  Jesuits'  college  at,  321;  com- 
mencement of  the  prohibition  of  protes- 
tant  worship  at,  by  Rudolf  II,  375,  376. 

Vieta,  works  of,  i.  491. 

Villanova,  Francesco,  Spanisli  Jesuit,  i. 
141. 

Villcroi,  duke  de,  i.  496. 

Virgin,  the.  Mother  of  Jesus,  i.  122;  Loy- 
ola's prayers  to,  122,  148;  chapel  of,  at 
Lorcto,  272;  celebrated  paintings  of, 
294;  various  celebrated  shrines  of,  272, 
364,  373. 

Visconti,  monsignorino,  murder  of,  i.  196. 

Visconti,  letters  and  negotiations  of,  ii. 
appendix,  295. 

Visigoths,  the,  Arian  tenets  of,  i.  31. 

Visitation,  order  of,  of  Mere  de  Chantel, 
ii.  45. 

Vitellcschi,  Mutio,  general  of  the  Jesuits, 
ii.  197. 

Vitelli,  Italian  noble  family  of,  i.  51. 

Viterbo,  priors  of,  i.  234. 

Vittoria,  problem  as  to  this  Spanish  ship 
arriving  home  a  day  later  after  circum- 
navigation of  the  world,  tiian  the  journal 
of  the  voyage  showed,  i.  107. 

Vossius,  Isaac,  ii.  172. 

Vulgate,  the,  i.  102,  132. 

W. 

Wald  cantons,  the  Swiss  and  Piedmontese, 
i.  357. 

Waldeck,  Bernard  von,  i.  369  n. 

Waldenses,  the,  i.  317. 

Wallenstein,  celebrated  general  of  the  im- 
perialists, ii.  99,  116;  devotion  of  the 
imperialists  to,  116. 

Walloons,  the,  i.  319,  358;  the  Walloon 
provinces,  catholic,  359;  armed  insurrec- 
tion of,  deserted  by  their  generals,  362; 
submit  to  Philip  II,  363. 

Walther,  Hans,  defeats  the  Swiss,  i.  185. 

War,  misery  resulting  from,  i.  119,  120; 
war  involves  the  destinies  of  religion, 
363;  the  thirty  years',  ii.  49-55. 


INDEX. 


507 


Weller,  Gerhard,  Jesuit,  i.  373. 

West,  empire  of  the,  under  Charlemagne, 
i.  34. 

Westphalia,  Lutheran  religion  in,  i.  313, 
369;  catholic  clergy  restored,  369;  spi- 
ritual  articles  of  the  peace  of  Westpha- 
lia, ii.  122,  123. 

William  III  and  Mary  II  secure  the  pro- 
testant  faith  in  England,  ii.  222. 

Wirteniberg,  duke  of,  driven  from  his 
states  by  the  Austrians,  i.  87;  restored 
by  the  arms  of  Philip  of  Hesse,  88;  the 
reformation  established  in,  ib.;  convents 
of  this  duehy  confiscated,  314;  the  duke 
of,  signs  the  protestant  union,  ii.  35. 

Wittenberg,  university  of,  obnoxious  to 
Rome,  on  account  of  Martin  Luther,  i. 
82,  312. 

Wittgenstein,  count,  a  Lutheran,  i.  367. 

Wladislaus  III  of  Poland,  his  designs  on 
Moscow,  ii.  53. 

Wladislaus  IV,  king,  tolerant  to  the  dissi- 
dents of  protestants,  ii.  123. 

Wolsey,  cardinal,  appointed  legate,  i.  44, 
88  n. 

Women,  celebrated  Italian,  i.  99,  454. 

Works,  sanctification  by,  i.  125,  132,  468. 

Worms,  diet  of,  in  1521,  i.  69. 

Wiirzburg,  the  reformed  church  of,  i.  311, 
372;  Jesuits  at,  323,  373;  Catholicism 
confirmed  in,  by  bishop  Julius  Echter, 
371-374;  ii.  51,61. 

Wyborg,  Lutheran  bishopric  of,  i.  310. 


X. 


Xavier,  St.  Francis,  taught  spiritual  exer- 
cises by  Loyola,  i.  126;  is  sent  by  John 
III  of  Portugal  to  the  East  Indies  ,141; 
ii.  59,  77;  his  canonization,  58. 


Ypres,  Jesuits  of,  i.  366. 


Zaccaria,  founder  of  the  Barnabites,  i.  120. 
Zamoyski,  Polish  chancellor,  ii.  20,  23. 
Zanetti,  Guido,  i.  222. 
Zebrydowsky,  palatine  of  Cracow,  ii.  23, 

24. 
Zeno,  Rainiero,  Relatione  from  Rome  by, 

ii.  appendix,  381,  382. 
Zorzi,  Marin,  Relatione  di,  quoted,  i.  60 

n.;  ii.  appendix,  264;  i.  66  n.,  67  n. 
Zeal,   confradictions   betv?een   pious  and 

atrocious,  i.  40. 
Zug,  canton  of,  i.  392. 
Zulian,  Girolamo,  his  Relatione  di  Roma, 

ii.  appendix,  465. 
Zustinian,  or  Giustiniani,  his  Relatione  di 

Roma,  ii.  appendix,  423. 
Zutphen  conquered  by  the  Spaniards,  i. 

368. 


FINIS. 


BOOKS, 

PUBLISHED 

BY 

LEA  &  BLANCHARD 

PHILADELPHIA. 


NAVAL   HISTORY 


THE  UNITED  STATES. 

BY  J.  FENIMORE  COOPER,  ESQ. 

IN  TWO  HANDSOME  VOLUMES,  BOUND  IN  EMBOSSED  CLOTH. 

A  new  edition  revised  and  corrected  with  an  index  to  the  volumes. 


We  liave  pursued  this  history  witli  no  little 
curiosit}'  and  with  great  interest.  Consider- 
ing the  brief  existence  of  tlie  American  ma- 
rine, its  annals  are  more  eventful,  more  ro- 
mantic, and  more  various,  than  any  in  exis- 
tence.  Notiiing  can  surpass  the  energy  which 
enabled  the  United  States  to  form  an  effective 
navy,  at  a  time  when  they  could  hardly  be 
said  to  have  had  a  political  existence,  and 
when  they  were  beset  by  greater  difficulties 
than  any  which  an  infant  nation  had  ever  yet 
to  encounter.  This  consideration  has  ani- 
mated the  present  historian,  whose  enthusiasm 
seems  to  be  kindled  by  his  oOice  of  clironicler, 
even  more  than  when  lie  formerly  sought  in- 
spirations from  the  same  sourse  in  construc- 
ting his  famous  stories  of  the  sea.  His  na- 
tional pride  has,  however,  not  tempted  him  to 
be,  after  the  nianner  of  his  countrymen,  vain- 
glorious as  regards  his  own  nation,  and 
abusive  towards  otiiers.  His  worlc,  accord- 
dingly,  is  more  fair  and  candid  than  could 
have  been  expected  on  such  a  theme  from  an 
American  pen.  Altogether  this  history  is  a 
valuable  one,  and  cannot  fail  to  pass  into  uni- 
versal circulation.  The  incidents  which  took 
place  in  the  naval  war  with  Tripoli,  are 
grander  and  more  heroic  than  any  thing  in 
the  circle  of  romance,  and  arc  detailed  with 
all  the  vigor  and  animation  of  Mr.  Cooper's 
genius. — British  Naval  and  Military  Maga- 
zine. 

The  History  of  the  Navy  of  the  United 
States  from  the  earliest  period  of  its  exist- 
ence, in  the  dawn  of  the  llevolution,  through 
24 


all  its  discourag-ements,  reverses,  trials  and 
glory,  was  a  task  worthy  of  the  author  who 
had  established  a  reputation  as  a  descrlber  of 
nautical  events,  superior  to  that  of  any  other 
living  writer.  The  task  has  been  so  per- 
formed as  to  leave  nothing  to  desire.  No 
work  of  higher  interest  has  been  published 
in  the  United  States  for  many  years.  The 
theme  is  one  which  Mr.  Cooper  seems  to  treat 
coyi  amore  and  for  which  his  early  life  and 
education  fitted  \\\m^  above  all  other  men. 
If  we  are  not  mistaken,  the  publication  of 
this  book  is  calculated  to  heighten  the  already 
exalted  estimate  in  which  the  Navy  is  held, 
and  to  render  it  still  more,  if  possible,  a  fa- 
vourite with  the  nation.  Whilst  Mr.  Cooper 
has,  at  all  times,  given  full  credit  to  the  offi- 
cers and  crews  of  the  vessels  whose  victories, 
during  the  late  war,  shed  so  much  renown 
upon  our  arms,  he  has  not  been  guilty  of  the 
bad  taste,  which  a  writer  of  less  discrimina- 
tion would  scarcely  have  avoided,  of  indulg- 
ing a  vainglorious  spirit  and  a  disparaging 
tone  in  reference  to  our  great  rival  upon  the 
ocean.  The  glories  of  American  victories 
are  fully  portrayed,  whilst,  at  the  same  time, 
care  is  taken,  in  every  case  to  exhibit  a  fair 
and  impartial  estimate  of  the  strength  and 
appointments  of  antagonists'  vessels  or  fleets. 
In  this  way  the  work  acquires  the  credit  due 
to  a  grave  and  impartial  history.  The  book 
is  splendidly  published  by  Lea  and  Blanch- 
ard. — Baltimore  Chrmvde. 


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that  it  will  be  very  apt  to  cause  its  eig-hteen 
predecessors  to  be  neglected,  if  not  forgotten . 
— Literary  Gazette. 

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costly  volume  before  us  a  form  worthy  of  its 


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— Jltlas. 


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NOW  PREPARING  A  COMPLETE  EDITION 

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INCLUDIN'G  UPWARDS  OF  THREE  HUNDRED  NEW  LETTERS. 

Theivhole  noiv  first  chronologicalhj  arranged,  the  Names  inserted  at  full 
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FORMING    AN   ANECDOTAL    HISTORY 

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AN  HISTORICAL  INQUIRY  INTO 
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fluence of  their  Increase  or  Diminntion  on 
the  Prices  of  Commodities.  By  William 
Jacob,  Esq.  F.  R.  S.     In  Svo. 

MUDIE'S  HEAVENS. 

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teresting' we  have  ever  read. 

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tour  in  the  East,  by  Alphonse  de  la 
Martine.     Fourth  Edition. 


9916irB„  251 

86-10-84  32188     MC 


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Princeton 


Theological  Seminat^Ubrar^^^ 


1    1012  01261    9708 


